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CONTEN" E d ito ria l ...... 2 The Early Life and Work of President Robert Gabriel Mugabe ...... 6 F a m ily P ic to ria l ...... 3 2 ZANU (PF) and the Executive Presidency ...... 38 Presidential Pension and Retirement Benefits Bill, 1987 ...... 39 End of Year Central Committee Meeting P o in ts ra is e d t...... 4 0 Full Text of Historic Unity Agreement ...... 44 0)fffi Zimbabwe News is the 6fficial News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union [ZANU (PF] and is produced on the ulhorily of the Central Committee by tht, Department of Information and Pubicty, Jongwe Printing and Pubhso ng Co., No. 14 Austin R~ad, Workington, Harare World Copyright, Central Committee JZANU (PF)I Editorial Council: Cde. N.M Shamuyatra, Cde. SS. Mumb.?ngegwi, Cde C. Ndhlovu' Cde. J. Zvobgo, Cde K Batsirayi: Cde M Munyati, Cde C Nduku (Managing) Picures by Jongwe Archives, Zimbabwe News papers and Ministry of Informaton ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Editorial Enter the New Executive President The installation of the President and First Secretary of our Party, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, as the first Executive President of Zimbabwe, is a major step on the road to our national aspiration of total political and economic independence. This is a great moment in the history of our young nation. The celebration taking place in our major cities will be welcomed by the entire nation of Zimbabwe. Although the main events will take place in Harare, all provincial and district capitals have organised cultural activities for the local population. We welcome the heads of governments from the frontline states who will join us in our moment of happiness and jubilation. We congratulate the Constitutional Committee of the party, under the chairmanship of Comrade Maurice T. Nyagumbo, Secretary for Administration, and Acting Political Commissar, for the work it has done to implement some of the resolutions of the Second Congress. Some of the clauses that were forced upon us at the Lancaster House Conference in 1979, by the British Government, and their puppets, have now been removed. Still others have to be removed in 1990. The task given to the Committee is not yet completed, but the most difficult part has been accomplished. The voices of racism and reaction in the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ) have been removed from Parliament and silenced. These voices were the last vestiges of the colonial era. They were not an opposition, but representatives of a dying era. We are glad our Parliament is still multi-racial, but now more united and broadly representative of all Zimbabweans, and new socio-political order. The principle that guides the party in this area is democratic centralism. The legislative programme and the constitutional changes we have introduced are intended to achieve that principle. In brief, democratic centralism, means establishing institutions and organs that debate openly, fully, and democtraticall]v all issues on which decisions have to be made. Criticism of theirs and self- criticism of oneself must be the hall mark of such debates, in order to reach a broad consensus. Once a consensus has emerged, all facts are presented to the leadership for a final decision by the central leadership of the Party, in this case the Presidency. That decision now binds all party members, irrespective of the position they took during the debate. In our case, in essence the Central Committee and the Parliament become the organs of democratic debate; and the Presidency the organ for centralised decisionmaking, although Parliament remains the supreme legislative body. While the installation of the Executive President strengthens our hand in the political field, we still have a long way to go to consolidate our independence in all other fields of our young society. In the economic field in particular, we still have to redouble our efforts to control those domestic factors that we can and should control. The second Congress charged us with the responsibility of attaining economic independence. Even in the cultural field which should not present as many difficulties, a lot of work still needs to be done to remove the influences of cultural imperialism so prevalent in our society; and to find our own cultural indentity. However, the centralisation and consolidation of political power, will make it possible for our Party to have a greater thrust, and to give a positive lead, in all aspects of the national life. Welcome to Comrades-in-arms We welcome our friends and neighbours of the Frontline States to the installation of our First Ex. ecutive President. This great moment in our history sh~uld be shared with those states and political parties that have endured handships and supported us in our long march to freedom, independence and nationhood. Our bonds of friendship were forged irrevocably in the blood that was spilt, and the bones of our fighters that were interred tin their soils. Those bonds of friendship will sustain our joint efforts today and in future to consolidate our hardwon independence. In particular, we would like to welcome two Presidents who come from outside our region Comrade Mengistu Mariam of Ethiopia, and Comrade Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. They are waging a relentless struggle against the highly divisive social forces of feudalism and tribalism, and warding off impehalist designs from outside their borders. Inspite of these pressures, they have successfully initiated programmes of national unity and economic reconstruction. We also welcome in our midst the leaders of liberation movements who are waging wars of national liberation in Namibia and South Africa. Their struggle is an integral part of our own struggle. Indeed, none of us in this region can enjoy the fruits of freedom, until the Apartheid regime has been destroyed, root and branch. Our brothers and sisters in Namibia and South Africa have scored some major victories in difficult circumstances. They continue to cry out for the support that we are able to give them. Enter President Mugabe The hearts and minds of all the people of Zimbabwe will be filled with joy as they welcome the ascen- ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 dancy of their beloved leader, Comrade Robert G. Mugabe, to the exalted position of Executive President. The people of Zimbabwe showed their joy and tremendous support for him on that historic Sunday morning, January 27, 1980, when he returned to his motherland from exile in Maputo. The largest crowd of people that had ever been seen in the political history of Rhodesia gathered at Highfield to welcome him, and to sing revolutionary songs that cannot be forgotten. The people stood by him and expressed their support in the general elections of February 1980, and again in June 1985. The people's love for their leader, and his total commitment to their national aspirations, is one of the firm foundation stones on which the new Zimbabwe nation has been built. Indeed, there are many historic moments in the examplary life of our leader, Comrade Robert Mugabe. One such moment was on the evening of March 4, 1980 when he extended a hand of friendship to those representatives of reactionary social forces he had defeated in the first general election. The policy of reconciliation told every Zimbabwean to forget the past, forgive the evil doers, and forge one nation. The defeated reactionary thrown into a total disarray from which they have not recovered. But, the policy of reconciliation did more than that. It also invited minority parties that had mistaken ideas about themselves, our country, and our people, to come forward and work with the people under the umbrella of ZANU (PF). That invitation has been taken up by the more serious-minded minority parties, resulting in the large measure of national unity that has now been achieved. That is another firm foundation stone on which the new Zimbabwe is being built. Comrade Mugabe has brought respect and prestige to our young nation. He is now an international figure whose voice is listened to by all nations, big and small. Zimbabweans were truly proud of him when he assumed the chairmanship of the nonaligned movement (NAM) barely 5 years after our independence. Under his leadership, the conduct and implementation of our foreign policy has been both progressive and forceful. More importantly, our chairmanship of NAM has put the international spotlight where it should be - on the region of Southern Africa, and other regions too. The Management and Staff of Jongwe Printing and Publishing Company congratulates Comrade President R.G. Mugabe on his installation IMITRA lI LTD. 61 JULIUS NYERERE WAY, P.O. BOX 4048, HARARE PHONE 707570, 793470. IMPORT AND EXPORT INTERNATIONAL We are major suppliers of: School Stationery School Furniture Office Equipment Hardware Do not hesitate to call on us! ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Kugadzwa kweMutungamiri webato rcdu Comrade Robert Mugabe kuva Mutungamiri weNyika ane masimba ekutungamirirazve hurumende idanho guru kwazvo muvavariro yedu yekuti tisununguke zvizerc munyaya dzernatongerwo enyika nezveupfumi. Chinhu chikuru kwazvo munhorowondo dzenyika yedu. Kupembera kuri kuita vanhu mumaguta enyika ino kunofarirwa zvikuru nezvizvarwa zveZimbabwe yose. Kunyange zvazvo gungano guru richaitirwa muHarare, madhorobha mazhinji akagadzira zvirongwa zvichaitirwa vagari veko. Tinotenda vatungamiri venyika dzemaFrontline vachangc vainesu pakugadzwa kwemutungamiri mutsva. Tinopembedza komiti inoronga nezvemitemo yenyika, inotungamirirwa naComrade Maurice Nyagumbo, ,munyori anowona nekufambiswa kwebasa mubato, nebasa rayakaita, pakuzadzikisa zvimwe zvezvisungo zvakabvunnranwa paCongress yepiri yebato. Mimwe mitemo yataimanikidzirwa nebumbiro remiterno yakaumbwa pamusango weLancaster muna 1979 neBritain nezvimbwasungata zvayo yakazobviswa. Mimwe ichazobviswa muna 1990. Mutoro wakapiwa komiti iyi hauna kupera asi basa guru rakaitwa. Nhengo dzebato rerusaruraganda reConservative Alliance of Zimbabwe dzakabviswa muparamendi. Dzakanga dzisiripo sebato raipikisa hurumende asi kuti dzaimiririra kuparara kwehutongi hwevasvetasimba. Tinofara kuti muparamendi medu muchine vanhu vemarudzi akatsaukana asi iyezvino vose vave kumiririra zvizvarwa zveZimbabwe. Owara rinotevedzwa nebato nderekuzadzikisa zvido zvevazhinji. Apa tinoreva kuumba matare anokurukura zvizere nyaya dzose dzinokosha. Nhengo dzematare aya dzinofanira kunge dzichitsiurana kana paine panenge pakanganisiki kuitira kuti dzose dzigozosvika pakuwirirana. Kana dzawirirana zvinenge zvabudapo zvinozoendeswa kuvatungamiri, kwazvinozon6wongororwa nernutungamiri webato kuti zvigozobvurrkwa. Kana zvisungo -izvozvo zvabvumwa zvave kutofanira kuchitevedzwa nenhengo dzese dz&ato. Paramendi neSenate ndiwo matare anokurukura nezvemiterno asi ichizobvumwa nemutungamiri wenyika. Asi zvazvo paramendi ndiro dare repamusoro-soro rinoronga mitemo yenyika. Kunyange zvazvo kugadzwa kwemutungamiri wenyika ane masimba ekutungamirirazve hurumende kuchitipa simba' mune zvematongerwo enyika, tichine rwendo rurefu sekuti tinofanira kusimbaradza rusununguko rwedu mumabasa akasiyana-siyana. Munezveupfumi, tinofanira kushanda nesimba kuti huve mumaoko everuzhinji. Congress yepiri yebato yakaitwa yakatipa chisungo chekuti tizvisunungure mune zveupfumi. Kunyange munezve-tsika pane zvizhinji zvirikudawo kuitwa kubvisa tutsika twevapambevhu turikusvibisa tsika dzezvizvarwa zveZimbabwe. Zvisinei kuunganidzwa panzvimbo imwe kwemasimba ekutonga kuchabatsira kuti bato rifambire mberi zvakanaka nezvirongwa zvekusimudzira veruzhinji. Kuchingamidma kwemaComrades Ari Kurwa Hondo Tinochingamidza nemufaro, sbamwari nevavakidzani vedu vanobva munyika dzemaFrontline vakauya kuzove pakugadzwa kwemutungamiri wenyika wekutanga ane masimba ekutungamirirazve hurumende. Panguva inoyatiine mufaro wakadai tinofanira kunge tiine dzimwe nyika pamwe nernapato zvaititsigira muhondo yedu yerusununguko. Ushamwari hwedu hwakasimbaradzwa neropa rakadeurwa pamwe nemapfupa evarwi verusununguko akafutsirwa muvhu renyika yavo. Usahwira ihohu huchatitungamirira muzvirongwa zvedu zvekusimbaradza rusununguko rwatakawana shure kwekudeuka kweropa rakawanda. Kunyanya tinoda kuchingamidza vatungamiri vaviri vabva kunyika dziri kunze kwedunhu rino, Comrade Mengistu Haile Mariam vekuEthiopia naComrade Yoweri Museveni veUganda. Munyika mavo varikurwisana nernasangano anokanganisa kubudirira kwenyika arikuda kuzvitonga mune mamwe matunhu, arikurwisa hurumende dzavo arikunze kwenyika. Asi kunyange zvazvo zvakadai, vatungamiri ava vakakwanisa kutanga zvirongwa zvekuyananisa vanhu venyika dzavo pamwe nezvekusimudzira upfurni. !yezve tinogashira nemufaro, vatunganuri vemasangano ari kurwira rusununguko muNamibia neSouth Africa. Hondo yavo ihondo yeduwo. Hapana ani nani wedu angave nerusununguko chairwo mudunhu muno kunze kwekunge hurumende yemabhunu yaparadzwa. Hama dzedu muSouth Africa neNamibia dzirikukwanisa kukunda muvengi pane dzimwe nguva asi zvinhu zvinenge zvakawomarara zvikuru kwadziri. Tinofanira kudzibatsira nepatinogona. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Kugadzwa kweMutungamiri Mutsva weNyika Kugashirwa kweMutungamiri weHurumende Vanhu veZimbabwe vachafara zvikuru pakugadzwa kwemutungamiri wavanodisa Comrade Robert 0. Mugabe kuti vachive mutungamiri wenyika. Vanhu vemuZimbabwe vakaratidza kufara kwavo kukuru rungwanani rwemusi, weSvondo Ndira 27, muna 1980 pakadzoka Comrade Mugabe kumusha vachibva kuMaputo. Vanhu vakawanda zvikuru vakaungana kuHighfield kunomuchingamidza vachiimba nziyo dzechimurenga dzisingazofa dzakakanganikwa. Vanhu vakamutsigira zvakare pasarodzo yakaitwa muna Kukadzi 1980, neye muna 1985. Mutungamiri uyu anodiwa zvikuru neveruzhinji nekuti akazvipira kuzadzikisa zvido zvavo. Pane zvinhu zvizhinji muhupenyu hwaComrade Robert Mugabe zvinoratidza kururama kwavo. Chimwe chezvinhu izvi chakaitika nemusi waKurume 4 muna 1980. Nezuva iroro vakatsvaga kuwirirana nernapato evatengesi avakanga vakunda pasarudzo huru yekutanga. Chirongwa chavakavamba chekuregererana chaiti munhu wese weZimbabwe akanganwe kuvengana kose kwaivapo kare vanhu vose vabatane. Chaikokawo mamwe mapato ezvematongerwo enyika kuti ashandire pamwe nebato revanhu reZANU (PF). Kurudziro iyi yakabvumwa nernamwe mapato aiva nevavariro yechokwadi yekutsvaga runyararo, zvakaita kuti pave nekuyanana kwevanhu venyika ino sezvatiri kuwona nhasi. Comrade Mugabe vakaita kuti nyika yedu iremekedzwe zvikuru. lyezvino vave munhu anembiri munyika zhinji dzapasi pose, vanoti vakataura chinhu chinoteererwa. Vanhu veZimbabwe vakafadzwa naye zvikuru paakagadzwa usachigaro; hwesangano renyika dzisina divi radzakarerekera reNon-Aligned Movement, tisati tambosvitsa makore mashanu tasununguka. Nekuda kweutungamiri hwavo, miterno inotevedzwa nenyika ino pakudyidzana kwayo nedzekunze, iri kubudirira zvikuru. Chimwezve chikuru-kuru, kupiwa kwakaitwa Zimbabwe usachigaro hweNAM, kwakaita kuti njika dzepasi pose dzizive zvakanyanya nezviri kuitika mudunhu rino rekuchamhembe . kweAfrica.

Ukugcotshwa kukaMongameli omutsha w6lizwe, ongumkhokheli webandle lethu, uComrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, njengoMongameli wakuqala oyabe elamandla okukhokhels 1111we loHulumende kwele Zimbabwe, linyathelo eliqakatheklleyo skugcwaliseni uzibuse wethu kwezombuso lakunotho yelizwe lethu. UzuJu wonke weleZimbabwe ezigabeni zonke zelizwe wemukela ngentokozo enkulu lumkhosL Lobanie umkhosi omkhulu uyakwenzelwa eHarare, imikhosi yokuthakazelela, ukugcotshwa kukaMongamell omutsha llungiselolwo ezabelweni zonke zelizwe lapho okuzakwenziwe lemidhialo yesintu. Sitshayele lhlombhe ikomidi. ebibona ngesisekelo sombuso welizwe ebikhokhelwa nguComrade Maurice Nyagumbo ongunobhala webandle ebons ngokuqutshwa kwamisebenzi lokufundiswe kwendaba zombuso welizwe ngomsebenzi omuhle okugcwallswa kwezinqumo ezabuniwa kuCongress yesibill. Eminye imithetho eyethulwa phezu kwethu ngaphansi kwesisekelo sombuso seLancaster House ngo1979 nguHulumende weBritain lezikhothamathe zakhe seyasuswa. Eminye kuyafanele isuswe ngo-1990. Umsebenzi owanikwa likomidi kawukapheli kodwake umsebenzi onzima usuwenziwe. Abameli babahuquluzi lababandlululi bebandia leConservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ) sebasuswa kudale lePalamende nokunapakade. Siyathokoze ngoba idele lethu lePalamende seliguqukile lamelwa yimihlobo etshiyeneyo kungela bandlululo. Kodwake sekusele ukuthi siqinise umanyano kunguquko yenhialakahle yeleZimbabwe. lsinqumo esikhokhela ibandla ngesokugcwalidwa kwezifiso zenengi. Lesi sinqumo sikhuthaza ukuthl zonkeindabs zelizwe zikhulunywe sobala kube lokuphathisana lokuvumelana ekufinyoleleni kumasu enqu-, bela phambili yelizwe. Ngemva kokuvumelana amasu Is ethulelwa umkhbkheli webandla oyabe enguMongameli weliwe. Angemukels Iasi sinqumo sisuka sibe ngumthetho okuyamele ulandelwe ngemalunga onke ebandia. Ngelizayo elizweni lethu indaba zalolu hlobo ziyahlafunwa yeCentral Committee ledale lePalamende zingakethulelwa uMongameli welizwe. Lobanie ukugcotshwa kukaMongamail omutsha kuqinisa uzibuse wethu, kuseselokunangi okufanele sikuguquie niengoba slyisizwe eslkhulayo. Njengomzekeliso, ogetshene 1wezenotho useselokunengi okufanele sikwenze - ekukhokheleni lolu gatshe. lCongress yesibill yasipha umsebenzi omkhulu wokuthi sizikhulule kwezenotho yelizwe. Lakugstsha lwezamasiko kuseselobunzima obuthize ngoba imikhuba yabehuquluzi llokhu liandelwa linengi. Kodwake leli nyathelo lokuqinisa uzibuse fizesiphathisa ekugcwaliseni lzifiso zethu. Semukela amacomrades alwela uzibuse Semukela abangane labomakhelwane bethu bamazwe eFrontline ekugcotshweni kukaMongameli wethu omutsha olamandia okukhokhela uhulumende lelizwe. Leal sikhathi esiqakathekileyo kakhulu embalini yethu sisichithe silebula lamazwe kanye lamabandle onk&lulekolabhekana lobunzima obukhulu kakhulu skusisekeleni ngesikhathi shwele inkululeko yethu. Ubungane bethu babuniwa ngegazi alachitheke ngesikhathl sempi yenkululeko a/&chithekela emazweni abo kanye lamathambho abalweli benkuluieko yethu angcwatshwa emazweni abo. Lobu bungane buzaqubekela phambill buginise uzibuse wethu. Ikhakhulu semukels uMongameli Mengistu Haile Mariam wele Ethiopia IaComrsde Yowerl Museveni weleUganda. Babhekane lempi yomdeni adalwe ngabahuquluzi bamazwe ngaphandle kwemigcole yamazwe abo. Lobakunjalo baqubekele phembili ngehlelo zokuqinisa umanyano lokuthuthukisa inotho yamazwe abo. Siyemukela nislo abakhokheli benhianganiso ezilwela uzibuse eNamibia leSouth Africa. Impi yabo ngeyethu. Amazwe ethu kawasoze athole ukuthule okuqotsho ngaphsndle kokuba umbuso wobandlululo lwamabhunu usubhidhliziwe. lzih1obo zethu eNamibia IeSouth Africa ziyanqoba emabhunu kodwake badinga usekelo kithl. Semukela uComrade Mugabe Inqondo lenhliziyo zemuli yeZimbabwe zizachitheka ngentokozo ekwomukeleni kwazo umkhokheli wethu othandekayo uComrade Robert G. Mugabe skugcotshweni kwakhe ekubeni nguMongameli oyakuba lamandia okukhokhele ilizwe loHulumende. Inengi IeZimbabwe latshengisela ukuthokoza okungelingeniswe ngaleliya langa lapho aphindlele khona ekhaya ngesonto okuseni mh1aka 27 ngoZibandlela ngo1980. EHarare ngalelo ianga kwabuthana abantu abangazake babonakale embhalini yaleii lizwe besemukela uComrade Mugabe evela eMaputo. Babuthana emuzini we-Highfield bahlabela ingoma zombuso welizwe ezingasoze zokhohlakala. Abantu bakulell bama bemsekele betshengisela Jolu sekelo okhethweni lwangoNhiolania, ngo1980, kanye langoNhlangula ngo 1985. lZimbebwe yakhiwe phezu kothando lomkhokheli wabo kanye lokuzinikela kwakhe ekugcwaliseni izifiso zabo. Kulemizekeliso eminengi yobukhokheii eyenziwe ngumkhokholi wethu uComrade Robert Mugabe. Omunye umzekeliso yikwelula Isandle sokuxolelana akwenza mh1aka 4 ngoMabasa ngo1980 ngemva kokube benqotshiwe okhethweni o1wenziwayo. Ukuxo1elana 1okhu kwakusitsho ukuthi imuli yeZimbowe kwakufanele lkhohlwe okwayizolo kube lokumanyana sibumbhe isizwe sinye. Izikhothamethe zabahuquiuzi zehlulwa kokuphela zaphaphatheka nokunaphakade. UComrsde Mugabe waphlnda wanxusa amebandla amancane ukuthi amanyane iebandia lenengi ele ZA NU (PF) ekusebenzolanon! ndawonye ekwakheni iilzwe lethu. Linkuthazo yemukelwe nialo kwenziwa inkulumo zomanyano ukuze isizwe sethu sibambane sibe munye uqobo. Lesi yisisekelo esiqinileyo esesakhiwe yimuli yeZimbabwe. UComrade Mugabe ulethe inhionipho enkulu elizweni lethu. Lamuhla usengumhlonitshwa odunyiswa ngsmazwe amanengi omhlabs. lZimbsbwe yamudumisa kakhulu ekukhethweni kwakhe ekubeni ngumgcinisihlalo wenhianganiso yamazwe angakhethi hlangothi eye Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), singakafikisi iminyaka emihlanu sithole uzibuse. Sesiphumelele okwamagama kubudielwano bethu lamanye amazwe ngaphansi kwenkokhelo kaComrade Mugabe. Ubukokheli bukaComrade Mugabe enhlangan I sweni yeNAM kulethe ukukhanya ngeningizimu kwezwekazi kweAfrica. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Ukugcotshwa koMkhokhell Omutsha weUzwe

The early life and work of President Robert Gabriel Mugabe Robert Gabriel Mugabe, is a name now recognised and acclaimed even in the remote corners of the globe. Yet at the beginning of the Geneva Conference in 1976, just four years before he became Zimbabwe's Prime Minister, his face had never appeared in the Press of his home country for a decade, and to the world in general he was still an unknown quantity. He became leader of the main liberatioh movement, ZANU(PF) in 1977; the first Prime Minister of an independent Zimbabwe in 1980; Chairman of the NonAligned Movement in 1986; and now the First Executive President of Zimbabwe in 1988. That, in a nutshell, is the success story of the President and First Secretary of our Party - Comrade Robert G. Mugabe. Black Zimbabweans had of course, since recognised him as the one who would lead them to freedom. When he had first addressed the crowds in 1961, he had stirred them from the bleak apathy of that era, kindled hope and a resurgence of pride and dignity. Yet for many years afterwards, he was to eschew the leadership of ZANU. First and foremost he was and is a man who cherishes certain basic principles, believes in them, and adheres to them. "Principles are like a monument, you know", he says; "at least, that's what they become if you are guided by them and are dedicated to them. Sacrifice that monument and I don't think you could ever reconcile yourself to that surrender". His life until 1980, committed to the liberation of Zimbabwe, was largely grim and austere, punctuated by periods of anguish, though he never succumbed to despair - "people differ in their forms of endurance", he observes. "Some can cope with more than others. I suppose it is simple because I believed in the cause, and knew we would triumph, though I realised it might take a long time in coming". Secondly, he is a hard worker. He works an 18-hour day, and even his annual vacation is referred to in inverted commas by his staff, who well know that it will prove to be merely a watered-down version of his normal packed schedule. From his formative years, a pattern emerged that has never faltered: relentless hard work, study, application, unwavering dedication: he has never known, nor wanted, any other way of life. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, a name now recognised and acclaimed even in the remotest corner of the globe Thirdly, he is a man of honesty and integrity. That quality has permeated through all his political work, building trust from colleagues and respect from his opponents. More importantly it has built the bond of trust and confidence in him by the masses of Zimbabwe. Beginnings at Kutama Robert Gabriel Mugabe was born on the 23rd February, 1926 at Kutama Mission in the Zvimba.Communal area. He was the third son of six children born to Gabriel and Bona Mugabe. Baby Raphel "... A pattern emerged that has never faltered: Relentless hardwork, study, application, unwavering dedication: He has never known nor wanted, any other way of life." ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1 died at six months of diarrohea,and the eldest boy, Michael, was to meet a tragic end. Donatius was to come after Robert; and there were two daughters, Sabina and Bridget. Life at Kutama Mission (Catholic) was hard and rigorous. The head of the Mission, Father Loubiere, ruled the community firmly, as if it were a mediaeval fiefdom; everyone had to be at church by 6 a.m. each morning, and this was followed by classes in religious instruction. The families had to put in a certain amount of time cultivating the communal fields before they were allowed to attend to their own. Evening prayer, also compulsory, was at 7 p.m. after that the whole village would kneel before the priest to receive his blessings for the day. , When Gabriel Mugabe suggested to Father Loubiere that his son, Michael already showing signs of academic brilliance - should be given the opportunity of a wider education than that which was offered at Kutama, it was little short of sacrilege to the autocratic priest. He flew into a rage and banished Gabriel from the community. Mrs Bona Mugabe Karigamombe home at weekends to see his parents and paternal grandfather. Michael's Tragic Death In 1934 on a hot day, after the 14-mile journey, he fell ill. Reluctant to seek professional help from the mission hospital lest Michael be admitted, his grandparents resorted to Michael's maternal uncle, who administered some of his own medicine'. After two days the boy died. Gabriel was distraught. He accused Bona's brother of having been responsible for Michael's death, and decided to severe relations with the whole family. In his grief, he sought to distance himself as far as possible from the clan, and left Kutama, to set up a new home and way of life in far-off Bulawayo. At nine, Robert Mugabe had to become man of the house. A sensitive, quiet little boy, he swallowed his own distress and resolved to sacrifice everything possible in order to improve his mother's lot and ensure that his younger brothers and sisters were educated properly. Happily, he had the best possible of mentors: Loubiere's successor, Father Jerome O'Hea, was a very different personality. Strict but kindly, he combined an excellent academic programme with periodic treats for his young pupils, such as piling them all into his truck and taking them for a swimming party in the Manyame River each Thursday. His teaching methods kindled what was to I become a lifelong love of learning and studying in the young Robert Mugabe. Biology in those days was a particular favourite and by Standard Four; he could recite all the bones in the body, as well as describe the respiratory, circulatory and digestive systems. There was Dickensian educational system at Kutama, by which pupils were forced to combine their own studies with training as teachers, so that the mission staff could be sure of continuous augmentation. Thus, Comrade Mugabe qualified as an elementary school teacher in 1941, and began teaching at Kutama in 1942. For the first time, he was receiving a salary to enable him to educate his two brothers and two sisters. The very first envelope of his monthly salary went to his uncle who had educated him. One of the early influences on the young Robert at the time, outside his own family, was Dambaza Chikerema, one of the first black teachers at Kutama. Robert Mugabe knew his children, including James Chikerema who was to be a colleague and fellow freedom fighter in later years. Teachers at day schools, however, were paid less than those at boarding schools, and so at the end of the year he applied for a teaching post at Dadaya Mission Father Loublere Stunned, Gabriel Mugabe - a carpenter of some renown in the area had to seek piecework to keep the family going. He and Bona set up house near the home of Gabriel's father, Karigamombe, seven miles from Kutama. Michael and Robert therefore had to board with their maternal grandparents during term-time at the mission village, tending their cattle, and helping to plough the fields. Sabina joined them in 1929. But the Mugabes were accustomed to family unity, and so Michael took to jogging to the The christlan village of Kutama Circa 1921, Comrade R.G. Mugabe was born hers In 1929 ZIMBABWE'NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Comrade Gabriel Mugabe left-kulTama to set up a new home and married Malsiuma near Zvishavane and was accepted. The principal was Garfield Todd who was later to become Prime Minister of Rhodesia in 1954. Todd outlined to the 20- year-old new teacher the conditions of service - three pounds a month, a grassthatched house, two classes to teach etc - one could never have imagined the many future points at which these two lives would converge over the next 40 odd years. The young teacher was sent to Mapanzure School where he was warmly welcomed by the Simunyu family, part of the family of Comrade Emmerson Mnangagwa the first Minister of State (Security) in the Prime Minister's Office in independent Zimbabwe. Again, one could not imagine the many points at which these two lives would converge. The young teacher also met another young and ambitious teacher who was to be a lifelong political rival. His name was Ndabaningi Sithole, who later became the first President of ZANU (PF). The young teacher enjoyed his stay at Mapanzure. At the end of 1943, he moved on to greener pastures in Matabeleland. He was stationed at Empandeni Mission (Catholic again) near Plumtree. It was there in 1944 that he met two men who were to be colleagues, confidants and fellow freedom fighters, Comrade Simon Vengesai Muzenda, Vice President and Second Secretary of ZANU (PF); and the late Comrade Leopold Takawira, the first Vice- President of ZANU (PF), who died in prison in 1970. They immediately struck a friendship based on their opposition to colonial rule, and the racism of settler society. In 1944 Gabriel Mugabe, plagued by chest complaints, left Bulawayo, sensing that the end of his life was near, and, went back to Kutama with his second wife a Ndebele woman called Machuma, and her children. There were four children to this marriage, Zhanje, Albert, Regina and David. Gabriel died soon after his return to Kutama. Comrade Mugabe received the news when he was in Bulawayo and immediately rushed back home. He was now left with the added burden of looking after his step-brothers and sisters, and his step-mother. It should be noted that Machuma and her children never returned to Matabeleland. He has looked after them to this day. In 1945, the young Robert accepted a better-paid post at Hope Fountain Mission (London Missionary Society) near Bulawayo. This being a protestant mission, he incurred the wrath of the Jesuit Catholic missionaries at Kutama. They wrote him an unpleasant letter, demanding that he resign. When he ignored this, they became vin- dictive towards his mother. It had a profound effect upon the young Robert Mugabe. He had grown up as a deeply religious boy. In fact his mother felt at one stage that he might become a priest, although this never occurred to him. But he was to become very critical of some aspects of the church. Some of the teaching staff at Kutama in 1941 The young Robert Mugabe was sent to teach at Mlapanzure School African Nationalism Strikes Root In the late 1940s black nationalism was beginning to stir after a few decades of an uneasy silence. The embyro of a second revolution germinated by militants such as B.B. Urombo and Patrick Rubatika, was growing arms and legs; and the oppressive policies of white rule in Rhodesia hastened its gestation. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

At Emphandeni Comrade president Robert Gabriel Mugabe was to meet Com. rade S.V. Muzenda . . . and Comrade Leopold Takawira, and Immediately struck a friendship based on opposition to coi. onlal rule ... Comrade Mugabe has been interested in politics, in both the local and global senses, since his days at Kutama, when he had followed the events of the Second World War with great interest. The immediate post war period witnessed some fundamental changes in Rhodesian society. African soldiers returning from the war zones were filled with a new spirit of nationalism. The fact that they were discriminated against fuelled their nationalism. The African Railway Worker's Union organised a very successful general strike in 1945; another general strike followed in 1948 which paralysed all the cities and towns. There was political tur- was earning twelve pounds sterling per month, but this had to be shared out between all the young family members, to cater not only for their upkeep but for their education. He badly needed to increase his earning power if he were to see them all through school. Accordingly he resigned from his teaching post and put himself through first year at Fort Hare University in South Africa. He had a Beit Scholarship for only one year. At Fort Hare, he met colleagues he was to work with in the nationalist organisations; amongst whom were Josiah Chinamano, T.G. Silundika, S.T. Parirenyatwa and Edward Pswarayi. They joined the South African ANC. Invigorating though university was in every way, by 1951 the family's financial situation was so acute, course was to study law - this was a profession which could sustain me through a political career". The Days in Zambia To get a better salary and to escape from rampant racial discrimination in Southern Rhodesia, he went to work in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). Conditions for graduate black teachers were slightly better there than here. He took a post at Chalimbana Training School near Lusaka for four years, pursuing his private studies all the time. His salary at Chalimbana went up to 28 pounds sterling a month - almost double what he had been earning, but nonetheless, two thirds The African National Railways strike of 1945 Comrade Leopold Takawira moil in the ruling white circles as well. The general elections of 1948 in South Africa which brought the Nationalist Party of Dr. D.F. Malan to power with the slogan of Apartheid; and in Rhodesia Lord Malvern's United Party came to power with a slogan of racial segregation or the two pyramids. The polarisation of white and black opinion had begun. Comrade Mugabe had not entered the political arena at this stage. He was struggling to keep the wolf of hunger away from the door of his family. By then he that Comrade Mugabe had to return home and take up a teaching post, continuing his degree by correspondence. He taught at Highfields West School for the increased salary of 15 pounds sterling per month, but the fresh impact of the humiliations of life under a colonial regime outraged him. With two years of university training behind him, he was still obliged to carry a "pass" wherever he went. He was unable to attend a city centre theatre or cinema, buy a cup of tea in a city hotel or visit a lavatory in the middle of Salisbury (now Harare). There were still some shops which had back windows explicitly for the use of their black customers, who were unwelcome in the main body of the store. Comrade Mugabe recalls: "My hatred and revulsion for the system had started at Fort Hare, and now it grew. I decided I would fight to overthrow it; but as a teacher, there was no question of fighting. We were directly prohibited from taking part in politics. I realised that the best less than that which the whites were receiving. Inevitably, he became absorbed by Northern Rhodesian political aspirations, and spent much time talking to the ANC President there, Harray Nkumbula, and getting to know a young activist, Kenneth Kaunda. Once he had attained his diploma in education, Comrade Mugabe embarked upon a B. Econ. degree course. These achieved, he intended to move to Britain to study law, but for such a step, he needed money. The Days in Ghana There arose the possibility of a post in Ghana, at St. Mary's teacher Training College in Takoradi. Unhestitatingly, he took it. At Takoradi he soon made his mark as an unusual personality: a quite, reflective, studious young man who was nevertheless warm, understanding and endlessly patient as far as his pupils, the student teachers, were concerned. They formed ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 the habit of gathering at his bungalow each weekend, ostensibly to lend a hand with the housework and gardening, but in truth to engage their mentor in discussions on everything under the sun, as students will when they encounter a teacher who combines intellectualism of the highest order with wit, compassion and an endearing simplicity of manner. jority rule was a goal towards which we could all strive; they had accepted defeat. One had to get them to believe that we could overthrow the whites; that one day an African could emerge as leader of the country". He himself was encouraged by the news that on the 1st January, 1960, the National Democratic Party had been formed. Michael Mawema was its first says now: "I was in the thick of it." As he saw it, the first step was to instill some sort of organisation and efficiency into the NDP; for a start, office bearers had to be appointed. Ndabaningi Sithole became Treasurer-General; Nkala voluntarily bowed out in favour of-Silundika taking over as Secretary-General, Africans were obliged to carry passes wherever they went His future wife, Sarah Hayfron known as Comrade Sally, was also a teacher at Takoradi. She was brought up in a house of strict discipline and community spirit, and educated accordingly. She and her twinsister, Esther, had long been attracted by politics; even in their junior school days, they would profess to be attending Sunday School and instead slip away to attend political meetings and rallies. After they first met in Takoradi the friendship between Robert and Sally grew steadily but firmly. They decided to marry. By early 1960, it had become clear to Comrade Mugabe that he had to return home. The Federation of the Rhodesians and Nyasaland - always a mockery of "partnership" and therefore anathema to the black' nationalists in the three territories involved - was beginning to crumble. Riots in Nyasaland and the triumphal return of their political leader, Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, followed by Kenneth Kaunda's emergence as a militant leader in Northern Rhodesia, had led to Prime Minister Edgar Whitehead declaring a State of Emergency in Southern Rhodesia. The ANC was banned, with 500 arrested and 300 detained. This was followed by the arrest of Banda and his followers. The Federal military machinery swung into action with a vengeance, gunning down, imprisoning en masse and generally subduing the mass nationalist movements. Reviewing the gloomy events of that time, Comrade Mugabe says "The people hadn't grasped the fact that ma- President, but was later replaced by Joshua M. Nkomo. In April, 1960 Banda was released; Kaunda, previously arrested, was also free once more, and the Monckton Commission, appointed to examine the federal Constitution and recommend appropriate advances, was touring the Federation, and the British Government had accepted the "Wind of change" in the continent. The end of the Federation was in sight. Returning to Rhodesia It was to this volatile situation that Comrade Mugabe returned home in 1960. He had obtained permission from Mr. and Mrs Hayfron and Sally's grandparents to marry her, and she was to follow to Harare. When he returned to his homeland, Enos Nkala was Secretary-General of the NDP and together with Morton Malianga, Willie Musarurwa and Leopold Takawira renewed their acquaintance with Robert Mugabe. They were immediately struck by his grasp of the political issues at stake, and his commitment to the cause of African nationalism. Comrade Nkala recalls: "We were looking for graduates to fill our top posts. Robert Mugabe spoke at a meeting and impressed us so much that Silundika, Morton Malianga and myself were delegated to go and see him and persuade him to stay and help us." In fact, Comrade Mugabe needed no persuasion - he The young Sally Hayfron Mugabe in Nkruma cloth - Ghana himself taking the post of Deputy. The NDP now espoused violent and forceful methods of struggle. Plans were put into action to steal explosives from mines. Comrade Simon Muzenda who was NDP Chairman of the Mvuma branch and subsequently Provincial Secretary, organised the acquisition of large quantities of explosives and dynamite from the mines in the Midlands province. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Enos Nkala, Secretary-General of the NDP Comrade Mugabe's reputation was growing with each successive speech he made at rallies. He exhorted the crowds to resurrect their own culture and traditions; and to recall the words of Mbuya Nehanda that her "bones shall rise, gather flesh and blood and fight for independence". Tribal songs and drumming began to be a feature of his meetings. On July 20, 1960, the march of the 1 700 took place. It began with 300 people at the Cyril Jennings Hall, but as they walked to town towards Whitehead's office they were joined by hundreds streaming in from work. Even through the police deflected them, the marchers' zeal was unabated, and the demonstration culminated in a call for a general strike the next day. Comrade Mugabe recalls: "It proved to be one of the most effective strikes everi 90 per cent out in some areas. On the second day, the police moved in 'ith teargas and dogs. There was some stone-throwing, but eventually we were forced to disperse. Then they began arresting people. I managed to escape they didn't know my name at that stage. I moved from township to township, on foot at first". As a result of the demonstrations, the Law and Order (Maintenance Act) was introduced, and the Public Order Act replaced by the wide-ranging Emergency Powers Act. Both of these pieces of legislation were to have a profound effect on the nationalist movements and the liberation struggle in general. In December, a Federal Review Conference was held in London. Nkomo and Sithole were the NDP delegates, and appeared to capitulate to what amounted to outrageous demands by Welensky and Whitehead. A Southern Rhodesian Conference followed, and Commonwealth Secretary Duncan Sandys, announced that all involved parties except the extreme white right wing, had agreed to pro- posals which gave Africans 15 seats in a Parliament of 65 members. It virtually paved the way for white rule in Southern Rhodesia after the break-up of Federation. It was by now clear that Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland would be granted independence under black rule. Comrade Mugabe was aghast, "Before the talks began in Salisbury, the NDP office bearers had held a number of discusThe Scientific law of Survival "A people as a national entity, always retains a capacity for itg own perpetuation and hence for the onward carriage of its biological and genetic heritage and with its own political, social, economic and cultural heritage. Equally, it has a given capacity, which manifests itself in given capabilities, to defend itself against forces either internal or external which would operate against the inherent right of selfperservation and selfdetermination." sions. We made the decision that we could not accept anything below parity - 50 in Parliament". At a meeting that night at Comrade Chitepo's house, when Silundika attempted to defend Sithole and Nkomo for giving into the whites, Comrade Mugabe said angrily that the NDP delegation should have rejected the proposals. Enter Comrade Sally Pre-occupied though he was with political matters, Robert Mugabe found time for an important event in his personal life. On the 29th April, 1961, he and Sally Hayfron were married in Harare. The late Jaison Ziyapapa Moyo, Vice President of ZAPU, was the best-man. As the NDP grew more militant, the Southern Rhodesia Government reacted by banning open-air meetings in November, and then on the 9th December, the NDP itself. Comrade Mugabe recalls: "It finally dawned upon us that the whites were determined to continue the status quo, and that the British Government was not going to go back on its commitment to them. I suppose this was a sort of watershed as far as we were concerned. Military training began in earnest". "Sally was tasked with organising a women's organisation. She rallied 2 000 of them. Addressing audience at Cyril Jennings Hall, she said that if the Queen (of England) were truly our Queen, how could she allow such suffering to go on? Subsequently Sally was charged with making subversive statements and was arrested and imprisoned". In January, 1962, the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) was formed. Its first objectives was to prevent the registration of voters which had begun that month after the new Constitution had been introduced in December, 1961. By June ZAPU had made great progress and its popularity was such that the election was postponed. ZAPU then warned that it would not negotiate with Whitehead, but only with the British Government because the latter was responsible for the "mess" in which the territory found itself. If the British refused to act, then the Africans would free themselves. "Robert Mugabe spoke at a meeting and impressed us much that Sliundika, Mallange and myself persuaded him to help." In the early hours of the 20th September, 1962, Whitehead banned ZAPU and arrested some of its top men. Nkomo, as always, was out of the country. He urged the rest to follow suit and join him in Botswana. Comrade Mugabe rejected this out of hand: "My view was that there should be no running away from the people". Meanwhile the Rhodesian Front had been formed, and the ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Comrade Mugabe exorted the crowds to resurrect their own culture and traditions and to recall the words of Mbuya Nehanda 'Maefupa angu achamuka" General Election in December, 1962 resulted in a resounding win for the new party, with Winston Field becoming Prime Minister. Disillusionment and Confusion Comrades Mugabe, Moyo, Chikerema, Takawira, Morton and Washington Malianga and Nyandoro met at the Mugabe's Highfield home to organise recruitment for the struggle. He recalls: "Our strategy was now to sabotage the settler economy, attacking cattle, crops, factories, the railway system - the entire commercial infrastructure. We laid great emphasis on the youth movement. An encouraging development was that we had a good number of educated people now... There was the Women's League too". Then the order came from Nkomo for all ZAPU leaders to leave the country. With great reluctance, Comrade Mugabe and J.Z. Moyo drove by truck across the Shashi River and from there to Francistown, where they chartered a small plane for the long journey to Tanzania. Nyerere's reception of the ZAPU leadership was co0l; it was clear that he did not welcome the concept of a government-inexile on his soil. "We left feeling totally disillusioned", says Comrade Mugabe. I felt that we had been betrayed and lied to". When he taxed Takawira with this, the reply was that Mugabe was the last to believe in Nkomo; the rest had long since decided that he should be deposed. Nkomo returned to Rhodesia and denounced Comrade Mugabe, Shamuyarira, Nkala and all the others who had, he said, come out in favour of his being deposed. When the news appeared in the newspapers in East Africa, Comrade Mugabe and his colleagues called a Press Conference in Dar-es-Salaam and made public their opposition to Nkomo's leadership, as well as their desire to begin the armed struggle. On the 8th of August, 1963, at Enos Much though, as the new father longed to be with his wife and baby, as always, political pressures won the day, He proceeded to New York, the objective being to promote ZANU as a meaningful mouthpiece of the masses in Rhodesia. As a result of his camhpaign, in December, the OAU Liberation Group decitled to recognise both ZANU and ZAPU. Comrade Mugabe knew he had to return to Rhodesia, and equally, that his home- coming would almost certainly be followed by imprisonment. There was no question of a choice. He took Comrade Sally and their son to Ghana and flew to Salisbury. He was arrested at the airport. The charge was that he had jumped bail, and made a subversive statement calling The Rhodesian Front Government a bunch of cowboys. His address to UN was also classed as a subversive statement. At Christmas, he was remanded, but in March the following year appeared before a Magistrate and was put on bail for a year. First Congress at Gweru In February 1964, Field placed a ban on political meetings and ordered the restriction of 144 ZANU and ZAPU leaders. Various pieces of legislation were chang- Police using dogs and teargass to suppress growing African Nationalism Nkala's house in Highfield, the Zimbabwe African National Union was born. Ndabaningi Sithole was elected President, Leopold Takawira Vice-President, Robert Mugabe Secretary-General, Enos Nkala Treasurer, Morton Malianga the Secretary for Youth, and others. Nkomo responded by forming a new organisation, the People's Caretaker Council (PCC) There was no point now in Comrade Mugabe remaining in Dar-esSalaam; he went to London, and that November, news came that Comrade Sally had given birth to a son, Nhamodzenyika. ed to provide for restriction without trial for up to five years, heavy prison terms for subversion, a mandatory death sentence for crimes of violence, and the prevention of officers of certain political parties from operating under new cloaks. In April 1964 the Rhodesian Front ousted Field, and Ian Smith became Prime Minister. ,ZANU's first congress was held in Gweru, and a Five-Point Action plan adopted. Military action had in fact already begun, with successful attacks on whites by the Crocodile Gang in ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Nkomo returning from the Southern Rhodesia Conference Chimanimani and efforts to secure training facilities. To this end Comrade Mugabe visisted Cairo and then Ghana. As a result, the Ghanaians sent aircraft to Malawi to pick up recruits - who were transported in batches from Rhodesia in Comrade Mugabe's little car, often driven by Comrade Muzenda. ZAPU, under the leadership of Nkomo regarded ZANU as an enemy, and this manifested itself in the form of attacks on property owned or rented by ZANU office-bearers. The violence spread to rural areas; Bona Mugabe's granaries were burnt down and her cattle slashed. An entire crop of her maize was destroyed, a crippling loss for a mother struggling to rear her young family. In August 1964, both ZANU and ZAPU were banned, and Comrade Mugabe was sent to the Wha Wha detention area. Subsequently he was brought back to Salibury to face the charges 6f making subversive statements, and sentenced to six months in prison. When he was released in June 1965, he walked out of the prison gates to be met by two Special Branch Officers, who informed him that he was under arrest. He was served with a restriction order and driven to Kwekwe, where he was kept for a time before being moved to a new camp in the Gokwe area. Ndabaningi Sithole, 'Leopold Takawira, Edgar Tekere, Eddison Zvobgo, Enos Nkala, James Bassopo-Moyo, Nelson Mawema, and later Edson Shirihuru and Mark Dube, were all there. A number of the restrictees had, through their political involvement lost out on education opportunities. Comrade Mugabe, for whom education had always been of paramount importance, decided that this was the time and place to put that right, and as "headmaster", set up a little camp school, providing both primary and secondary education. He also established a small clinic. In November 1965, the restrictees were moved again - to the Remand Section of Salibury Prison. Here, three days later, they heard that UDI had been declared. "You can imagine how much dejection and dismay there was on our part," says Comrade Mugabe. Nhamo's Death In December, little Nhamo fell ill in Ghana with malaria. Complications followed and on Christmas Day, his father received the news that he had died. Comrade Mugabe says now: "It was shocking news to receive when one was in prison. Like any parent, I wanted to go and bury my child, to be with my wife. I requested to be allowed to go, undertaking that I would return. But permission was not granted. "I made up my mind that this would not embitter me. It was a misfortune that would follow me thereafter, but I had to remember that others had lost parents, wives, brothers, sisters and also children - I was not the only one." Comrade Sally went to London to pursue her studies, registering with the University of London. Despite her heavy study schedule, she spent many hours in public libraries, copying out scrolls of legal texts to help her husband along in his own work for a degree, since there were many legal books he could not ob- tain. She lobbied tirelessly for support for ZANU, and through her personal zeal, won many influential friends. Soon she became known as a rallying point in England for Rhodesian exiles. Chinhoyi Battle In April 1966, ZANU sent two commando groups of 14 men into Rhodesia from Zambia. They split up into three groups, and one of these attempted to attack the town of Sinoia (now Chinhoyi). A pitched battle with Rhodesian security forces ensued, and all the guerillas were killed, but not before they had accounted for 25 policemen. When the prisoners heard the news, they were jubilant. Comrade Mugabe says: "The battle not only consolidated our belief in the armed struggle, but also our belief that the enemy must be faced with the same weapons. It did much to raise the level of the people's consciousness. There was a sense of pride that ZANU had achieved this, it certainly put us on the map..." From mid 1967 to 68, several more incursions took place, but all ended in tragedy. As Comrade Mugabe says: "The cadres had to walk long distances from the Zambezi Escarpement, often without food or water. Weakness overcame them, and they were sometimes finally tempted into surrendering to the enemy." Guerillas had to depend on haphazard and scattered support from villagers (and because of inadequate mobilisation of the rural populace at that stage, this was often unreliable.) They were ill-equipped to confront the massive Rhodesian war machine and its air support. Lack of preliminary reconnaisance also posed problems; there were few back-up operations, and networks for escape when these 134 ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Comrade Robert Mugabe's wedding on the 29th of April 1961

Comrade Sally Mugabe rallied 2 000 women at Cyril Jennings Hall and was subsequently Imprisoned for making subversive statements became necessary. Clearly the time had come to re-examine strategy and training. Comrade Mugabe wrote to Herbert Chitepo, then ZANU's Chairman in Lusaka, asking him to review the situation: "If better training was what we needed, I said, then let the men remain in training camps for two years if necessary, rather than rush them into the field when they were as yet unprepared. Give them the proper approach; arm them with professional strategy and tactics as well as weapons." Sithole's betrayal In January 1969, Ndabaningi Sithole was indicted in the High Court for conspiring to murder Ian Smith and two of his Cabinet Ministers. In mitigation, he said that he wished to dissociate his name from any subversive activities, terrorist activities or any form of violence It was a bloody blow for ZANU's Central Committee; their leader had, effectively, betrayed the armed struggle. Moves to unseat him and replace him with Comrade Mugabe began. The latter made it clear that such action could not be taken while the leaders were in prison, and away from the membership and people who should be consulted. Meanwhile, those outside the country formed an eight-member war council, the DARE. It requested FRELIMO in Mozambique for access to Rhodesia via Tete, and this was warmly welcomed by Comrade Mugabe who says now: "One revolution is always fertilised and enhanced by another. The sharing of ideas, the pursuance of strategies adopted mobilisation at both party and fighting levels all these bring about greater success for both sides..." The new-look of ZANLA included training programmes by the Chinese, a shift from conventional warfare to a guerilla campaign, the mobilisation of the people through all-night rallies comprising political talks, "chimurenga" songs and traditional dances, and the recruitment of "mujibhas" and "chibwidos" to act as messengers, couriers and suppliers, and an information network. Comrade Mugabe says: "Once the enemy realised that there was complete identification bet- some of the "keeps" became accessible to our guys, who would go in there, and organise the people". Home - Smith Betrayal There had been a number of attempts by the British to woo Smith out of his UDI enclave, and in late 1971 yet another onslaught began, when the British and the Rhodesians began working out a draft settlement Constitution. In November, the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec Douglas- Home, visited Rhodesia to speak to a wide variety of people. Comrade Mugabe presented him with a document containing ZANU's views. He asked Sir Alec to take action against the Rhodesians, but he replied that he was not prepared to use force. Comrade Mugabe then said: "Suppose we took action, military action ... and the situation was such that European settlers were caused much suffering. Could we be assured that Britain would refrain from taking any action to correct the situation in favour of the Europeans here?" Sir Alec responded merely that Britain was against violence, adding: "In any case, you tried this before, and you haven't succeeded." Comrade Mugabe advised him to wait and see, and said: "The moment we will expect Britain to be involved is the moment when it comes to handing over the reins of government to us. We don't want to receive them from Smith, we want to Mwalimu Nyerere could not reconcile himself to the idea of a Zimbabwean Government in exile ween the guerillas and the people, he began working out ways and means of separating them 'to destroy that unity ... And so the stupid system of "keeps" was started ... people were herded into them like goats, detained and restricted, able to go to the fields only at certain times, compelled to cook only as much food as they could consume straightaway. "It didn't work. Eventually in fact,. receive them from the British government." On the 24th November, 1971, Smith and Home signed the draft agreement. The proposals, which created a long slow path to majority rule via parity in some years' time, would have to be judged acceptable by the people of Rhodesia as a whole, and to this end, the British planned to appoint a commission to explain the ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

ZANU leadership In detention at Sikombela proposals, listen to opinions, note reactions, and finally make a judgement. The nationalists formed an umbrella organisation to fight the proposed, agreement, establishing the African National Council for this purpose. A number of detainees were released, but Comrades Mugabe, Nkala, Nyagumbo, Tekere and Morton Malianga remained in prison. So successful was the ANC campaign that the Pearce Commission stated that in its opinion the people of Rhodesia as a whole did not regard the proposals as an acceptable basis for independence. By October 1974, Nkala, Nyagumbo and Tekere were pressing for Sithole's suspension as leader of ZANU, and succeeded in bringing this about a month later. During the year, however, the detente exercise had started in Lusaka, bringing Smith and the nationalists together so that peace might be restored to Rhodesia. ZANU was invited to send a delegation to Lusaka, and selected Comrades Mugabe and Malianga. They met with a frosty reception from the Frontline Presidents, who had expected Sithole. Later they brought him to Lusaka, but the Executive saw to it that he was accompanied by Comrade Maurice, Nyagumbo, who criticised the Presidents for trying to foist Sithole back into ZANU. An uneasy peace was struck, and Sithole's leadership was temporarily I-A The late Chief Rekays Tangwena who assited Comrade Mugabe and Edgar Tekere to escape to Mozambique restored. The Zimbabwe Declaration of Unity was signed in Lusaka on the 8th of December 1974, under the umbrella and leadership of the ANC and Bishop Abel Muzorewa. But that unity and the umbrella could not last long because the ANC was not a fighting movement, and the enemy had not yet been defeated. Comrade Sally flew to Lusaka to see her husband - for the first time in 12 years. When she set eyes upon him, she was so overcome by emotion that she fainted. They were able to spend some precious days together. Barely a month later, Smith put a stop to the release of political prisoners and said that the nationalists had not observed the "ceasefire". Hostilities were resumed. But Comrade Mugabe had never stopped recruiting and organising ZANU members to join ZANLA, the fighting wing, which was under the leadership of Josiah Magama Tongogara. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

As a result of machinations by the Rhodesian Special Branch and certain multi- nationals, some young hotheads in ZANLA, led by Thomas Nhari, attempted to mount a rebellion, but when Tongogara and his men marched upon Chifombo camp, the insurrection collapsed. In March 1975, Comrade Chitepo was assassinated by means of a car bomb. It has since been revealed that this was the work of the Rhodesians. ZANU was banned and 1 277 of its leaders and fighters arrested and detained. Comrade Mugabe says: "It came as a bolt from the blue. Yes, we had known that the enemy would give us approximately three months from the collapse of the detente exercise, and by March would have realised that we were deceiving him. But we never expected this . . . Eventually the whole of the ZANLA cadreship in Zambia was either detained or restricted. It was difficult to see any future at that point; it was as if the struggle was-dying ... but we had to re-adjust. The Central Committee met at the Mushandirapamwe Hotel and it was decided that I should go out of the country - to Mozambique. I requested that Tekere should go with me." The Special Branch were tailing, him, so the escape to Chief Tangwena's Nyanga home was a tense one. From there, it was a long journey by foot over the mountains into Mozambique where the FRELIMO representative in the border district disclaimed all knowledge of them and refused to assist, so there was no choice but to wait there until they had established their identity to his satisfaction. ZANLA members had at last got wind of their presence, and finally they were picked up and taken to Seguranza, a military base. Comrade Mugabe was appalled by the deprivations the guerillas were enduring. Food, clothing and shelter were hard to come by, and he used the last of his money to buy bread and biscuits for the men. They celebrated Mozambique's independence on June 25th 1975 with "madora", "tsenza" and wild fruit - all they could lay hands on. But morale was high. The provision of material goods was not Comrade Mugabe's only concern; he saw a pressing need for discipline to be inculcated - "The heavier the gun, the humbler you must be," was the doctrine for the taming of the wilder, more individualistic of the young-bloods, and their integration into the ZANLA structure. At Chimoio in Mozambique he organised a training programme implemented by ZANLA commanders Hondo, Teurai Ropa Nhongo and others. By the end of the year, there were over 6 000 recruits in Mozambique, either undergo- Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo "The Party has accepted scientific socialism as its guiding philosophy. No one is born a scientific socialist. Marx was not, neither was Lenin nor Mao. Marx conceived the philosophy underlying scientific socialism. Lenin learnt, interpreted and applied it to Russia. Mao did the same in respect to China. We, who have accepted socialist theory as the basis of practice in our own countries, have a duty to read and understand what the fathers of that theory actually say" Chimoio AuguSt 31, 1977 ing preliminary training or waiting in camps. However, there was a severe setback when ZANU was banned in Tanzania. Another detente initiative, this time comprising a meeting on the Victoria Falls Bridge in August 1975, collapsed, and the Frontline states concluded that there was no option but for the struggle to intensify. Still obsessed with the concept of unity, they pressed for a joint army, and ZIPA was thus formed, with Comrades Rex Nhongo and Sadza as the Chief ZANLA representatives. Comrade Mugabe's work among the freedom fighters had become legendary - and therefore a threat. He was sent to Quelimane, being told that it was for his own safety. Comrade Mugabe says of this time: "It became extremely difficult to visit the camps - in fact, for a long time, impossible. We were isolated." Meanwhile there were those in, the upper ZANU echelons who began to be seduced by the soft option that the ANC offered. There was also the suggestion that the management of the war should be handed over to a new organ, the Zimbabwe Liberation Council. Comrade Mugabe saw these views as dangerous; his conviction was that ZANU, and ZANU alone, could win the war, and that any deviation would be playing into the enemy's hands. Britain and America adopted a new posture, now conceeding that majority rule was the only viable answer to the colonial question of Rhodesia. The waverers were encouraged by this stance and the Secretary of State in the USA, Dr. Henry Kissinger, was sent to Southern Africa to probe and persuade Ian Smith to capitulate. The racist Republic of South Africa joined forces with the USA, warning Smith that if he refused, he could no longer count on their support. Smith finally agreed to majority rule within two years, and a transitional government comprising a council of state with 50 per cent whites, 50 per cent blacks and a white chairman, a council of Ministers with a majority of Africans and a black "First Minister", but with white Minister of Defence and of Law and Order. Comrade Chitepo ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBkR, 11

Training at Chimoio In Mozambique, Comrade Mugabe set up a triining programme Implemented by ZANLA commanders Was the game up? Comrade Mugabe totally rejected this bait. He knew that Smith would never countenance true majority rule, and felt that the war, far from nearing the end, was about to enter its most decisive stage. After the abortive Victoria Falls conference, the ANC had formed the Zimbabwe Liberation Council (ZLC) in an attempt to take over the leadership of the ZANLA fighters. Sithole was appointed chairman, and he selected Noel Mukono and Simpson Mtambanengwe to head the military and foreign affairs branches respectively. In view of the pair's heavy involvement in the Nhari revolt and the fact that both had lost their places on the DARE, the ZANLA rank and file were deeply unhappy with the situation. Trouble erupted at Mboroma, resulting in the tragic death of I I ZANLA cadres, and the wounding of 13 others. Sithole edged away and did not stand with ZANLA forces again. Thus, by the end of 1975, there was a strong feeling that he should be deposed. ZANLA commanders visited DARE members and the ZANLA High Command in Mpika prison to discuss this, and it was agreed that Sithole should be removed from the leadership. This decision was communicated to all ZANLA camps. Comrade Teura Rope Nhongo "Joyce Mu. Juru" Soon after, the DARE, wrote to Comrade Mugabe, asking him to assume leadership of the external wing of the party. He demurred, saving that no formal decision had as yet been taken to remove Sithole. It was at this point that the guerrillas at Mgagao camp decided to make direct approach. Comrade Mugabe says: "They wrote a document which denounced the leadership of the UANC and the signatories of the December 1974 unity document in Lusaka - Bishop Muzorewa, Nkomo, Sithole and Chikerema. The document stated very clearly that these men were not committed to the armed struggle and to the liberation of the masses of Zimbabwe. They, as fighters, would not sit by while the four undermined the armed struggle and robbed the Zimbabwean masses who had made big sacrifices, of the fruits of their victory. They said they would not speak to the leadership of the UANC again, except through Robert Mugabe. In other words, the fighters recognised me as their legitimate leader. "They had not consulted me before they wrote this document." "I noted and appreciated the expression of their confidence in me and what principles I stood for. The UANC and its leadership, although an umbrella organisation, was never able to establish control over ZIPA and the fighting men. But ZIPA itself was also unable to establish a political organisation of its own. President Nyerere refused to recognise ZIPA as a political organisation. He supported it and encouraged it as a military organ. Within ZIPA, the two ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 components, ZANLA and ZIPRA, never merged. They remained separate entities, although at one time they engaged in joint military activities. The failure of ZIPA to merge ZANLA and ZIPRA was to bean important factor in the re-emergence of ZANU." The Patriotic Front formed After the Rhodesians attacked the ZANLA camp of Nyadzonya, massacring hundreds of refugees, President Samora Machel of Mozambique invited the nationalist leaders to view the graves of the victims. Thereafter they went on to Maputo, where Machel addressed them, and then to Dar-es-Salaam, to meet with Frontline Presidents. By now the promised British conference, in an attempt to pave the way for majority rule in Rhodesia, was on the horizon, and the Presidents felt that unity was imperative.' Accordingly the leaders of ZANU and ZAPU returned to Maputo where they hammered out an agreement to form the Patriotic Front. The Principal negotiator were Comrades Mugabe and Tekere foi ZANU, and Comrades Silundika an( Moyo for ZAPU. The Patriotic Fron became the central voice for Africa aspirations at Geneva and Mugabe emeri ed as the real leader of the opposition ti continued colonial rule. Comrade Mugabe says of the conference: "The whole thing was a nonstarter." However, he does not altogether regret Geneva: "It achieved a number of things.., we had proved that ZANU and ZAPU could work together. Nkomo now had confidence in us, and saw that the salvation of ZAPU lay in unity with us A handful of dissident elements within ZANLA attempted to use Geneva as a weapon with which to bludgeon their way to ascendancy. Certain elements within the ZIPA leadership made a bid to take over the army and challenge the ZANLA High Command. They were lured to Beira, and then arrested, and thereafter ZIPA was dismantled. ZANLA reemerged triumphantly, with Josiah Tongogara, fully in-charge of the military operations, and all the experienced old guard back in control. A general reorganisation of both ZANLA and the Central Committee began. The war was at a crucial stage. For the first time, Smith began to feel that his back was against the wall. Since the opening up of the north-eastern front in 1972, ZANLA had made great strides, and by 1976 had encroached throughout the eastern districts and into the south. The call-up age for whites was extended to 50, an unpopular move, and part of the Comrade Rex Nhongo "Lt. General Mujuru" Rhodesian Front broke away to form their own party. The Rhodesians were hardpressed and desparate. They assassinated the central figure in ZAPU/ZIPRA operations, Jaison Z. Moyo, then deputy President, with a parcel bomb. At St. Paul's Mission, Musami, four nuns and three priests were murdered and the killings were made to look as if they had been carried out by guerrilas. Comrade Mugabe was acutely aware of how delicately poised the war was, amid to this end, reproached the OAU for its lack of support as regards aid and arms. It was clear that help from sympathetic friends outside the continent was badly needed, and Comrade Mugabe travelled to Beijing. Later he was to visit Romania, Yugoslavia and Iraq. Meanwhile Comrade Sally was doing a sterling job, visiting guerilla and refugee camps in Mozambique and Tanzania. She listened, she observed, she made notes and then set about energetic fund-raising in Europe. In August 1977, ZANU's Central Committee held a nine-day meeting at Chimoio stretching into September. A new Constitution to provide for reorganisation was presented, and Comrade Mugabe was elected President, with Comrade Muzenda as his deputy. In hi&; speech, the new President outlined the general direction of the party policy and programme, and called for greater involvement of the broad masses of the people in the liberation war. The year 1978 was called "The Year of the People" the year when more and more peasants, students and workers would join the ranks of' the fighters. Comrade Mugabe reaffirmed the Party's commitment to scientific socialism as its guiding philosophy. But he cautioned the Central Committee as follows: "We also have to examine the theory in the light of our history and the environment of our country. Only in this way can we evolve, from the pure ideology of socialism, a workable practical ideology for Zimbabwe." On the 23rd November 1977, Rhodesian Hunter jets screamed in to bomb the massive Chimoio camp. Helicopters belched forth troops, machine guns blazing. Grenades and rockets exploding. Over two horrendous days, about 400 people in the camp were killed, including school-children. In fact the first bomb was dropped at the makeshift school for refugee children. Comrade Mugabe was personally shattered. He visited the British Embassy in ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Nyadzonya massacre

Maputo, and in very strong language vented his fury upon the representative there. Although the Chimoio attack was a morale booster for the white colonialists, the naked truth was that the Smith regime was now losing the war. Thousands of guerillas were now operating in about 70 per cent of the country. ZANLA cadres had penetrated every village, town and district. On the 24th of November, Smith publicly accepted the concept of one man one vote, a transitional government, a new constitution (plus a referendum for the whites on that Constitution,) all leading to a black faced government the next year. Dialogue began between Smith, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chief Chirau. Addressing the masses on New Year's Day, 1978, from Maputo, Comrade Mugabe jubilantly described Rhodesia as "one vast military operational zone... every district in the country has become a hotbed for the enemy and a favourable operational zone for us." He enumerated all the guerilla successes of the past 12 months: the launching of urban guerilla warfare, spreading panic among the whites; the stepping up of ambushes and landmines in rural areas; the soaring defence costs of the Rhodesians as a result of the pounding they were receiving from ZANLA; the destruction of keeps; civil service administrative centres in the provinces, and the capture of weapons and transport vehicles. Comrade J.Z. Moyo, one of the principal negotiators of the Patriotic Front Agreement ... assassinated with a parcel bomb 1978, as The Year of The People, he said should be - "the year the broad oppressed masses have to be mobilised in Comrade R.G. Mugabe, 3rd November 1977 every village, district, province, city, town, mine or farm, into supporting the war as their war. The people are the surest instrument for achieving true victory over the enemy." The people must therefore be rallied behind the Party and the armed struggle. They were the roots, he said, and such roots must spread widely, deeply and solidly during 1978. Comrade Mugabe concluded his speech by saying: "Remember . . . a most favourable terrain has emerged with the new season. The enemy is frightened, he is in disarray, and completely resigned to defeat. This is a moment to slacken our efforts. Let us hammer him to defeat. Let us blow up his citadel. Let us give him no time to rest. Let us chase him in every corner. Let us rid our home of this settler vermin." Late in January, Comrades Mugabe and Nkomo met in Malta with the British and American heads of the joint peace initiative. The Patriotic Front accepted the concept of the UN role during an interim period in supervising elections, but stipulated that it should not involve peacekeeping. They proposed a Governing Council to assist in administration during the transition, and a British Resident Commissioner, required to act when directed by a two-thirds vote in the Council. They insisted that the Chief Justice, the Police Commissioner and the Secretary to the Cabinet vacate their posts, as should judges, magistrates and all senior civil servants. Smith rejected the amendments which emerged from the Malta talks as "totally unacceptable." On March 3rd 1978, he, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau signed the internal settlement agreement, providing for a year's transitional government. During this period, the four would rule as an Executive Council, rotating the chairmanship. However, Smith would re- main as Prime Minister. A ceasefire would be organised, racial discrimination removed, and a new Constitution drafted. Elections would be held. Administration would be via a Ministerial Council comprising nine whites and three members from each of the other parties. "No one will ever know exactly what it means for. a people to be enslaved by another for that long (500 years of Portuguese imperialism - Mozambique) Science has yet to invent a scale that can accurately measure 500 years of pain, hunger, humiliation, disease, ignorance, torture and death. We in Zimbabwe have some idea - after having been subjected to these deprivations for 89 years " Extraordinary Session of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement in Maputo: January 31, 1979. Says Comrade Mugabe: "It soon became clear that his interpretation of one man one vote, was to get those vote to elect a puppet regime. Smith still called the tune. Muzorewa never commanded any generals - Smith had control of the forces all along. "In fact, of course, while the internal settlement brought what was ostensibly a majority rule government, in real terms this government was in the interests of the minority. Muzorewa was allowed no independence of opinion whatsoever." An amnesty was declared, Muzorewa and Smith promising that they could influence the vast majority of guerillas to come in from the cold. This soon proved farcical, and they had to resort to recruiting mock freedom fighters, an illtrained, unpredictable rabble. In April a conference was held in Dares-Salaam attended by Comrades Mugabe, Nkomo, and the AngloAmerican team. Discussions centred on the military monitoring role of the UN, and the roles of the Liberation Forces and the Resident Commissioner. Comrade Mugabe declared that the Patriotic Front forces should have a dominant role. The Patriotic Front delegation also felt that ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

.... taken place at all, when we have been 4working together to consolidate our position vis a vis the internal settlement people . . . I told Samora Machel and Nyerere, who had also been ignorant of these events, and they were very angry, V condemning it as a British trick to achieve a settlement which would exclude ZANU but which would involve Smith. Nkomo Sdid try to induce me to attend a meeting i with Smith, saying that ZAPU couldn't go alone without ZANU. When I refus~ed, he then refused to attend such a meeting. It speaks to his credit that he did - *1,3 this." 9 On the 29th September, at the Rhodesian Front Congress, a bleak Smith' spoke of "Rhodesia's gravest hour." Nineteen .. days later his air force bombed the " ..Freedom Camp outside Lusaka, killing 200 and wounding several hundreds. Two more such attacks followed. Nonetheless, The nine day Central Committee meeting of August 1977 which elected Comrade Kaunda re-opened the southern rail route Mugabe as President through Rhodesia. This move outraged it should have the most influence on the proposed Government Council. During 1978, Comrade Mugabe visited Moscow, Vietnam, North Korea and Cuba, seeking assistance and strengthening ties. By mid year, 13 000 guerillas were fighting within Rhodesia. Nkomo met with Chirau and Ndiweni, and finally with Smith himself. Brigadier Garba of Nigeria was one of those involved in the get-together, and afterwards it was agreed by those at the meeting that Comrade Mugabe should be included in the next such discussion. Garba arranged for Comrade Mugabe to be flown to Nigeria, for briefing. Comrade Mugabe flatly refused to be part to any meeting of this & sort. He says: "Naturally, I was in- v furiated that such a meeting could have "No one doubts any more the revolutionary commitment of our people. Have they not suffered and .. died for the noble cause of our liberation? Have , they not made greater sacrifices than other Peoples throughout the Year of the People that they are prepared to make a even much greater sacrifices than before? What then are they not prepared to do? Chimoio massacre New Year's message 1979 ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

By 1977 ZANLA forces were operating In over 70% of the country Comrade Mugabe, who pointed out angrily that Zambian use of the Rhodesia Railways would "not only create a new source of revenue, but also provide Rhodesia with much-needed foreign currency and "boost the sagging morale of the disintegrating settler community." In fact, the settlers' moral received a mortal blow when ZANLA blew up the Salibury fuel depot on the I I th December 1978, destroying a quarter of Rhodesia's current fuel stocks. In his 1979 New Year's message, Comrade Mugabe tasked the people of Zimbabwe with defending the liberated zones and creating people's militia; seeing to it that semi-liberated zones became fully liberated; extending the war to every part of the country; wiping out remaining enemy bases, assaulting economic targets, farms and the cities and towns; playing a far greater role generally in action programmes; intensifying self-reliance programmes as regards production, construction, education, culture and health; intensifying the politicisation programme, and increasing the number of ZANLA forces while ensuring that the quality of training continued to improve. He concluded by saying: "Our war has transformed into a People's War. Let us therefore demonstrate the people's force this year. Let the People's fury break into a revolutionary storm that will engulf and sweep the enemy completely from our land. Let every settler city, towr. or village, let every enemy farm or homestead * post, nook or hiding place be hit by the fury of the People's Storm ... (which) must come with thunder, heavy rain and irresistible blasting gusts that will ransack the enemy stronghold. Let us call this year therefore the Year of the People's Storm - "Gore reGukurahundi". Let us proceed from the Year of the People to the Year of the People's Storm, and storm right through to victory and the creation of a nation based on People's Power . . ." The immense impact which Comrade ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Comrades In the front

Comrade Mugabe addressing members of the High Command on m :hes from Mozambique Road to Lancaster rage Zimbabwean is sym- House -6 ,h tHousetalrn~ UU e .1 , LA, ,Q .l= U. a~~l LIIL point in beer taverns from 1977 onwards was: "Did you hear what Comrade Mugabe said on Radio Mozambique last night?" The rural populace had long been converted to the cause, but now the urban dwellers were rallying and prepared to fight. In May 1979 Mrs Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Party won the election in Britain. They were more sympathetic to the white settlers and to the internal settlement. After much debate and maneouvering at the Commonwealth Conference in Lusaka, the Rhodesian Visit to the Far East Ilitary strategy - 1978 parties were gathered in London in October for the Lancaster House Conference. Mugabe became the central figure in the Patriotic Front delegation, which alone stood for freedom and independence for the black man and wonan. Comrade Mugabe was far from happy about these developments. "We didn't want to attend the Lancaster House Conference," he recalls. "We felt that the Frontline states had sold us down the river in Lusaka. However, they subsequently summoned us to a meeting. Nyerere, Machel and Kaunda talked to us into agreeing to go to London. They warned us not to adopt too tough a position, they told us that, for instance, the issue of excluding the Rhodesian forces from a new army should not be raised, as it would be unpalatable. It was impressed upon us that we were dealing with a Conservative Government now, who had sympathy for the internal settlement and indeed, who had nearly recognised it. "So we didn't trust the British from the outset, not at all. It was clear that they felt that we did not deserve recognition." During the first stages of the conference, there seemed scant hope of any agreement. The Patriotic Front's main concerns were the other side's demands ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Mugabe's spee madc on the ave

The night before coming to Harare In 1980, the Prime Minister was presented with a gift of a golden AK 47 by Comrade Samora Machel

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"We want total power for our people. We want full unabridged, undiluted sovereignty over our natural resources and over our own destiny." Extraordinary Session of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement in Maputo: January 31, 1979 its willingness to contribute towards peace by accepting on the 18th of that month, a British Constitution for the country. However, the Patriotic Front was in grave danger of a schism. Comrade Nkomo, sensing the imminence of a British shift, as the pragmatic Carrington accepted that Muzorewa was now past history, was prepared to take the easy way out and compromise on certain points. Comrade Mugabe was inflexible, on what he regarded as matters of principle, adamant that he would not jeopardise the integrity of the Patriotic Front, or the fundamental rights of the people. to the clause in question, and thereby conferring, for the first time, legal recognition upon the Patriotic Front. Comrade Mugabe was deeply anxious about the positioning of the assembly points; and argued that at least two should be in the economic heartlands of Rhodesia. Ideally, he would have preferred that the Rhodesians be kept in their barracks, but this was not to be. "I agonised over this decision," he says. "I sat with Tongogara for hours, talking it over. If we agree, I said, won't we find our forces placed in danger? From a military point of view, aren't we opening In 1979 the People's fury broke Into a revolutionary storm for the 20 reserved white seats in Parliament, restrictions on constitutional changes, the retention of Rhodesian forces, the length of time given for the ceasefire to take effect, the location of all three armies and, a particularly thorny issue, the land question, in which the new Zimbabwe Government would be expected to buy back from the settlers land which they had seized since 1890. Comrade Mugabe says now: "It was quite clear as to which side Carrington (the British Foreign Secretary and Chairman of the Conference) favoured. His tactics throughout . . were to put forward, on any issue, a proposal that was agreeable to the British Government and the internal settlement team. We suspected that these were worked out in advance together, since at the actual table, Muzorewa would never speak, except to say that his team agreed with the British. It was always left for us to disagree. Carrington would then snap: "We can't continue to argue like this. And we'd be manoeuvred into a certain position." Nonetheless, by the 27th October, Muzorewa had finally agreed to dismantle his government and hand over to the British. The Patriotic Front had shown After much heart-searching, Comrade Mugabe finally agreed to concede to the interim proposals, but only if the Patriotic Front forces were to be included in the transitional arrangements. Carrington bowed to this, adding a sentence ourselves up to defeat? Tongogora said that it wasn't too bad a proposition; that he felt we would maintain our status quo. I accepted this, with the stipulation that we should obtain a go-ahead from the Central Committee." ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 The Lancaster House Constitutional Talks And so on the 22nd November, undertakings were given by both sides to stop ,,,css-berdcr raids within 24 hours, and begin observing a ceasefire. In December, Comrade Mugabe flew to Dar-es-Salaam for a Frontline states meeting. In his quiet but emphatic way, he told the Presidents of the proceedings thus far, at Lancaster House, and his misgivings. They assured him of their support, and thus once back in London, he was able to demand that Rhodesian forces should be back in their bases before the Patriotic Front cadres came in to the assembly points; and that all South African forces (then numbering two battalions plus helicopter crews) be withdraw n. On the 2,tt of Janktary 1980 ... Comrade Mugabe returned home to .... On the South African issue, the Conference nearly foundered: Comrade Mugabe insisted that the declaration concerning tie fact that there would be no foreign imerfeience should contain the would have 47 operational bases, and the Patriotic Front 14. The deadline for the end of the conference, and therefore the signing ceremony, was the 15th December. words "including South Africa". Nkomo was equivocal on this point. Carrington was against it, knowing that such a mention would provoke General Peter Walls - who had, up until now, agreed to the ceasefire arrangements as they stood. For three days, the battle raged; but Comrade Mugabe refused to budge an inch. Even then, he foresaw that the spectre of South African interference would one day become a terrible reality. Finally, through the intervention of Commonwealth Secretary-General Sir Shridath Ramphal, Carrington gave way. Christopher Soames was chosen as the British governor-designate for the transitional period. On the day of his departure for Salisbury, Carrington revealed that in the ceasefire, the Rhodesians "Let us proceed from the Year of the People to the Year of the People's Storm and storm right through to victory and the creating of a nation based on People's power. The People are a power, the People are a revolutionary storm." New Year's message 1979' ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Painful Signature It looked as if at the IIth hour, the entire peace initiative would found. Patriotic Front's spokesman of the Conference, Eddison Zvobgo summed up the Patriotic Front's attitude: "The answer, Lord Carrington is Nol Nol Nol" The peace accord was signed on the 21st December. The British had made one small concession - a Patriotic Front assembly camp in the Midlands. Comrade Mugabe was noticeably withdrawn and taciturn at the signing ceremony. He says now: "Normally one wears a dark suit for such signing ceremonies. I didn't. It hurt me to sign that document. I can describe it as the most painful signature I've ever had to put on paper." Only one factor had given him the strength to go through with the signing ceremony and the ceasefire: His faith in the masses of Zimbabwe. He was sure that they, who had given such loyal and unswerving support under excruciating circumstances, would not now betray the Patriotic Front. Comrade Mugabe had expected to stay in Maputo only a few days, but British delaying tactics saw to it that he was there for nearly a month. During this time he experienced much grief when Comrade Tongogara was killed in a road accident while touring ZANLA camps in northern and central Mozambique to announce the ceasefire. At first British excuses to keep him away from Rhodesia centred on the fact that other political parties - notably Muzorewa's - had booked rallies throughout January on Sundays (the day on which Comrade Mugabe wished to return and hold his home-coming meeting) and that the police could not handle more than one at a time. When they realised that this was not going to wash, the next demand was for 71 ZANU dissidents - including Hamadziripi and Gumbo - to be released from two Mozambican jails. Further cause for concern was the shooting of a number of guerrillas because they had not yet turned themselves into the assembly camps, and the assent of Lord Soames to a South African presence, ostensibly guarding road and rail links, such as Beit Bridge. Undeterred, Comrade Mugabe proceeded with his plans, and returned home on the 28th January 1980 to a tumultous welcome. Hundreds of thousands flocked to meet him; it was the largest political rally in the country's history. The masses not seduced The run-up to the elections was a stressful and murkly business. Repeated attempts

NNENNNO&Y ,- , A Ag "The task of oer ' wing bourgeoi e ,s and creating in h: lace national demo ;c, offering ripe circums, nces for programmrez o, social transformation is tu, as much as nation . deed it is an int rntonal one, welding aos/ :r as it must, and Cn h fronts, ali truly' democratic forces. were made on Comrade Mugabe's life by the Rhodesians, ranging from gunfire attacks on his house to a bungled explosion designed to blow up his car as it crossed a culvert en route to Masvingo. There was an all-out campaign to smear him, with a false issue of "Moto" making outrageous statements and accusations; t6 impugn ZANU (PF) and ZANLA, The burden of history still remains undischarged, but the unfolding tasks being persued in its discharge have resulted in the fatal wounding of the imperialist monster." with variuos bomb attacks and pseudo guerrilla raids. ZANU (PF) was blatantly discriminated against, being allotted 11 per cent of advertising space in the Press 4 as opposed to Muzorewa's 20 per cent. Actually, the Party was operating on the proverbial shoestring as regards its cam- 'V paign, in contrast to Muzorewa's, which was financed to the tune of millions by American, South African and Rhodesian establishment money, and comprised a massive publicity and advertising onslaught, complete with sky-shouting aircraft and two-day rallies with free food and beer. The masses were not seduced , by such blandishments. At last, after as many long years, the only man they had , wanted as their leader was free, at home and campaigning, and there was never .. > any doubt as to how they would cast their votes, continued on page 28 a .u u .ou welco m e *.a tumultous welcome ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 if ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER. 1987

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The late Chief of Defence of the ZANLA Forces, General Magama Tongogara "The role our women should play today in the bitter struggle against imperialism and colonialism is determined by the degree of their freedom, readiness and commitment to play that role." continued from page 25 It was titanic landslide for ZANU (PF) - 57 seats for the Party, with 20 going to ZAPU and three to Muzorewa. When Comrade Mugabe, listening tensely to the results with Comrade Sally together with his colleagues and friends, heard the news, he was, for a few moments, motionless, his heart pounding so hard that he could scarcely breathe. At 10 a.m. he went to Government House, to receive the warm congratulatibns of Lord Soames. They had begun their relationship as virtual enemies, experienced many stormy tussles, and ultimately won each other's respect and administration. It was to grow into a friendship that would endure until Christopher Soames' death in 1987. Reconciliation That night, the new Prime Minister designate appeared on television. His "We are not a social club, nor are we just any Party. We are a socialist Party committed to a scientific ideology whose basic principles are clearly enunciated. We cannot be anything else and pretend to be working for the people." speech electrified the world. Here was Lae man depicted so often as grim, vengeful, and merciless. He emerged as a compassionate, ineffably humane and thoughful person, preaching reconciliation, and clearly meaning every word of it. "There is no intention on our part to use our majority to victimise the minority. We will ensure that there is a place for everyone, in this country. We want to ensure a sense ")f security for both the winners and the losers," he said, and went on to enunciate the reassuring terms of that policy. To the listening millions, it became evident within the space of half an hour that the new 7imbabwe would b! a plz cf p ce and progress. "Let us forgive and forget," said Robert Mugabe. "Let us join hands in a new amity." At midnight on the 17th April 1980, the new state of Zimbabwe came into being. The British Union Jack was hauled down, ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 1980 General Elections

Repeated attempts were made on Comrade Mugabe's life ... The pock marked Mugabe's resident in Hlghfield and Zimbabwe's black, gold, green and red flag was hoisted up. Prime Minister Mugabe said to his people: "If yesterday, I fought you as an enemy, today you have become a friend. If yesterday you hated me, today you cannot avoid the love that binds you to me and me to you." For many who walked or drove away from Rufaro Stadium in the early hours inherited a country with an economy all but devastated by a long war and 14 years as an international pariah. There was barely enough cash in the till to keep it ticking over, let alone repair the ravages of that war, or implement this heart's desire, an all-out programme to improve the lot of the masses. His words had soothed many troubled minds, but there Zimbabwe's unique needs into acceptable ideological whole, that would not only meet socialist ideals but serve the new country's best interests. A daunting prospect, all told. But this was a man himself unique, whose courage and indomitable spirit had never faltered in the face of the most cruel and dire circumstances. Victory celebrations:- It was a titanic landslide for ZANU (PF) .. of April 18th, it was the beginning of the end - an end to hostilities, deprivation, death and despair. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, a sombre figure in the back of his first ever ceremonial limousine, shared those sentiments. For him, a long arduous and uphill road stretched ahead. He had would be a number of minor, and maybe major, conflagrations on diverse fronts before three armies, and three sections of the populations, truly accepted his oneZimbabwe doctrine and settled down together as a family. There was also the task of moulding scientific socialism and Sunnier skies ahead Eight years on, Comrade Robert Mugabe has succeeded in his chosen task more profoundly, and indeed brilliantly, than anyone present at Rufaro Stadium that April night in 1980 could ever have ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Congratulations Anglo American Corporation congratulates Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe on his installation as Zimbabwe's first Executive President. We wish President Mugabe every success in his stewardship of the nation's affairs in the years ahead. ANGLO AMERICAN CORPORATION ZIMBABWE ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

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ZIMBABWE'S PROGRESSIVE PUBLISHERS Congratulate the Hon. R.G. Mugabe on the occasion of his installation as the first Executive President of Zimbabwe Zimabw Publis hig, House__ ... to each according to his needs. The Marxian postulate summarises the service our ad-agency offers its clients. And when one considers the myriad needs of a diversity of clients, it becomes apparent that a whole range of specialised skills is an essential prerequisite of an ad-agency. At Matthewman, Banks Advertising (MBA) such skills proliferate, and are practised with the verve, imagination and enthusiasm that constitute the basis of successful advertising communications. Communications that educate. Motivate. Persuade. That speak to your target in a language he understands. And get your message across. Our clients - any of whom vou are free to ask - will confirm this, and verify the following examples of typical case histories: One Press ad, scheduled to run for three months, was withdrawn after two insertions - having sold all 48 personal computers which had been in stock for months. One 10-second television spot brought in more work for a specialised engineering company than it could handle for the next five months. Up to then they had been slack ... A launch campaign for a series of consumer products in a highlycompetitive market was so successful that client exhausted his next six-months' packaging material in less than a month. MARKET EXPERTISE The foregoing examples are no foregone conclcsions. Success in the marketplace requires sweat - and expertise. In this we are fortunate. MBA's managing director, trained in marketing, 'o was also head of Market Research Africa. Our research department manageress is black. A, are our media manager, two Of our accounts executives, ,)lio Of our copywriters and a senior art director. Other key staff are well experienced in their respective disciplines and all are dedicated Zimbabweans. This collective expertise can be scimanarised not only by the appreciation shown by our clients, but by the impressive number of First Prizes we attained at the 1987 ADMA Awards presentations. HOW WOULD W9 WORK FOR YOU? Hard. Just as hard as we work for our existing clients. Firstly, we'd learn as much as possible about your organisation. Your service. Your products. We'd involve ourselves in your problems. Research your market. Analyse your opposition. In the meantime you'd get to know us. ~And we, you. Because you'd constitute an essential part of the people working on 'our account. Not ilust as a client. But as a member (if MBA. Then, between us, we'd concentrate on cracking problems. Devising marketing plans. Establishing meaningful communications to your target. Making your advertising work with no sitting back and patting ourselves on the back. Because, like a housewife, our work is never done. "From each according to his abilities, to ead according to his needs." Karl Marx never said a truer word. P.O. Pox 2736, Harare. Tclephone M832%, 883313. forecast. Never given to euphoria and undue optimism - he prefers to prepare for the worst and be pleasantly surprised Independence - 18th April 1980 dependence to be easy, let alone, in many through them, and who handled the conrespects, pleasant. It is possibly because trols with temperate, judicial skills, that of this calm and pragmatic approach, of Zimbabwe has avoided any crash landings Comrade Mugabe's heart desire - an all out programme to Improve the lot of the masses when the best happens - he did not any a pilot in the cockpit who not only ex- and is aiming now for sunnier skies time expect the first decade of in- pected storms but knew how best to fly ahead. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

FAMILY PICTORIAL Amal Bona Mugabe, son Robert Gabriel, Tote Chimbira - Zhanje - let born In father's family. Mother and Son Mbuya Bona and Mbuya Machuma ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL IIQR7III

Young Brother Donatlus and Mbuya Bona Tete Sabina Mugabe - President's sister Tete Bridgette - President's sister ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

FAMILY PICTORIAL The late brother of the President Albert The late young brother David Mugabe Tote Regina - the President's sister ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER,1987

The President's wedding - Hlghfleld 29/04/1961 I Aral Sally Mugabe and the late son - Nhamodzenyika Nhamodzenylka at one ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 35

FAMILY PICTORIAL Nhamodzenylika at three - 10/04/66, In Ghana Mrs Mavis Patricia Hayfron and Madam Jane Hayfron - the President's motherIn.aw and sisterin.law respectively Amal Sally Mugabe, the President and, Amal's twin sister, Dr Esther Bohene - It was no easy choice! ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Behind every successful man there Is a strong, resolute and Intelligent woman ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

ZANU (PF) and The Executive Presidency By E.J.M. Zvobgo, M.P., Member of The Central Committee and Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs T he history of our Party, ZANU (PF) is a history of continuous struggle against a colonial and alien political and economic system. It is therefore a history of struggle for self-determination. ZANU (PF) had from its inception the enormous task not only of overthrowing the colonial system but also of transforming the many institutions that supported and buttressed that system. Throughout the past two decades the Party has had to work-out the form and character of Party and governmental institutions that would best serve the people of Zimbabwe. Together with the people we fought and overcame colonial settlerism and we made history. Together with the people we continue to make history today. The introduction of the Executive Presidency in Zimbabwe is a historical component in our struggle for the establishment of institutions that are most suited to our needs, to the needs of our country and people. The Constitutions of ZANU (PF) since 1963 has never recognised a dual leadership, a split between real and formal power as exemplified in the offices of Prime Minister and President under the Lancaster House Constitution. In terms of our party Constitution we have always recognised and functioned on the basis of a presidency that is executive in character. Our Conception of Leadership in the Party as well as in government, has throughout our existence as a Party, been of a one popularly and democratically elected leader. The introduction of an executive presidency is therefore not a 1987 innovation by the Party. It is not as if in 1987 we suddenly woke up to the fact that a titular presidency was undesirable in our political system. We have always wanted the executive presidential system similar in all respects to the kind of presidency that we have had in the Party. I However several factors have made it impossible for us to introduce the form of presidency of our choice until 1987. At the Lancaster House Conference in 1979, a parliamentary executive system of government, with a titular president as head of State and a Prime Minister as head of Government was foisted upon us. We objected to this duality of leadership in government but eventually accepted it as part of a package, as part of the overall compromise arrangement to bring an end to the war of national liberation. This acceptance of a parliamentary executive was not a change of principle or policy by the Party, rather the party saw it as one of the temporary set-backs in our struggle for genuine self-determination. In terms of the Lancaster House Constitution meaningful constitutional changes could only be made after seven yeari from the date of Independence because a number of provisions in that Constitution were either directly entrenched or indirectly "entrenched by infection". A piecemeal approach to constitutional change, we thought, was not conducive to a healthy development of our institutions. However, when the seven years expired we took the first available opportunity to change certain fundamental provisions of the Lancaster House Constitution. We have abolished the specially reserved white seats in parliament and have now introduced the 'Executive Presidency. In order to understand the party thinking on the introduction of the Executive Presidency it is important to appreciate some of the negative aspects of a parliamentary executive such as we have had under the Independence Constitution. The Parliamentary executive system requires that we have two leaders - one with real power, and the other with no power, i.e. a Prime Minister and a President respectively. The presidency in such an arrangement is an immitation of the British Monarch. Although the president has some constitutional functions he has no power of his own either to make decisions or to implement policy. He can only act on the advice of the Prime Minister. In effect it is the Prime Minister and his Cabinet who run the government. The anomally of such an arrangement is that whereas the Prime Minister is the one who wields real power, he has no authority, qua prime minister, because executive authority is vested in the titular president. The whole arrangement is, to say the least very confusing. The majority of our people cannot understand the separation of functions between the prime ministership and the presidency. Who is who becomes the question in many minds. The parliamentary executive is not on.ly confusing, it also blurs the line of authority and derogates from one of our Party's fundamental principles that the people must directly participate in the election of their leader. So we have corrected all this. In terms of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (No. 7) Act, 1987, we have provided for the direct election by popular vote of an Executive President, except for the first election in 1987 where the Executive President is to be elected by an Electoral College more for practical reasons than for any othier. We believe that where the people go to the polls to elect their President, not only do they identify themselves with their choice of the person to be their President by their participation in national matters is enhanced' They are enabled to exercise one of their inalienable rights to choose a leadership for themselves. This process, we think is conducive to national unity as the entire nation is called upon to participate in 'the election of the national leader,. At the Second Congress of the Party held from 8th to 13th August 1984 Thesis Five, on Justice and Constitutional Affairs, the Party resolved tha( "Government shall bring about an Executive Presidency without undue delay." This resolution was a reaffirmation of the Party's position since 1963. In 1987 we have introduced the Executive Presidency and thus we have fulfilled one of the major resolutions of the Second Congress. When the Party decided to introduce the Executive Presidency, it had of course, in due course to nominate its candidate for the post of President. The Party chose its President and First Secretary Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe. As with the introduction of the Executive Presidency it is important for all our party cadres to appreciate the reasons for the choice of Cde. Robert Gabriel Mugabe as its Candidate for the Presidency. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

In 1963, when Zanu(PF) was founded the Party chose Ndabaningi Sithole as its President in the mistaken belief that he was committed to the struggle for independence. Little did the Party know that Ndabaningi was committed only to himself. When the struggle called for selflessness, Ndabaningi proved himself to be selfish, when it called for sacrifice and the utmost dedication, he wavered, when it wanted strong leadership, he was weak. On the principle that leaders come and go but the Party remains, Ndabaningi was thrown out. It was during these difficult years that the mettle of Comrade Mugabe was clearly shown. When selflessness and self-sacrifice was called for, he emerged as the one most prepared to sacrifice himself and showed a degree of selflessness without comparison. When strong principled leadership was lacking in Ndabaningi, Comrade Mugabe provided it. It was in recognition of his dedication to the struggle, his selflessness, and his abilities that at the Conference of the Par- ty Central Committee at Chimoio in 1977, he was chosen as President of the Party. This is but a very brief synopsis of the events leading to his election as President. In detail mention must be made of the Mgagao document which rejected the leadership of Sithole and asserted that the only leader the Party could accept as its spokesman was Comrade Mugabe. This was in 1976. The Party in its choice of Comrade Mugabe has been happier ever after. Comrade Mugabe, together with the leadership of the Party, guided, directed and prosecuted, the war of liberation until final victory. At Lancaster he fought against reactionary elements and ensured the advent of true independence. Through his leadership, the Party won the crucial 1980 general-election which was a resounding victory and has continued to score greater victories as in the 1985 generalelection. Since independence Comrade Mugabe's leadership has fostered national unity, political stability and economic development far in excess of anything known in this country before. As a true servant of the people he has brought the Party to a Second Congress for the people to exercise their choice of leadership democratically. He has in short proved himself an able leader both of the Party and of the Government of Zimbabwe and has become the envy not only of African countries but of many, many other countries too. When the Party chose him as the Presidential Candidate it reaffirmed its unwavering support for this great man. There could not have been a better choice. Apart from all this however, and in any case, the President of the Party is the natural and obvious choice for President of the country. Long live the Executive Presidency! Presidential Pension and Retirement Benefits Bill, 1987 MEMORANDUM T his Bill will provide for the payment of pensions and allowances to former Presidents of Zimbabwe, and will allow them to enjoy certain services and facilities provided by the State. In more detail, the various clauses of the Bill provide as follows: Clause 1 This clause sets out the Bill's short title and provides for it to come into operation not earlier than the day that the first Executive President assumes office though, as pointed out below, the Bill will apply to any person who has been President of Zimbabwe since Independence. Clause 2 This clause provides for a pension to be paid to anyone who has served as President of Zimbabwe since Independence for a full six-year term or more. The pension will be in an amount equal to the person's final salary as President and will be payable for his lifetime. A pension will also be payable to a surviving spouse of a President who dies in office after serving as such for six years, and to a surviving spouse of a former President who dies entitled to a pension under the Bill. The amount of the pension payable to a surviving spouse will be equal to half the pension to which the former President would have been entitled. Clause 3 This clause will allow the President to prescribe allowances, services and facilities to which former Presients, together with their spouses and surviving spouses, will be entitled. Notices prescribing any such allowance, service or facility will have to be laid before the House of Assembly and will be subject to amendment or repeal at the direction of the House. Clause 4 In terms of this clause, the first President of Zimbabwe, that is to say, the present incumbent of the office, will be paid a lump sum on his vacation of office equal to his salary for the unexpired portion of his present term of office. He will not receive a pension under the Bill until the 18th April, 1992, which is the date on which that term would have expired had he not been obliged to vacate office to make way for the new Executive President. The lump sum payment will be partly refundable if the former first President of Zimbabwe holds any public office or paid employment before the 18th April, 1992. This is an equivalent provision to clause 6 (1), which provides for the suspension of pension benefits in similar circumstances. Clause 5 This clause will ensure that recipients of a pension in terms of this Bill will not receive a second pension in terms of the Ministerial and Parliamentary Pensions Act [Chapter 6]., Clause6 This clause sets out the circumstances in which pensions and other benefits under the Bill will be suspended or will cease to be payable. In terms of subclause (1), all pensions and benefits under the Bill will be suspended whilst a former President holds any public office or any paid employment, whether public or private. This subclause is consequential on clause 31B (2) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 7) Bill, 1987. In terms of subclause (2), pensions and benefits are payable only during the lifetime of the recipient; in the case of a surviving spouse of a former President, they will cease if she remarries. Subclauses (3) and (4) provide that where a President is removed from office for violating the Constistion or for misconduct, the House of Assembly may resolve to deprive him wholly or partially of any benefits to which he would be entitled under the Bill. The House will be empowered to pass a similar resolution if ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 a former President misconducts himself in such a way that, if he were President, he would be removed from 'office for misconduct or for violating the Constitution. Clause 7 This clause provides that pensions paid under the Bill will be a statutory appropriation on the Consolidated Revenue Fund. Allowances and the cost of services and facilities provided under the Bill will be paid from the Consolidated Revenue Fund out of moneys appropriated annually for the purpose. Clauses 8 and 9 These clauses are standard provisions in Zimbabwean pensions legislation. They prevent the cession, transfer and attachment of benefits payable under the Bill, and provide that in the event of a beneficiary's insolvency, benefits payable under the Bill will not be liable to be distributed to creditors. Clause 10 This clause amends the Customs and Excise Act (Chapter 177] so as to exempt former Presidents from the payment of customs duties and surtax on such goods as may be prescribed by the Minister of Finance, Economic Planning and Development under that Act. Clause 11 This clause amends the Income Tax Act [Chapter 181] so as to make the benefits under this Bill tax free. Clause 12 This clause will amend the Pensions Review Act fChapter 334] to make it clear that pensions payable under this Bill will be capable of being increased from time to time to take inflation into account. End of Year Central Committee Meeting Points raised The Central Committee held its fourth ordinary session (the End-of-Year review session) in Harare on Friday, the 18th of December, 1987. It was chaired by the President and First Secretary, Comrade R.G. Mugabe. The meeting was well attended. It was held in an atmosphere of friendliness, progress and seriousness. The fourth ordinary session is usually devoted to a review of the work of the different departments of the party. The Central Committee received reports of the year's work from the following departments, with the name of the Comrade who submitted or presented the report in brackets. Administration (M.T. Nyagumbo); Commissariat and Culture (M.T. Nyagumbo) Finance (E.M. Nkala); External Affairs (D.N.E. Mutasa); Security (E.D. Munangagwa); Information and Publicity (N.M. Shamuyarira); Transport and Welfare (S.T. Sekeramayi); Production, Construction, and Development (D.B. Mutumbuka); Women's Affairs (J.T.R. Mujuru); Youth Affairs (E.R. Kadungure). The reports were discussed in a spirit of frankness, criticism and selfcriticism. It was agreed that the debate on the reports should continue at the first ordinary session in 1988. Some of the Departments did not fulfill all the tasks that had been tasked and expected of them, largely because of shortage of personnel, and/or transport, and/or finance. Restructuring the Party Organs Much time was given to the consideration of the reports. The question of restructuring the party was raised in the Commissariat report and was discussed at great length. It was noted with appreciation that the whole restructuring exercise had stimulated party activity at the grassroots level, and caused an increase in the monthly financial contributions from the provinces. As a result, many provinces were now in the block. But, the President of the Party, did observe that "the claim by Provinces that they had well-established cell, branch and district organs could not be sustained", and in some cases they "did not conform to the requirements and criteria established for their valid recognition and registration." The Central Committee inspection teams have now visited five provinces (Matabeleland North, Masvingo, Manicaland, Midlands, Mashonaland East and Mashonaland West), and they are still to visit the remaining three (Harare, Mashonaland Central, and Matabeleland South). The restructuring work will be intensified and broadened in 1988, and democracy within the party will be deepened. The level of ideological consiousness must be raised among the party members, as well as among the members of Parliament. The Commissariat will organise workshops and seminars for Parliamentarians and Senators. At the third ordinary session of the Central Committee, the President had once again stressed the need for a Member of Parliament of high calibre and deep ideological commitment. Headquarters Fund Stands at $7 Million The report for Administration Department showed the need for a permanent party headquarters where records can be kept properly, meetings organised, and party organs administered properly. Central Committee members were delighted to learn that the fund for building the party headquarters now stood at seven million dollars. Construction has started. It is hoped to complete the building in 1989. That day will be a happy one for all Departments and Party organs, and all our members. The Building Committee reported that the contract for building our new headquarters had been won by the Yugoslavian Engineering Firm, Emergoprojekt. In the year just extended, contact has been made and deepened with parties of socialist countries of Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia. Exchange visits had been made with countries like the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Nicaragua, Zambia, Poland, Angola, Cuba, North Korea, and others. The Women's League and the Youth League had also exchanged delegations with many fraternal parties, and organisations, resulting in ever- widening sphere of activity for our Party. Unity Talks - ZANU (PF) is the Umbrella The talks on the possible unity of our party with ZAPU have been in progress for over a year. Ten meetings have been held by the negotiating team, the last one held on the 10th of December, 1987. The leadership of ZAPU, under the leadership of Comrade J.M.N. Nkomo, now appears ready for unity under the umbrella of the mighty ZANU (PF). That is the best news the nation has received for some time. The Central Committee discussed the unity document negotiated carefully by the negotiating team, and agreed that the President and First Secretary, Comrade Mugabe, could proceed to initial the document. However, it will be necessary to call a special congress of ZANU (PF) to give approval to the ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER. 1987 final step to unity with ZAPU, under the umbrella of ZANU (PF), and to make the necessary changes to the constitution. When ZAPU members come into our Party they must join us in the important and continuing task of hammering into the ground. The bandits and dissidents in Matabeleland. They must not drag their feet or find excuses for not performing this national task. All their members in Bulawayo and in every village of rural Matabeleland must regard it as his or her bounden duty to expose, and arrest, every bandit and dissident. Every Ndebele peasant and Ndebele worker, should fight vigorously to rid Matabeleland of the aimless banditry we have seen in the last 5 years. The signing of a unity agreement is not an end in itself to the process of unity, but only a beginning. Real and genuine unity will only be achieved when all persons - Ndebele, Manyika, Zezuru, Karanga, Venda, Shangana etc - begin working together as one people, and one nation, under the umbrella of the mighty ZANU tPF). If people of whatever region, or tribe, gang up into cliques that fight against each other, that would not be the national unity we are seeking. The President and First Secretary has proudly condemned cliques of any kind within the present ZANU (PF), and certainly the enlarged one. One of the important operative principles of the Party forbids leaders or Central Committee members from participating in any activities of groups (or cliques) that are sectional or divisive. Leadership Must Observe Code The leadership code was discussed at length at the fourth ordinary session of the Central Committee. The Disciplinary Committee under the chairmanship of the Vice-President and Second Secretary, Comrade Simon Mzenda, was instructed to question those leaders who have amassed wealth and property, about their own intentions. They must explain to the Party what they want to do with their properties, having violated a code of leadership set up by the people at the Second Congress. It is a matter of principle and of great importance to the Party that the leaders do not replace the colonialists as the new owners of property who will continue to exploit their labour. Exploitation is exploitation, irrespective of the colour of the exploiter. Musangano weKupera kweGore weCentral Committee - Zvakabuda Musangano uyu wakaitwa musi wal8 Zvita gore rino, 1987. Waive musangano unodaidzirwa wechina. Mutungamiri wemusangano ari zvakare munyori wekutanga, (President and First Secretary) Comrade Robert Mugabe, ndivo valve sachigaro. Zvakabudawo kuti basa rekusimbaradza musangano ravakuitwa mumaProvince. lzvi zvakaratidzwa nereport yakapiwa na Secretary weFinance kuti dzimari dziri kuuya dzawanda kubva pakatangwa restructuring. Asi mutungamiriri wemusangano Comrade Robert Mugabe wakaonawo kuti kumaprovince hakuna macell, mabranch kana madistrict uye zvaitaurwa nemaprovince kuti ariko haasikupindirana nezvinodiwa. Kana ariko macell kana mabranch haafambirane nezvinodiwa nemusangano. Kugadzirisa Musangano Nhengo dzeCentral Committee dzakapiwa basa rekuona nenyaya yekuumba musangano, dzapedza maprovince mashanu parizvino. Dzakaenda kuMatabeleland North, Masvingo, Manicaland, Midlands, Mashonaland East neMashonaland West. Nhengo idzi dzirikusungirwa kuenda kuHarare province, Mashonaland Central neMatabeleland South. Basa rekusimbaradza musangano richange richisimudzirwa mugore ra1988. Nhengo dzemusangano dzinofanirwa kpjziva gwara uye vamiriri vevanhu mu- Paramende vanofanirwa kunzwisisa gwara remusangano. Department reCommissariat richagadzira misangano yekujekesera vatungamiriri ava. Pamusangano wechitatu weCentral Committee wakaitwa gore rino mutungamiri wemusangano Comrade President Robert Mugabe vakakurudzira kuveko kwemumiriri wevanhu muParamende anoziva gwara uye anoita basa. Imba Itsva yeMusangano lyezvino mari yekuvakisa imba iyi yava mamirioni manomwe (7 million dollars). Imba iyi inofungidzirwa kuti inopera muna 1989. Kubatana - ZANU (PF) Ndiyo Amai Nhaurwa dzekuti ZAPU ibatane nemusangano wevanhu weZANU (PF) dzave negore dzichiitwa. Misangano gumi yakaitwa, wekupedzisira wakaitwa musi wa 10 Zvita. Vatungamiriri veZAPU pamwechete naoomrade Joshua Nkomo vakabvuma kubatana. lzvi zvinofadza ruzhinji rweZimbabwe. Central Committee yakawongorora gwaro repamusoro pesungano iyi ndokubvumirana kuti President Mugabe vaenderere mberi nekusaina. Asi zvichakakodzera kuti Central Committee igare pasi zvakare kutsigira chibvumirano ichi uye kugadzirisa bumbiro remitemo yemusangano. Kusungana kweZANU neZAPU hakufanirwi kubudisa zvechizukuru kana, kuti ndiri muZezuru, muNdebele, muVenda, muKaranga, kana muManyika. lzvi zvagara zvakarambwa neZANU (PF). Panouya nhengo dzeZAPU kuZANU dzinofanirwa kuita basa rekuvhima nekupedza mbavha, makororo, nemhondi kuMatabeleland. Ngavarege kugarira maoko kana kuzvipa zvikonzero panyaya iyi. Nhengo ipi zvayo yeZAPU kuMatabeleland ngaione sebasa rayo kubvisa madissidents. Kunyorerana pasi pakati peZANU neZAPU hazvirevi kuti sungano yavepo asi kuti aya mavambo chete. Kubatana chaiko kuchave kwemarudzi ese muZANU (PF). Kana vanhu vakatanga zvekuita zvemarudzi hapasisinp sungano iyi. President ari zve munyori wekutanga wemusangano Comrade Robert Mugabe akati pasi nekuita tumapato tumapato mukati memusangano. Leadership Code Ngairege Kuputswa Leadership code yakagarirwa pasi kwenguva ndefu pamusangano wekupera kwegore weCentral Committee. Committee yekutsoropodza, (disciplinary committee) ina sachigaro mutevedzeri wemutungamiri wemusangano Comrade Simon Muzenda, yakanzi ngaibvunzirudze vatungamiri vemusangano vari ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 kuita basa rekuita mari nekutenga mapurazi kana mahotera, kuti varikuda kuita sei. Vanofanirwa kutsanangurira musangano mazano avo sezvo vakatsikatsika leadership code iyo inorambidza vatungamiriri vernusangano kuita izvi. Leadership code yakarniswa nevanhu paCongress yechipiri yernusangano. Chinangwa chikuru chernusangano kuti vatungamiri vasapfeke nguwani yevapambevhu nevasvetasimba, nekuti kusvetwa simba kwevanhu kungaramba kuripo. Hazvineyi kuti musvetasimba murudzii kana ganda rake rakaita sei, musveta simba musveta simba chete. Gwara reZANU (PF) igwara regutsa ruzhinji. Saizvozvo kana vatungamiri vave ivo vanoguta chete hazvichareve chinhu nekuti vanenge vasisatevedzi gwara rakatarwa nemusangano. ZANU (PF) yakatara. gwara regutsaruzhinji muna 1963, gwara iri rikatsinhirwazve paCongress yechipiri muna 1984, ndiro gwara reZANU (PF), Swara regutsaruzhinji rinosungirwa kutevedzwa nemutungamiri upi zvake we;iANU (PF). lCentral Committee yaba lomhlangano wayo wesine (umhlangano wokuphela komnyaka) ngokwesih1anu, 18kuMpalakazi, 1987eHarare. UmgcinisihIalo kwakunguMongameli loNobhala wakuqala weZANU (PF) uComrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe., Lomhlangano wawungcweie. Kulomhlangano kwakulomoya wokuzwanana, ingqubelaphambili kanye lokuthakazelela umsebenzL Umhlangano wesine /o. wandise ukukhangela umsebenzi wezigaba ezehlukeneyo zoMhlangano. lCentral Committee yathola imibiko yomsebenzi womnyaka wonke wela kuzigaba ezilandelayo. lbizo 1oMnumzana owethula umbiko wakhona ligonjolozelwe. Ezokuphathwa kwamandia (Administration) (Comrade T.M. Nyagumbo); Commissariat and Culture (Comrade T.M. Nyagumbo); eZemali (Finance) (Comrade E.M. Nkala), Ezangaphandle kwelizwe (External Affairs) (Comrade D.N.E. Mutasa); Ezomvikela (Security) (Comrade E.D. Munangagwa); Ezemibiko kanye lokusakaza (information and Publicity) (Comrade N.M. Shamuyarira),* Ezokuthwalwa kwezinto kanye lokunceda abantu (Transport and Welfare) (Comrade S.T. Sekeramayi), Ezokwenza izinto; ukwakha kanye lokuthuthuka (Production, Construction and Development) (D.B. Mutumbuka); Ezabesintwana (Women's Affairs (J.T.R. Mujuru); Ezababatakhulayo -(Youth Affairs) (E.R. Kadungure). Le mibiko kwaxoxwa ngayo umuntu ngamunye ngamunye ephumela egcekeni, kusolwa lapho okusolwa khona nialo umuntu ezisola lapho angasebenzanga kuhle khona. Kwavunyelwana ukuthi ukudalula imibiko le kuzamela kuqhubeke emhlanganweni wakuqa1a ngo1988. Ezinye izigaba azizange z1feze yonke imisebenzi ezaziyinikiwe nialo kukhangelelwa ukuthi zingayenza, ngenxa yokuswelakala kwazisebenzi, indlela zokuhamba kanye'lemali. Ukumisa Kakutsha Izigaba zeNhlanganiso Isikhathi esinengi saphelela ekukhahgeleni imibiko yezigaba ngezigaba' Udaba Jokumiswa kakutsha kwezigaba zeNhianganiso lwavuswa ngesikhathi kukhulunywa ngombiko weCommissariat njalo kwakhulunywa nga wo okwesikhathi eside. Kwabonakala ngendiela ethokozisayo ukuthi umsebenzi lo wawusuvuse amadlabuzane empandeni zeNhIanganiso nialo kwenzela ukuthl kube lemali enengi evela kumaPhrovinoi. Lokhu sekwenze ukuthi amaphrovinct amanengi abe ngconywana. Kodwa uMongameli weNhlanganiso wananzelela ukuthi "ukutsho kwamaphrovinci, ukuthi ayelama seli, ingatsha kanye lamadistrict aqinileyo kungekwe kwathathwa njengeqihiso, " niald kwesinye isikhathi "ayengalandeli imilayo kanye lendlela eyenzelwa ukuthi zibonakale nialo zibhaliswe". izinhioli zeCentral Committee sezi . vakatshele lezindawo ezinhianu Matabeleland North, Masvingo, Manicaland, Midlands, Mashonaland East /a Mashonaland West, nialo kuyikho bezavakatsheis Is amathathu alandelayo, iHarare, Mashonaland Central te Matabeleland South. Lo msebenzi wokumisa kakutsha ibandla uzakwengezelelwa nialo ubabaleliswe ngo 1988 nialo ukuhambelana labanengi phakathi kwenhlanganiso kuzakwengezwa. Ulwazi 1wezelizwe kumele ukuthi luphakanyiswe phakathi kwamalunga eNhlanganiso kanye laphakathi kwamalunga eParliament. Ugatsha 1weCommissariat luzabiza iminhiangano enganceda ukuthi amalunga eParliament kanye IeSenate akhali- phe. Emhlanganweni wesithathu weCentral Committee, uMonganteli wayeke waqoqosela ukuthi kumele kube lamalunga eParliament akhaliphileyo nialo alolwazi. Imall Yokwakha Is!godlo Isimu Kuzigidl Eziyisikhombisa Zamadola ($7m) Umbiko wesigaba seAdministration satshengisa ukudingakala kokuthi kube lesigodlo senhianganiso lapho izincwadi ezingagcinakala kuhle khona imihlangano imenywe, nialo lezigaba zeNhlanganiso ziphatheke kakuhle. Amalunga eCentral Committee athaba kakhulu ukuzwa kuthiwa imali yokwakha isigodlo esitsha yayjsiy&igidi eziyisikhombisa zemadola. Umsebenzi wokwakha usuqalisile trialo kuthembakala ukuthi lomsebenzi uzaphela ngo 1989. Lelolanga fizathakazelelwa yizigaba zonke zeNhlanganiso kanye lamalungs ayo. lkhomithi ephathelene lezokwakha yabika ukuthi isivumelwano sokwakhiwa kwalesisigodio satholwa yinkampani yekwezokwakha yase Yugoslavia, iEmergoprojekt. Emnyakeni osanda kuphela, kube lobudielwano lezihianganiso zamazwe esisocialist eEastern Europe, Latin America kanye leAsia. Kwaba lokuvakatshelana lamazwe anienge Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Nicaragua, Zambia, Poland, Angola, Cuba, North Korea lamanye. lbandia labomama kanye lebandia labasakhulayo lawo avakatshelana lamanye amazwe azwana lawo, okwadala ukuthi ibandla libe lomsebenzi omnengi. lmicijo Eyikhitshwayo 'J"A-11h1anganweni wokuphela komnyaka weCentral Committee YeZANU (PF) ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

PHILIPS PHILIPS LINTAS Akumelanga ukuthi badonse inyawo kumbe bathole izizatho zokungenzi umsebenzi wesizwe. Amalunga abo wonke aseBulawayo kanye lendawo zonke zeMatabeleland kumele athathe niengomsebenzi wabo ukuthi adalule, kumbe abophe bonke abahlamuki kanye lezigebenga. Zonke izisebenzi zeMatabeleland kanye labalimi kumele alwe ngokuqinileyo ukwenzela ukuthi kuphele abahlamuki abangelanhloso esesibabonile eminyakeni emihlanu edluleyo. Ukubhalelana kanye lokusayina isivumelwano sokuhlangana akusiyonto yokucina kodv a kuyisiqalo ngokwakho. Ukumanyana okuqinileyo nialo okweqiniso kuzakubakhona nxa wonke umuntu - amaNdebele, aManyika, amaZezuru ' aMakaranga, aMavenda, aMatshangane kanye labanye bangaqa1a ukusebenzelana ndawonye, njqngabantu banye, isizwe sinye nialo ngaphansi kweZANU (PF) elamandla. Abantu besinye isigaba bangabumba, ibandla elilwa lamanya, lokho kuyabe kungayisikho kumanyana esikudingayo. Uiw ong6 meli kanye IoNobhala wakuqa1a weZANU (PF) uhiezi esola amaqembu ehlukeneyo akhona phakathi kweZANU (PF), ikakhulu iZAkU enkulu ezabakhona. Enye into eyenza ukuthi iBandla lethu lisebenze yikungavumelani lamalunga alo ekutheni ,angene emaqenjini ahlose ukwehlukanisa abantu. AbaKhokheii Kumele Balandele Umthetho Umthetho oqondene lenkokheli kwakhulunywa ngawo okwesikhathi eside. lCommittee ebona ngezok0gcinwa komthetho, ophethwe nguMsekeli kaMongameli onguye uNobhala wesibili, uComrade Simon Muzenda wacelwa ukuthi abuze labo bakhokheli asebelenotho mayelana lenhloso yabo. Kumele batshele iNhIanganiso ukuthi baqina ukwenzani . ngempahla zabo, niengoba sebephikisane lomthetho omele ulandelwe ngabakhokheli owenziwa ngabantu emhlanganweni wesibili omkhulu. Kuyinto eqakathekileyo kakhulu ukuthi abakhokheli bangaze bathatha indawo yabahuquluzi benotho niengabanikazi benotho yeZimbabwe abazaqhubeka besebenzisa gadalala abantu beZimbabwe. Ukusindezela abantu yikusindezela, kungelandaba lokuthi umcindezeli ungumh1obo bani. Inkulumo Zokumanyana IZANU (PF) yiyo lngqwele Inkulumo ezimayelana lokumanyana kwebandla lethu IeZAPU seziqhubake okwesikhathi esingaba ngumnyaka. Sekube, lemihiangano elitshumi, owokucina ubekhona mhla ziku 10 kuMpalakazi, 1987. lnkokheli yeZAPU, ikhokhelwa ngu Comrade J.M.N. Nkomo isizimisile ukuthi lokumanyana ingaphansi kweZANU (PF) elamandla. Lezi zindaba ezimnandi ezikade zimeleiwe yisizwe okwesikhathi aside. lCentral Committee yakhangela ugwalo lomanyano olwalotshwa libandla elikulezi nkulumo nialo lavuma ukuthi uMongameli kanye IoNobhala wakuqa1a uComrade Mugabe angaqhubeka abone ukuthi enze okusemubha1weni. Kodwa kuzadingakala ukuthi kubizwe umhlangano omkhulu weZANU (PF) ukuthi kuvunyelwe ukuba kube lokumbnyana leZAPU ngaphansi kweZANU (PF) nialo kwenziwe inguqulo ezidingakalayo kuConstitution. Amalunga eZAPU angabuya kubandla lethu kumele abambane lathi emsebenzini omkhulu wokuqeda abahlamuki abase Matabeleland. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

Full Text of Historic Unity Agreemeni Agreement of Unity between the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) and Patriotic Front (ZAPU) Preamble Conscious of the historical links between ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU in the struggle for national independence and democracy through the strategy of the armed struggle and their alliance under the banner of the Patriotic Front; Cognisant of the fact that the two parties jointly command the support of the overwhelming majority of the people of Zimbabwe as evidenced by the general election results of 1980 and 1985 respectively; Notwithstanding that ZANU (PF) commands a greater percentage of said overwhelming majority of the people of Zimbabwe; Desirous to unite our nation, establish peace, law and order and so guarantee social and economic development and political stability; Determined to eliminate and end the insecurity and violence caused by dissidents in Matabeleland; Convinced that natibnal unity, political stability, peace, law and order, social and economic development can only be achieved to their fullest under conditions of peace and the unity primarily of ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU. We, the two leaders of ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU, that is to say, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF), and Comrade Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo, President of (PF) ZAPU, assisted by a subcommittee of equal members of ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU, held 10 meetings to discuss the possible unity of our two parties as follows: 1st meeting: 2nd October, 1985 Parliament Buildings. 2nd meeting: 28th November, 1985 Parliament Buildings. 3rd meeting: 4th April, 1986 - Parliament Buildings. 4th meet.ng: 22nd July, 1986 - Parliament Buidings. 5th meeting: 29th December, 1986 - Parliament Buildings. 6th meeting: 25th February, 1987 Parliament Buildings. 7th meeting: 3rd August, 1987 Munhumutapa Building. 8th meeting: 10th August, 1987 Parliament Buildings. 9th meeting: 23rd October, 1987 Parliament Buildings. 10th meeting: 10th De.'ember, 1987 Parliament Buildings. Consequent upon these meetings, and paying due regard to all the principal issues raised thereat, we have agreed as follows: The Agreement 1. That ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU have irrevocably committed themselves to unite under one political party. 2. That the unity of the two political parties shall be achieved under the name Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), in short ZANU (PF). 3. That Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe shall be the First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF). 4. That ZANU (PF) shall have two Second Secretaries and Vice-Presidents who shall be appointed by the First Secretary and President of the Party. 5. That ZANU (PF) shall seek 'to establish a socialist society in Zimbabwe on the guidance of MarxistLeninist principles. 6. That ZANU (PF) shall seek to ,establish a One Party State in Zimbabwe. 7. That the leadership of ZANU (PF) shall abide by the Leadership Code. 8. That the . existing structures of ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU shall be merged in accordance with the letter and spirit of this Agreement. 9. That both parties shall, in the interim, take immediate vigorous steps to eliminate and end the insecurity and violence prevalent in Matabeleland. 10. That ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU shall convene their repsective congresses to give effect to this Agreement within the shortest possible time. 11. That in the interim, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe is vested with full powers to prepare for the implementation of this Agreement and to act in the name and authority of ZANU (PF). Signed at State House this 22nd day of December 1987. Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo, President, (PF) ZAPU. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF). Signed ab$ .. , . this. PZ%9?. ... day ot 18 JOSHUA MQABUKO NKOMO Ptesident, IPF)ZAPU First Secretary and President of ZANU(Pe, ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 v

'SafeWater Rea4 I forallb 2000" We agree. And the first step towards this sewage and potable water treatment systems. goal is a good sewage treatment and disposal Complete, low- maintenance projects are system, to prevent water-borne disease and supplied and installed according to contamination of ground water, requirements, for the largest or the smallest Batemans is a name to trust for both of growing communities. EDWARD L. BATEMAN P.O. Box 652, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Telephone 70905, Telex 3163 ZW. SEVENTY YEARS OF SPECIALISATION ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

"MEET MY WORKING PARTNER Fairly new in your job are you? You may have started low but you'll be aiming high.You realize, like we do, that it will be a long haul to the top. As you progress in your work. 4 your requirements in financial affairs will alter.We understand this and that is why we'd like to be your partner.Your life-long banking partner. You see, we are a bank with a great her!. tage and because we've been around a long time we appre" 4 ciate the need for close, longlasting relationships with our clients. We want to keep our reputation as a bank that will aid you in your early days and stay with you all ! the way -through life. We are a progressive bank that looks to the futur and identifies tomorr/, ow's professionals.We want to be your bank Ing partner in life. We want you, to be secure in the knowledge that somebody close looking after your in terests. So, pop in for a chat and discuss your particular situation with your banking partner of the future. Just remember, when you need a bank, Barclays is the name. ]jUE WJRLS BANK MICHAEL HOGG SIR 18173. ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Cer no I ' CHEMICALS (ZMBABWE) (PVT) LTD. MAKOROKO TO-AMHLOPE-CONGRA TULA TIONS TO THE HONOURABLE CDE. R.G. MUGABE ON HIS ELECTION AS FIRST EXECUTIVE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE "THE PEOPLE WITH THE RIGHT CHEMISTRY" DOUGLAS ROAD WORKINGTON P.O. BOX 344, HARARE TELEPHONES 6268115 TELEX 2328 ZW CABLE "CHEMSERVE" Living in the 1 Dark? Contact Oliver Pawandiwa for all your electrical installations Bright Lights (PVT) LTD 91 Kelvin Rd. South Graniteside, P.O. Box 1547, Harare. Tel: 761190 ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 / f

Learning to save when you're young sets you up for the rest of your life. And with a POSB savings book you get more chances... more places to save at all over the country, more tax free interest on your savings, more development for Zimbabwe. Because the POSB is the people's bank. It belongs to you. with the book you've got a chance in life Save with the POSB -The People's Bank ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

I to A ppODUCED IN OUR CELLARS B) AFRICAN DiSTILLERS ZIMBABWE ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 I s 1 The College Press Your partners in education Publishers of * Primary School Books * Secondary School Books * Teacher Education and General Books The Honourable Comrade R G Mugabe on his election as First Executive President of the Republic of Zimbabwe Denbi Stationery Manufacturers of writing instruments for Zimbabwe, the PTA and SADCC Region The Management and Staff of Denbi Stationery wish to congratulate the Honourable Comrade R.G. Mugabe on his election as 1st Executive President of Zimbabwe 0 ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987

If you're starting to look lik e this, we suggest you look in on... , I.# When you choose your clothes from Eric Davis, you know you're choosing from what is pi obably the be, arid most comprehensive range of quality mnswoeo in the country. All the leading inanufacturers are :r presented... and there is always a selected -atige of exclusive and individual fashions available ZIMBABWE NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 from Flexible Packaging (Pvt.) Ltd. We look forward to continued peace and stability in the years to come. FLEXIBLE _,1 PACKAGING (PRIVATE) LIMITED ZIMBABWE-NEWS SPECIAL ISSUE DECEMBER, 1987 Insurance, like everything else these days, is getting more expensive. Let us help you spread the load with our Motor/Householder's policy. As locally owned Insurance Brokers, we pioneered the Monthly Premium Scheme - and offer competitive rates, efficient and personal service. For more information, please contact us. YOUR PERSONAL INSURANCES Hudson Adams (Pvt) Ltd fomr persoga/ roers Hudson Adams House, Angwa Street, P.O. Box 1322, HARARE. Telephone 728471 (Nine Hunting Lines). 4th Floor, Norwich Union Building, Livingstone Avenue, GWERU. Telephone 51318. Shop No. 3, Parkade, 9th Avenue, BULAWAYO. Telephone 70870. 1st Street, Gutu Shopping Centre, GUTU. Telephone 151 CONGRATULATIONS to our First

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