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Dead Heroes and Living Saints: Orthodoxy
Dead Heroes and Living Saints: Orthodoxy, Nationalism, and Militarism in Contemporary Russia and Cyprus By Victoria Fomina Submitted to Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Professor Vlad Naumescu Professor Dorit Geva CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Budapest, Hungary Statement I hereby declare that this dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions and no materials previously written and / or published by any other person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Victoria Fomina Budapest, August 16, 2019 CEU eTD Collection i Abstract This dissertation explores commemorative practices in contemporary Russia and Cyprus focusing on the role heroic and martyrical images play in the recent surge of nationalist movements in Orthodox countries. It follows two cases of collective mobilization around martyr figures – the cult of the Russian soldier Evgenii Rodionov beheaded in Chechen captivity in 1996, and two Greek Cypriot protesters, Anastasios Isaak and Solomos Solomou, killed as a result of clashes between Greek and Turkish Cypriot protesters during a 1996 anti- occupation rally. Two decades after the tragic incidents, memorial events organized for Rodionov and Isaak and Solomou continue to attract thousands of people and only seem to grow in scale, turning their cults into a platform for the production and dissemination of competing visions of morality and social order. This dissertation shows how martyr figures are mobilized in Russia and Cyprus to articulate a conservative moral project built around nationalism, militarized patriotism, and Orthodox spirituality. -
Introduction: Looking Back at Brezhnev 1 Peter Rutland And
Introduction: Looking back at Brezhnev 1 Peter Rutland and Victoria Smolkin-Rothrock2 In the West, the Soviet Union is now viewed as a historical dead-end, a doomed experiment that eventually collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. Extrapolating back from the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991, it is often assumed that the Soviet Union was ‘bound’ to fail. The Soviet Union was ruled by a stultified bureaucracy under which citizens enjoyed very limited personal freedom, dissidents were ruthlessly persecuted, and only stringent controls on communication with the outside world enabled the system to survive. The attempt to build a centrally-planned economy on principles antithetical to the market led to colossal inefficiency and stagnant growth. Moscow’s competition with the United States for global hegemony brought the world to the brink of nuclear war and fueled bitter conflicts from Afghanistan to Angola. In contrast, many Russians now view the Soviet Union of Leonid Brezhnev, who was General Secretary from 1964 to 1982, as something of a golden age: a society in which citizens could lead a secure and predictable life, where living standards were rising every year, and where their children could receive a good education and stable careers. Levada Center polls show Brezhnev to be the most popular leader of the 20th century.3 Even some Russian intellectuals look back at the Brezhnev years as an era of fervent creativity. Writer Dmitrii Bykov goes so far as to describe the 1970s as “our silver age, when culture and science evolved at a rapid pace,” producing such towering figures of artistic and moral authority as Vladimir Vysotsky, Andrei Tarkovsky and Andrei Sakharov.4 Opinion polls looking back at the Brezhnev era, of course, must be interpreted with caution. -
La Inteligencia Soviética En América Latina Durante La Guerra Fría*
CONFERENCIA LA INTELIGENCIA SOVIÉTICA EN AMÉRICA LATINA DURANTE LA GUERRA FRÍA* Nikolai Leonov En estas páginas se presenta una transcripción de la charla y del diálogo que sostuvo el general Nikolai Leonov, ex vicedirector del Comité de Seguridad del Estado (KGB) de la ex URSS, en el Centro de Estudios Públicos el 22 de septiembre de 1998. Tras ofrecer su visión de las directrices que orientaron la política exterior soviética en el Tercer Mundo durante la guerra fría, el general Leonov destaca aquí el papel decisivo que jugó la Revolución cubana en la política soviética hacia América Latina, y señala que tanto Cuba (triunfo del socialismo sin intervención extranjera) como Chile (instauración del socialismo por la vía electoral) constituyeron dos hitos para las fuerzas socialistas en el mundo entero. Respecto de Chile, además, se refiere a la ayuda prestada por la URSS al gobierno de Salvador Allende, revelando que en el verano boreal de 1973 se habría apro- bado el envío de armamento soviético (artillería, tanques) para el ejército chileno, pero que, al recibir después información acerca de El general (R) Nikolai Leonov fue Vicedirector del Comité de Seguridad del Estado (KGB) de la Unión Soviética entre 1983 y enero de 1991, el segundo cargo más importante dentro de la estructura del KGB. Anteriormente fue Vicedirector del Departamento de Análi- sis e Información del KGB (1973-1982) y Vicedirector del Departamento de América Latina del KGB (1968-1972). El general Leonov es doctor en Historia de América Latina, Academia de Ciencias de la URSS, y autor del libro Ensayos de historia contemporánea de América Central (Moscú: Ed. -
Powereliteofcuba.Pdf
POWER ELITE OF CUBA General of the Army Raúl Castro (86 years old) First Secretary of the Communist Party An intolerant Marxist-Leninist, Raúl Castro is a highly organized, cautious and clannish leader with an unwavering commitment to Communism, Russia, Iran and Venezuela. In March 1953, Raúl traveled to Vienna (four months before the “Moncada”) to attend the Moscow sponsored World Youth Conference. Afterwards, he went to Budapest, Prague and Bucharest. He liked what he saw. During this trip he established a long-lasting friendship with Nikolai Leonov, a KGB espionage officer that later turned out to be a useful link with the Kremlin. Raúl recalled that from that moment on “he was ready to die for the Communist cause.” Declassified KGB documents offer evidence that Fidel Castro “deliberately made a Marxist of Raul.” At 22, back in Cuba, Raúl joined the Cuban Communist Party Youth Branch (CCP). Latter while in Mexico for the “Granma” operation, Raúl struck up a close ideological friendship with Ernesto “Che” Guevara and forged a commitment to create a Marxist society in Cuba. In 1963, Raúl was the official link between Fidel and Nikita Khrushchev to deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba. At 86, he still remains strongly attached to his lifelong ideology. While he is healthy and running Cuba, individual rights and private property will be forbidden in the island. (A car and a house are the exceptions). There are reports stating that Raúl is having health issues. Commander of the Rebel Army José Machado Ventura (87 years old) Second Secretary of the Communist Party A medical doctor, Machado was appointed to the Politburo in 1975. -
Soviet Intelligence and the Cuban Missile Crisis
This article was downloaded by: [Harvard College] On: 18 September 2012, At: 12:38 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Intelligence and National Security Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fint20 Soviet intelligence and the Cuban missile crisis Aleksandr Fursenko a & Timothy Naftali b a Chairman of the Department of History, Russian Academy of Science b Olin Fellow at International Security Studies, Yale University Version of record first published: 02 Jan 2008. To cite this article: Aleksandr Fursenko & Timothy Naftali (1998): Soviet intelligence and the Cuban missile crisis, Intelligence and National Security, 13:3, 64-87 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432494 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/ terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
Reagan, Gorbachev and the Emergence of 'New Political Thinking'
Review of International Studies (1999), 25, 577–601 Copyright © British International Studies Association Reagan, Gorbachev and the emergence of ‘New Political Thinking’ ROBERT G. PATMAN Abstract. This article contends that the interaction between domestic circumstances in the USSR and the radical change in the international environment occasioned by the advent of the first Reagan administration played a substantial part in the early emergence of ‘New Political Thinking’ in the Soviet Union. That process had begun shortly after Brezhnev’s death. The Reagan factor loomed large in an internal Soviet debate over the direction of Soviet foreign policy. Four types of causal association are identified. While the Reagan administration was not the sole cause of the Soviet crisis that brought new thinking to the fore, it certainly contributed to a climate that strengthened the position of advocates of this perspective within the Soviet ruling elite. Mikhail Gorbachev’s New Political Thinking (NPT)—the foreign policy counterpart of domestic restructuring or perestroika—was a baby that arrived unexpectedly in 1985. Very quickly however, a long line began to form of those claiming paternity. As Nikolai Shishlin, Chief Consultant to the International Department of the CPSU Central Committee 1972–82, noted in a 1994 interview: ‘Today, many claim to be the parent of these changes’.1 Yet it is important to emphasize that Gorbachev’s foreign policy revolution was an incremental one that gathered impetus with the passage of time. The unfolding of the NPT fell into two broadly, discernible phases. Between 1985 and late 1987, it marched under the banner of socialist renewal or acceleration (uskorenie); the second and more radical phase from late 1987 to 1991, was marked by the rejection of Marxist-Leninist ideology as a guide to the making of Soviet foreign policy. -
The KGB Documents and the Soviet Collapse: Part II
The KGB Documents and the Soviet Collapse : Part II Victor Yasmann, American Foreign Policy Council Vladislav Zubo k The National Council for Eurasian and East European Researc h 910 17th Street, N.W . Suite 300 Washington, D .C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information : * Contractor : American Foreign Policy Council Principal Investigator : Victor J. Yasmann & Vladislav Zubo k Council Contract Number : 813-1 5 Date : November 2, 1998 Copyright Information Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded through a contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research (NCEEER) . However, NCEEER and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, i n written and electronic form, reports submitted to NCEEER to fulfill Contract or Grant Agreements eithe r (a) for NCEEER's own internal use, or (b) for use by the United States Government, and as follows : (1 ) for further dissemination to domestic, international, and foreign governments, entities and/or individual s to serve official United States Government purposes or (2) for dissemination in accordance with th e Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the publi c access to documents held by the United States Government . Neither NCEEER nor the United State s Government nor any recipient of this Report may use it for commercial sale . * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Counci l for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U .S. -
Bittersweet Solidarity: Cuba, Sugar, and the Soviet Bloc
Revista de Historia de América núm. 161 julio-diciembre 2021: 215-240 ISSN (impresa): 0034-8325 ISSN (en línea): 2663-371X https://doi.org/10.35424/rha.161.2021.855 Bittersweet solidarity: Cuba, Sugar, and the Soviet bloc Radoslav Yordanov* Recibido: 15 de septiembre de 2020 Revisado: 23 de enero de 2021 Aceptado: 20 de febrero de 2021 ABSTRACT This paper traces the complex sugar trade between Cuba and the East European Socialist states (the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Hungary) from the Cuban revolution in 1959 until the dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in 1991. To Cuba, selling its sugar to the Socialist states at above-world market prices was an expression of East European states’ socialist solidarity. To the bloc states, it was a form of economic aid to Cuba. This formulation not only went against the preferred form of exchange within the CMEA, namely cooperation based on mutual interest but also incensed the Cubans who felt the revolution was entitled to the support of all Socialist states from Berlin to Moscow. Amid this complicated relationship, the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev posed a serious challenge to Cuba, which was unprepared to face the free market. The result was a loss of foreign markets and a severe domestic crisis known as the Special Period. * Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, Estados Unidos. Correo electrónico: [email protected]. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2082-1143. Radoslav Yordanov Bittersweet solidarity: Cuba, Sugar, and... https://doi.org/10.35424/rha.161.2021.855 This work seeks to provide a new reading of the ebb and flow between Cuba and its Socialist trading partners, relying on the views expressed in the candid reports of the East European diplomats and experts, who were involved in the day-to-day managing of their respective states’ economic relations with the Caribbean nation. -
Russian Delegation the Next Big One: Preparing for a Global Pandemic
Russian Delegation The Next Big One: Preparing for a Global Pandemic History has shown Russia to be one of the strongest nations on the face of the earth. For many centuries, our land has stayed safe and well. However, one thing that threatens this security is a pandemic of global proportions. The ever-present threat of a quickly spreading disease makes no nation truly strong without a healthy populace and a detailed healthcare system. Due to this fact, health has always been a priority of the Russian Federation. Recently, the universal healthcare system has been modernized to move with the ever-advancing world, and the increase in government funding has helped to lay down the foundations and braches of a fantastic health care system. Increased aid, along with a proven preparedness for the monitoring of foreign and domestic diseases, places Russia as a top player on the global health spectrum. Socially, politically, and economically our nation stands out as properly equipped and ready for any and all health issues that could come about. The unmatched effectiveness and preparedness of our people and health care workers solidifies the Russian Federation as more than ready to thoroughly handle and eliminate a pandemic in the nation on all fronts, if one were to happen. Russia is currently functioning under a federation (Russia), which is “a federated body by a number of nations, states, societies, unions, etc., each retaining control of its own internal affairs.” (Federation) However, it is difficult to define their exact system of government because it has gone through such change recently (Evans).Their president, Vladimir Putin, has been their dominating political figure since 2000, starting off as President, then changing to Prime Minister for a short time before becoming President once more (Russia Country Profile). -
Dawisha. Putin's Kleptocracy. Complete Bibliography
Dawisha. Putin’s Kleptocracy. Complete Bibliography Karen Dawisha. Putin’s Kleptocracy. Who Owns Russia? New York: Simon & Schuster, 2014 Available at: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1476795193?tag=simonsayscom Available at: http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/putins-kleptocracy-karen- dawisha/1119740427?ean=9781476795195 "1990-2004: Khronologiya zakhvatov i vzryvov v Rossii [Chronology of Hostage-Takings and Explosions in Russia]." BBC Russian Service. September 2, 2004. http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/russian/russia/newsid_3621000/3621314.stm#6 (accessed August 11, 2012). "2013 List of Richest Billionaires in Russia." Forbes.ru. June 21, 2013. http://www.forbes.ru/rating/200-bogateishih-biznesmenov-rossii- 2013/2013?full=1&table=1 (accessed June 21, 2013). "A Profile of Vladimir Putin." Gazeta.ru, February 28, 2012. http://www.gazeta.ru/2001/02/28/AProfileofVl.shtml (accessed March 15, 2012). "A student tells Bastrykin "you're a criminal!"." YouTube. n.d. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rHQHJZvHt3M (accessed April 5, 2014). "After Words with Pete Earley and Sergei Tretyakov." C-Span. January 28, 2008. http://www.c- spanvideo.org/program/Tret (accessed May 8, 2012). "Analysis of SPAG." Wallstreet-online. December 13, 2000. http://www.wallstreet- online.de/diskussion/315662-1-10/analyse-spag-st-petersburg-immobilien-ag (accessed April 20, 2012). "Andrei Molchanov." Forbes. n.d. http://www.forbes.com/lists/2008/10/billionaires08_Andrei- Molchanov_5ZJC.html (accessed July 9, 2012). "Andrey Akimov." Gazprom. n.d. http://www.gazprom.com/about/management/directors/akimov/ (accessed April 28, 2013). "As Moscow Puts President Rakhimov on Hold." RFE/RL Russia Report. April 4, 2001. -
What Is to Be Done? - Print Document - Proquest
11/10/11 What is to be done? - Print document - ProQuest Back to document What is to be done? Kotkin, Stephen. FT.com (Mar 3, 2004): 1. Find a copy http://sfx.princeton.edu:9003/sfx_pul? genre=article&sid=ProQ:&atitle=What+is+to+be+done%3F&title=FT.com&issn=&date=2004-03- 03&volume=1&issue=&spage=1&au=Kotkin%2C+Stephen Full Text Translate [unavailable for this document] A country ravaged for seven decades by the secret police elects a former colonel of that police as president: after one term, he's more popular than ever and is on the verge of a landslide re- election. A few weeks before that election, he fires his entire cabinet. This is seen as an act of wisdom. The country's communists, who sometimes march bearing portraits of Stalin, stand up for the prerogatives of parliament and protest against creeping dictatorship - only to be trounced at the ballot box. Would-be barons grab on a continental scale and, when expropriated by the state, get defended by NGOs dedicated to the memory of millions of political prisoners. Such is the paradoxical nature of Vladimir Putin's Russia. After the Soviet state cracked open, a freewheeling media, NGOs, new religions and billionaires arose in the cracks. Little of this was based upon secure private property, an independent and powerful judiciary, or genuine parliamentary (as opposed to "presidential") rule. The illiberal state institutions that were inherited by the newly independent countries began to regroup, and these hyper- executive bodies found few obstacles to closing the cracks - a grim process, first visible in Central Asia. -
The Game Changer: Reassessing the Impact of SDI on Gorbachev’S Foreign Policy, Arms Control, and US-Soviet Relations
The Game Changer: Reassessing the Impact of SDI on Gorbachev’s Foreign Policy, Arms Control, and US-Soviet Relations by Elizabeth C. Charles B.A., August 1998, The University of Georgia M.A., December 2001, Boston College A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 31, 2010 Dissertation directed by Hope M. Harrison Associate Professor of History and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Elizabeth Catherine Charles has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of June 4, 2010. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. The Game Changer: Reassessing the Impact of SDI on Gorbachev’s Foreign Policy, Arms Control, and US-Soviet Relations Elizabeth C. Charles Dissertation Research Committee: Hope M. Harrison, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, Dissertation Director James G. Hershberg, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, Committee Member James M. Goldgeier, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2010 by Elizabeth C. Charles All rights reserved iii To Curly For your boundless optimism and enthusiasm iv Acknowledgments I would like to take this opportunity to thank those individuals and institutions who have assisted me throughout the research and writing of this dissertation. This project would not have been possible without the guidance, encouragement, and support of several mentors and friends. First, I would like to thank my incredible advisor, Professor Hope M.