CPDS I Codebook September 2008
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Belgian Identity Politics: at a Crossroad Between Nationalism and Regionalism
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2014 Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism Jose Manuel Izquierdo University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Human Geography Commons Recommended Citation Izquierdo, Jose Manuel, "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2014. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/2871 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Jose Manuel Izquierdo entitled "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Science, with a major in Geography. Micheline van Riemsdijk, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Derek H. Alderman, Monica Black Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism A Thesis Presented for the Master of Science Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Jose Manuel Izquierdo August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Jose Manuel Izquierdo All rights reserved. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2012
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set I, 1960-2012 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET I 1960-2012 Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2012 is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungs- spielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” di- rected by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 23 democratic countries for the period of 1960 to 2012. In the cases of Greece, Spain and Portugal, political data were collected only for the democratic periods1. The data set is suited for cross national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. Howev- er, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions are available on CD from the Data Handbook by Bernhard Ebbinghaus and Jelle Visser (2000). A few variables have been copied from a data set collected by Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, John D. Stephens, David Brady and Jason Beckfield (2004). We are grateful for the permission to include these data. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Network Pa Erns of Legislative Collaboration In
Network Paerns of Legislative Collaboration in Twenty Parliaments Franc¸ois Briae [email protected] Supplementary online material is appendix contains detailed information on the data and networks briey documented in the short note “Network Paerns of Legislative Collaboration in Twenty Parliaments”. Section A starts by reviewing the existing literature on legislative cosponsorship as a strategic position-taking device for legis- lators within parliamentary chambers. Section B then documents the data collection process, Section C summarises its results, and Section D contains the full list of party abbreviations used in the data. Section E fully documents how the cosponsorship networks were constructed and weighted, and lists some derived measures. e replication material for this study is available at https://github.com/ briatte/parlnet. e code was wrien in R (R Core Team, 2015), and the cur- rent release of the repository is version 2.6. See the README le of the reposi- tory for detailed replication instructions including package dependencies. e raw data up to January 2016 are available at doi:10.5281/zenodo.44440. CONTENTS A Background information on legislative cosponsorship . 2 B Sample denition and data collection . 4 B.1 Bills . 4 B.2 Sponsors . 10 C Descriptive statistics by country, chamber and legislature . 11 D Party abbreviations and Le/Right scores . 17 E Cosponsorship network construction . 27 E.1 Edge weights . 28 E.2 Network objects . 30 E.3 Network descriptors . 31 References . 35 1 A. BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON LEGISLATIVE COSPONSORSHIP Legislative scholarship oers a wealth of studies that stress the importance of collabo- ration between Members of Parliament (MPs) in the lawmaking process. -
Experiences in Oral History Contemporary Witness Interviews in Archive Organizations and Historical Research
Experiences in Oral History Contemporary witness interviews in archive organizations and historical research Christoph Becker-Schaum, Annette Lensing, Silke Mende, Birgit Metzger, Christie Miedema, Anna Trespeuch-Berthelot, Anne Vechtel, Martha Verdorfer and Szymon Zareba A publication by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, October 2018 1/ 64 Experiences in Oral History Contents Editorial 4 1 CONTEMPORARY WITNESS INTER VIEWS IN ARCHIVE ORGANIZATIONS 6 Introduction 6 Workshop reports 8 Szymon Zareba The oral archives at the Etopia Private Archive Centre 8 Anne Vechtel The interviewing project at the German Green Memory Archive 12 Martha Verdorfer The oral history holdings in the Bolzano Women's Historical Archive 15 Self portrayals 17 Austria: The Green Archive 17 Belgium: The Etopia Private Archive Centre 19 Germany: The Green Memory Archive 20 Italy: Bolzano Women's Historical Archive – Archivio delle donne Bolzano 22 Italy: The legacy of Alexander Langer in the Alexander Langer Archive 24 2 INTERVIEWS IN HISTORICAL RESEARCH 26 Introduction 26 Christoph Becker-Schaum Conceptual remarks on oral history 27 Martha Verdorfer Oral history: stories – history – memory 30 Annette Lensing Traces of August Haußleiter's past in oral history 34 Silke Mende Oral history and the founding story of the Greens 40 Birgit Metzger Emotional recollection: The role of witnesses for writing a contemporary history of an emotional debate 44 Christie Miedema Tapping into hidden layers of misunderstanding: oral history and the East-West dialogue 49 Anna Trespeuch-Berthelot -
Western Europe
Western Europe Great Britain Domestic Affairs A HE POLITICAL WORLD was startled by the news of Prime Minister Harold Wilson's resignation in March 1976. He was succeeded by former Foreign Secretary James Callaghan, elected by the parliamentary Labour party after three ballots. The precarious position of the government was emphasized both in March, when three by-elections showed a fall in Labour votes and a rise in C^ nservative —though no party lost a seat it had previously held; and in April, when the resignation of one Labour Member of Parliament reduced the party's voting strength to 314, as compared with 316 for all other parties. In February 1975 Margaret Thatcher had replaced Edward Heath as leader of the Conservative party. In June of that year, in a 64.5 per cent turnout, 67.2 per cent of those who went to the polls voted for the United Kingdom to stay in the European Economic Community (EEC). On the economic front significant changes of policy took place. Foremost among these were the imposition in July of a limit of £6 per week on pay rises and the introduction of more food and government housing subsidies. These measures were taken to combat a rapidly rising rate of inflation, which in May was running at 30 per cent per annum. In this way the Labour party, which had won power in 1974 by asserting the principle of free collective bargaining, reverted to a policy of compulsory wage controls after only a year. There were still doubts whether the Trades Union Congress would agree to the change; it did so at its annual conference in September by a majority of two to one. -
The Future of European Liberalism
FEATURE THE FUTURE OF EUROPEAN LIBERALISM Multi-party European parliaments provide a place for distinctively liberal parties, writes Charles Richardson he most fundamental feature of ways: our parties support the electoral system that Australian politics is the two-party supports them. system. Almost a hundred years ago, But Australia is relatively unusual in these in the Fusion of 1909, our different respects. In most European democracies, with non-Labor parties merged to create different histories and different electoral systems, Ta single party, of which today’s Liberal Party is the liberal parties survived through the twentieth direct descendant. It and the Labor Party have century, and many of them are now enjoying contended for power ever since. something of a resurgence. Before Fusion, the party system was more A brief digression here might clarify what I fl exible and different varieties of liberals had some mean by ‘liberal’. Philosophically, a liberal is one scope to develop separate identities. At the federal who believes in the tenets of the Enlightenment, level, there were Free Trade and Protectionist a follower of Montesquieu, Smith and von parties; in most of the states, there were Liberal and Humboldt. Applying the word to political parties Conservative parties. Sometimes rival liberal groups I am not using it as a philosophical term of art, were allied with each other or with conservatives, but as a practical thing: the typical liberal parties but sometimes they joined with Labor: George are those that have a historical connection with Reid, the Free Trade premier of New South Wales, the original liberal movements of the nineteenth for example, governed with Labor support for most century, with their programme of representative of the 1890s. -
Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2019 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period of 1960 to 2019. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time-series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. -
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism
The European trust crisis and the rise of populism Yann Algan, Sergei Guriev, Elias Papaioannou and Evgenia Passari Abstract We study the implications of the Great Recession on voting for anti-establishment parties, as well as for general trust and political attitudes, using regional data across Europe. We find a strong relationship between increases in unemployment and voting for non-mainstream, especially populist, parties. Moreover, increases in unemployment go in tandem with a decline in trust in national and European political institutions, while we find only weak or no effects of unemployment on interpersonal trust. The correlation between unemployment and attitudes towards immigrants is muted, especially for their cultural impact. To advance on causality, we extract the component of increases in unemployment explained by the pre-crisis structure of the economy, in particular the share of construction in regional value added, which is strongly related both to the build-up and the end of the crisis. Our results imply that crisis-driven economic insecurity is a substantial driver of populism and political distrust. Contact details: Sergei Guriev: EBRD, One Exchange Square, EC2A 2JN, London, UK. Email: [email protected]. Yann Algan is the Dean of the School of Public Affairs and Professor of Economics at Sciences Po and affiliated with CEPR. Sergei Guriev is Chief Economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Professor of Economics at Sciences Po and Research Fellow at CEPR. Elias Papaioannou is Professor of Economics at the London Business School and a Research Affiliate at CEPR. Evgenia Passari is Assistant Professor at Université Paris-Dauphine. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.