22 AFRICA SOUTH run the constant risk of arrest when they visit the workplaces of their members. Membership of a trade union is difficult to maintain because of the maze of laws and regulations which govern the lives of Africans. When an African breaks a civil contract with his employer, he commits a criminal offence; his movements inside the urban areas are strictly controlled; he cannot leave one employer to accept better employment elsewhere without the authority of a Labour Bureau; he cannot leave one inc ustrial area to work in another unless he obtains permission to enter the new area; once he leaves the town ot his birth to work in another area, he forfeits the right to return and can do so only with official sanction; he must always carry his identity book and be sure that it is properly signed by his employer. These are but a few of many restraints upon an African worker s freedom.
T r a d e U n i o n P r o b l e m s The African trade unions themselves have little security. They are fortunate if they can obtain office accommodation. Very few owners of buildings in the industrial towns will rent premises to African trade unions. It is, therefore, most difficult to maintain permanent administrative offices and to piovide meeting places. This situation is aggravated by the application of the Group Areas Act, whereby racial zoning invariably defines central city areas as White areas, thus prohibiting African ownership or occupation. Consequently, even those African trade unions which now have premises stand in the shadow of eviction. In the so-called “ Native areas’’—(the locations and town ships)—there is no accommodation for African trade unions. Not only are these locations and townships situated long dis tances from the industrial areas and the towns; none of them provides offices, nor would any be made available to African organizations disapproved of by the Government. In any case, trade union headquarters in African townships would be quite impractical, because Africans residing in one township are not allowed to enter another without the special permission ol the township superintendent, who inevitably would refuse such permission to visiting trade union members, in view ot the official hostility towards such organizations. There are, too, other obstacles, such as transport and the nightly curlew. FR1CAN TRADE UNIONS AND THE NEW POWERS 23 To all these difficulties must be added the restraints placed upon trade union leaders through the Suppression of Com munism Act and the Riotous Assemblies Act. These laws also give the Minister of Justice arbitrary power to ban meetings and prohibit persons from attending meetings, and have been applied to several trade union officials. Meetings in urban areas are also subject to the bye-laws ol the various municipalities. No meeting can be held in African townships without the permission of the superintendent, who must be given written notice (usually seven days) and informed of the purpose of the meeting, the subject to be discussed, and the names of the organizers and speakers. African trade unions, being considered “ subversive” by the authorities, would not be granted such permission, even if they were lucky enough to secure a meeting place.
T h e N e w P o w e r s This brings us to the new powers sought by the Minister ol Native Affairs. Not satisfied with the existing wide powers to prevent African meetings in African townships, the Minister now claims the further arbitrary right to ban mixed meetings of Whites and Africans in the urban (i.e., White) areas. Section 29 (J) provides: The Minister may: (i) prohibit the holding o f any meeting . . . which is attended by a Native, in any urban areas outside a Native residential area, either generally . . . or in respect o f specified premises or classes o f premises ; (»i) prohibit any person . . . from holding, organizing or arranging any such meeting . . . i f in the opinion o f the Minister the holding o f such meeting . . . is likely to cause a nuisance to persons resident in the vicinity . . . or in any area likely to be traversed by Natives proceeding to such meeting . . . or will be undesirable having regard to the locality in which the premises are situated or the number o f Natives likely to attend such meeting. . . . The Minister could apply these powers against African trade unions with the greatest of ease, and probably would do so. The result would be disastrous. Factory meetings, branch meetings, executive meetings, general meetings, all fall within the scope of these new powers and could be banned. Factories, workshops, offices and other places of employment are almost entirely concentrated in the urban areas. This, of necessity, likewise concentrates trade union activity in such areas. If prevented from carrying on their lawful business there, African trade unions will be virtually outlawed. That is bad enough. Hut it is not the only evil in this provision. The Minister will also have the right to ban meetings between 24 AFRICA SOUT1 White and African trade union leaders. Until now it has been possible for “ registered” trade unions to maintain contact with African workers and their unions, and assist them in many ways. However, on the passing of the Native Laws Amendment Bill, the Minister will have power to put a stop to joint dis cussion between White and African trade union representatives; to forbid the holding of inter-racial trade union conferences, and to prevent the conduct of labour colleges, lectures and discussion clubs. In this way, the Minister can shut off all contact and communication between experienced White trade unionists and the new army of African industrial workers. It is becoming clear that what the Government has failed to achieve in one way it is determined to do in another. Instead of encouraging White trade unionists to extend their knowledge and experience to the rising Black proletariat, and to teach them the civilized ways of industrial democracy and efficient, responsible trade unionism, the Government prefers to drop its iron curtain of complete racial separation. Section 29 of this Bill illustrates again that freedom is in divisible. The denial of rights to the non-Whites must inevit ably extend to the Whites and infringe their liberties too. Once again the White trade unions are victims of an apartheid law, as they were with the Industrial Conciliation Act. Wise White trade union leaders have recognized for a long time that African workers must be organized in trade unions if they are not to become an economic threat to White workers. This attitude is strengthened with the knowledge that African workers now constitute y4. per cent, of the industrial labour force of South Africa, while the Whites comprise a mere 28 per cent. The arbitrary power of the Minister to prohibit mixed meetings of Whites and non-Whites can frustrate all efforts to build Healthy trade unionism. It would be foolish to think that the Minister will not use his newly-acquired powers to that end, for his party is totally opposed to African trade unions. \ 25
STRIJDOM: What can I do? I’m only his boss. By courtesy o j Leyden and the “ Natal Daily News"
LOUW: To whom shall I write about this latest attack, Doctor? By courtesy o f Leyden and the “ Natal Daily News'* THE 1957 PARLIAMENTARY SESSION (BY A MEBMER OF PARLIAMENT)
p O R those who like statistics, it is interesting to know U.P. s chances of winning the next election. When this that Parliament opened on the 18th January and coaxing and cajoling failed, the Nats, angrily accused the ended on the 22nd June, having sat for 102 days, con- U.P. of having fallen into the arms of “liberalism” of Son ec* ^ made 83 laws and approved a Budget of being led by the Labour Party and the Liberals. £286,500,000. 8 They pointed to the conservative members of the U.P. However, most people are more interested in political who were obviously unhappy. In the House they remained trends. They want to know if the Government is showing sullenly silent but in the lobbies they complained that the Slgns of cracking and how the United Party is shaping so-called “Liberal back bench” had got too big for their under its new leader. They are seeking pointers for the boots. True enough, the “Liberal back bench” were driving coming general election. the U.P. wagon with a will. Occasionally, one of the old The last full session of Parliament before a general elec guard would intervene in a debate to explain that the U P tion is always the most important as far as the political still stands for “White Trusteeship,” “White Leadership Parties are concerned. The M.P.s of all parties are busy With Justice” and all the other things which Mr. Strijdom Jockeying for position. Nothing moves a politician more says mean the same as his policy of “baaskap.” Neverthe than the next election. As it comes nearer, the party hacks less, the old guard had reason to worry, for the nature of are as busy as ants, the party bosses hover like hungry the U.P. speeches and their amendments made it clear that hawks, and the sitting Members show obvious signs of the pai ty was taking a strong stand against apartheid. nervous tension, brought on by the anxieties of re-nomina- The Prime Minister declared that since Sir de Villiers tion and re-election. Graaff had been made leader, the U.P. had moved very far In Parliament, debates are slanted towards the election- to the left. He pronounced that the U.P. had become efting campaign ahead and great caution becomes notice openly liberal and was now very little different from the able amongst both Government and Opposition. Usually, Labour and Liberal parties. U brings some kind of Indian summer for the politically- Was this true? Of course not. The display of the U.P. confused taxpayer, who sees moderation in the Government against the Apartheid Bills was merely another demonstra and comforting conservatism in the Opposition. tion of the grave contradiction in colour policy which makes . This year’s last full session before the 1958 general elec- the party vacillate from cold conservatism to bubbling tion was somewhat different. While the sitting members progressiveness. displayed the usual anxiety for their own political futures, there was no moderation in the Government and hardly U.P. “ CONSER VATISM” p 0re than the normal conservatism in the Opposition. The While the 1957 Parliamentary Session showed the liberal Government did not slacken off its Apartheid programme. section of the U.P. in the ascendancy, the 1957 Union Con .he crop of contentious legislation was as great as in pre ference at Bloemfontein revealed the considerable power vious years. There were four Apartheid Bills, all of far- of the conservative section. The so-called “Liberals” some teaching effect. One applied to State-aided institutions times respond to the pressures of extra-Parliamentary in Unuseums, are galleries, etc.); one to the Universities; one fluences, expressed through the rising protests of the vote 0 the Nursing profession; and one to Churches, clubs and less millions; they do so because they recognise the increa organisations. sing economic power of the Non-Whites and understand ^ Running true to form the Labour Party and the Native the realism of letting them share some of the place in the epresentatives rejected all these measures outright. Sur- sun. c; iSldgly, the United Party took the same line, much to the On the other hand, the conservative section responds to ^ternation of the Nationalists. In this cautious, conser- nothing but the voting power of the White electorate. To ne *Ve fuc-clection Session the Nats, had obviously ex- them, nothing counts but the crosses on the ballot papers. 0 'ctod Jhe U.P. to equivocate and to offer half-hearted Realism, as far as they are concerned, lies in pandering to Position to Bills which dealt with the delicate issue of Soc*al apartheid. colour prejudice and not in encouraging enlightened attitudes in race relations. The die hards of the old U.P. Up- “l ib e r a l is m ” from the Hertzog era have remained impervious to the social effects of post-war economic progress. They are dis Low1 f^ St ^ ats were nonpIussed and did not quite know tressed when the U.P. opposes Nat. apartheid measures; like com it0- handle unexpected situation. They bitterly the Nats., they look upon the Universal Declaration of as Ruined that the U.P. was committing political suicide, Human Rights as a subversive document. am h°ugb that was the last thing they wanted. They In spite of this, more ordinary citizens are recognising sued that such tactics were foolish and would ruin the the need for a change in race attitudes. Even among the
i JEWISH OPINION September, 1957 Page Two most prejudiced sections of the White electorate there are Yet even an all-powerful Nationalist movement cannot some who are beginning to show a change of heart. In the avoid the pressure of objective conditions or the develop circumstances, the Parliamentary Opposition could not ment of internal stresses and strains. And the first sign o» help hearing the rumblings of discontent throughout the this has been the so-called “Revolt of the intellectuals.” country. The protests were loud and many. As the realities and implications of apartheid become more apparent, a split tends to develop between the theories of THE BUS BOYCOTT AND AFTER the intellectuals, such as those who speak for Sabra, and First of all, there was the bus boycott. Parliament opened the practical application of these theories by the Govern to the sound of tramping feet in Johannesburg and Pre ment. As a result there seems to be developing a feeling toria, where Africans decided to walk to and from work of frustration and dissatisfaction among some of the intel rather than pay an extra penny on their bus fares. Threats lectuals with the failure to give effect to the policies of and many acts of provocation on the part of the autho apartheid. Others again, impressed by the growth of op rities failed to break the spirit of the boycotters. In the end, position to these policies both at home and abroad and they won the day and in the process they won a great deal painfully realizing that apartheid is nothing more than a of sympathy, too. pipe dream, are beginning to voice their opposition, some The bullying attitude of the Government brought it publicly, like the thirteen professors and lecturers who pro nothing but dismal defeat. More than that, the whole affair tested against the Senate Bill, and others privately, as in revealed the Government s inability to act like statesmen. the case of the Universities’ Apartheid Bill. After the bus boycott came other demonstrations. These A similar situation developed in the Dutch Reformed were protests against apartheid. There were processions Churches, especially in the largest cf the three. At first an and marches of protest against university apartheid, against attempt was made to find scriptural sanction for the policy church apartheid, against Nursing apartheid, against passes of apartheid, but after strong internal opposition the for African women. This was truly Vox Populi the com attempt seems to have been abandoned. Since then there bined voice of the voters and the voteless. Could the politi has developed within the Church a strong opposition to cians ignore it? that pernicious doctrine, and it was the intervention of this church that finally decided the Government to modify a WHAT NOW? little the provisions of the church clause in recent legisla This brings us back to the U.P. Even though the Party tion. reacted in a small way to the voice of the voteless, they are still prisoners of prejudice. They still refuse to concede the A strongly outspoken attack on apartheid was recently made by Prof. B. B. Keet, Professor of Theology at the right of equal opportunity to all South Africans, irrespec Dutch Reformed Church Seminary, Stellenbosch, when tive of colour. Despite their brave words in Parliament, the ‘‘Liberal he delivered the annual Hoernle Memorial Lecture of the back bench” are chained to the backward conservatives. Institute of Race Relations. Taking as his subject “The That was clearly demonstrated at the recent U.P. Con Ethics of Apartheid” the speaker described apartheid as ference at Bloemfontein. Despite the journalistic ingenuity “impractical and immoral” and the division of the country of a friendly press, it could not be concealed that the long- in terms of the Tomlinson Report as a “fantastic dream.” awaited “Progressive Non-European Policy” was nothing Of even greater political significance are the views of mare than an endorsement of the old Hertzog Native Acts Prof. L. J. du Plessis, head of the faculty of law at Potchef- of 1936. stroom, an influential member of the ‘‘Dopper’ church, This makes nonsense of all U.P. opposition to Nat. chairman of the board of directors of the Government apartheid measures. This explains why the U.P. blows hot supporting Sunday paper, the “Dagbreek,” and an intimate and cold on the major issues of colour policy. This is the friend and confidant of the Prime Minister and Dr. Ver- conflict which must split the U.P. sooner or later. woerd. Writing in that journal on 14 April this year the Every day brings new evidence that apartheid is break professor sees behind the bus boycott and other events the ing down. Even some ardent Nationalists realise that their power of the growing national consciousness of the non- party is riding a tiger. All that is needed is a strong oppo Europeans in this country. sition to force a showdown. The U.P. is afraid to strike “The national consciousness of the growing non-White the blow. nations of South Africa has begun and nothing in the Yet, in spite of the increasing arrogance of the frustrated long run can stop it. It cannot be bought off with va Nationalists and the conflict within the major Opposition rious material and cultural concessions. Nationalism does party, the cry of the Non-Whites for social and economic not strive merely for prosperity and success, but for poli justice has penetrated Parliament. tical self-determination.” That, at least, emerged from the recent Session. He urges with “the greatest possible emphasis and the deepest conviction” that responsible quarters should make known to the non-European people of this country that “our racial policy aims at the national liberation of the non-White in co-operation with them.” Such a statement on national liberation is, coming from a man of Prof du Plessis’s standing, most significant; but, NEW TRENDS? no less significant are his views about the leaders of the non-European peoples. No longer, he says, must it be said U E would be a super optimist who would suggest that the that ^ Nationalist Government is weakening or that the mass “the so-called agitators are not true non-White nation ive structure of Nationalism shows signs of crumbling. alists but Communists and that the tribal chiefs are the There is at present no indication that the Government has true national leaders. Those agitators are not all Com exhausted its programme of repressive legislation or has munists and those tribal chiefs are in a sense hirelings veered from the road towards its ultimate objective—the of the Government.” , establishment of a republic on Christian-National lines. On In an earlier article he makes it clear that in seeking the the contrary, as opposition to its policy grows, the Gove’rn- co-operation of the African leaders the Government must ment will no doubt intensify its efforts to strengthen its definitely approach the “progressive Bantu, even of the grip on the people of this country. African National Congress.” Behind job reservation in
3 0 OCT 1957 clothin9 industry Is the Govt, preparing for a depression? TJNTIL 1951, South Africa’s only statutory industrial M igration colour bar was contained in the Mines and Works Employers, unable to get J Act, which excluded Africans from certain occupations White apprentices, will never , w the mining industry. theless be afraid to engage non- . Then came the Native Build White learners, and waste time ing Workers’ Act, which made by and money training them for Jt illegal for Africans to do jobs they may never be allowed skilled building work anywhere to occu p y . outside Native areas. ALEX HEPPLE As the Wage Board says, In 1956, the principle of the In this article Mr. Hepple, Whites prefer more congenial colour bar in industry was ex a Rand Labour M.P., suggests employment. And the applica tended by the inclusion of Sec that the Government is apply tion of an impracticable colour tio n 7 7 in the amended Indus ing its job reservation policy bar will not remove their dis trial Conciliation Act. Des because it fears a depression. like for this kind of work. cribed as "Safeguard Against In a depression, he says, the In recent years there has Inter-racial Competition”, this Government will exert pres been a tendency for clothing clause empowered the Minister sure to ensure that Coloured factories to drift to Northern ?f Labour to apply a colour bar and African workers bear Natal, the Protectorates and in any undertaking, industry, the brunt of unemployment. Rhodesia, where cheap African trade or occupation. labour is plentiful and there is no possibility of racial quotas The law states that “ i f i t being applied. appears to the M inister that Deeper significance ? measures should be taken in By a coincidence, the Chair This migration is now likely order to safeguard the econo man of that Wage Board was to increase. In other places m ic w elfare of em ployees of any Dr. S. P. du Toit Viljoen. He shiftlessness, absenteeism, bad r a c e ” , he may order the Indus is also Chairman of the Indus trial Tribunal (comprising five trial Tribunal and the Board of workmanship and irresponsi T rade. bility will become prevalent Government appointees) to in- because the worst White wor vestigate the matter. The report which he signed ker can be secure in the on May 1, 1956, declared: thought that he cannot be dis First determination “Owing to the shortage of placed by the best non-White The Tribunal must hear evi European labour during the war w o rk er. dence from all interested per- and post-war years, girls have s°ns and consult the industrial been finding work in spheres Insecure council concerned, the employ- of employment more congenial Naturally, Coloured and Afri ers’ organisation, the trades to them than industry ‘The result has been an al can workers are seething with unions and the Central Native anger. They see this as another Labour Board. most complete absence of new European entrants into the act of cruel discrimination. The Tribunal must then make trade . . . T h e en try o f non - The reservation of this pre 5 recommendation to the Minis- Europeans into the industry has dominantly non-White industry ,®r- After consultation with not led to the displacement of for White employment has r f M in ister of Economic Europeans . .” made the lives of 35,000 non- ffairs, the Minister of Labour It would seem, therefore, that White workers bewilderingly ay make a determination re the Government is seeking to insecure. Henceforth they will trying specified occupations in protect a non-existent body of exist in the gloomy shadows of Pecified areas for the employ- White garment workers. unemployment. race^ Persons °I a particular Or is there a deeper signifi The Minister of Labour re cance in the decision to declare vealed the purpose of Section ,, first determination of the clothing industry a “W hite” is kind has now been made in d u str y ? 77 when the Industrial Con try 6SpeCt of the ciothing indus- ciliation Bill was being debated Exem ptions in Parliament. unlhe Industrial Tribunal, The racial composition of the He said: “The Department der the Chairmanship of Dr. labour force in the clothing of Labour has always managed „n • fin Toit Viljoen, has re- industry is such as to make the to find other employment for nommended that the work of reservation manifestly absurd. these women who clear out of ^achmists, supervisors, cut- In 1955, of the total of the clothing factories, but how approximately 48,000 employ ha ® or ch°Ppers-out, and table long will it last? Now is uands in th. .u ti! __ ees, no less than 60 per cent the time to tackle this matter, th ^ S ^.n the cIathing industry were Coloureds, while 20 per 8 because when a recession comes J.p U ^10ut South Africa, be cent were Whites and 20 per “^served for Whites only. we will have the weapon.” cent Africans. ■If the determination is A delusion Strong opposition strictly applied, 35,000 Whites abm, f Se . „ categories embrace It seems that the Minister is m»st be found to replace the planning for a depression, when Whom a t 0,000 employees, of non-Whites. the Government will exert pres Obviously, exemptions will 3 5 o t S 4,5 0 0 are White and over sure to ensure that Coloured ,uo° non-White. have to be granted on a whole Prise” m,u"'vvnue- They com- and African workers bear the of aii orf than 70 per cent sale scale, for Whites are not I a ll .. , * » u c i brunt of unemployment. available. The reserved cate On ^ ers in the industry. At a time conveniently close gories are for skilled workers Tribunal evidence did the to the next general election, - nal base-oc its1LS decision decision? : and untrained Whites cannot Senator De Klerk is holding < at IVone th a f be put into these jobs merely ® +3 • © » i Public merged at lts the promise to White workers £ . a £ ^ ca th e ^cause they happen to be f^yersTnd?* Both White and unemployed. oc n L h ? w iI1 give then* the is . * expressed trade unions 35,000 jobs presently held by c ° *> *> 8 The Peculiar situation will non-Whites. • p E ® o
B°ard whfch61- °f fact’ a* w age Recommendations are also co o clothing inri lnvestigated the JS| S© *'as convincedh*try in i955/56 pending fo r the engineering and % O © c other industries. The m otor te®.:Were- were notrtnf ^ • a t v Whitevvmie workworK- tection. not *» need of pro- assem bly and the boot and shoe m anufacturing industries are like ly to be investigated soon. Section 77 strikes at every ^ the coming general election, says Mr. Hepple, on :i0nalist hecklers will fire many questions thp .c?l°ur har. This article analyses °ngin of the bar and the forms it takes to-day.
light On The Colour Scar By Alex. Hepple, M.P.
X' ^le coining general election Nationalist the tcmptalion of getting even cheaper (1(, hecklers will lire many questions on the labour was irresistible. II °Oi‘ bar. 1 have seen it coming during The mining industry was the first to flr° Past two Parliamentary Sessions. The make a determined effort to replace White y , i shots were aimed at Sir de Villiers workers by lower-paid Africans. Their ex aaft during his recent Free State tour. cuse was that unless labour costs were re c]c Colour-bar questions can be far more duced, many mines would become unpayable str astali»8 than the oft-quoted “Have you ;i,|d would have to close down. Naturally, qu'l'Po'l beating your wife?” An insistent t he White miners strongly resisted this threat by sV°ner can easily make bis victim squirm to their livelihood. gp demanding a “Yes” or “No” to his b;n,“Vernations. Like apartheid, the colour rp, hm* a variety of meanings in theory and Dangerous Slogans of n1, Ide elasticity in application. Because The controversy soon developed into a t0 t| many interpretations it lends itself major national issue. It provoked the de Ramj.j5 and tricks of political propa- vastating 1922 strike, in which many lives £ were lost. It. gave birth to dangerous poli tical slogans such as “Unite and Fight for a 0,lstant Examination A hite South Africa,” which distorted the *s Pr°hably the reason why it is true character of the conflict, making it ap the „ |> e to have an objective debate on pear racial instead of economic, as it really Pari; 01our har, either inside or outside was. tnari(|lln<:‘nt- Tet d something which de- Tn a country where the franchise is tion jr Constant examination and considera- limited to the White section of the popula e°Untr We ar0 t(? Protect fhe economy of our tion, slogans proclaiming the maintenance of of 011 J ai|d safeguard the living standards While civilisation are sure to fool iho elec m people. torate, Many While workers really believe h°\v ,, Ult ,is tlie colour bar? Where and ibui the colour-bar slogans oiler a safeguard .l,,‘s d apply ’ llow effective is it? lo their living standards, and they cannot hauino,. Pcoteet White workers/ Does it he persuaded by the tacts of the situation. Ip, non-White progri *ss! These facts show that while the politicians dfrip^,1*' colour bar has its origins in South have been shouting the slogans, the industrial '" e a t'‘s early days of industrial develop- colour har has been crumbling. During the KM.' chilled White workers came into Past quarter-century, South Alrica's economy flSe the i" Ith employers who attempted to has absorbed so many non-Whites in so main °'v ra. htt'ge resources of African labour at occupations that industry shows little sign ' °l'W . !’f imy- . The wages paid to White of having been kept "White,” as some wor at that time were low enough, but kers fondly believe. Between 1925 and 1952, i8 THE FORUM , OCTOBER, 1957. n]le dumber of ’Whites employed in privale power to extend the colour bar to othe'r -..'''''tfueUirin- industry increased from trades ami occupations. ;V;W) to 217,000, while the number of non- When amending’ the Industrial Concilia Wes increased from 99,000 to 524,000. tion Act in 1956, the Government took the . Before 1948, the industrial colour bar opportunity of inserting the principle of the ' X|'St,ed in three forms. First, the statutory colour liar, by adding a clause entitled \\r °U1, 'Jar- as expressed in the Mines and “Safeguard against inter-racial competition.” orks Act, which specifically excluded This gives the Minister of Labour the Africans from employment in certain min- authority to order the Industrial Tribunal "W occupations. Second, the conventional (comprising five Government appointees) to 0 °ur bar, expressed in the practice of not '•cceptiun. Africans as apprentices in any ^'Olcd occupation. Third, the State’s cvilised labour” policy, whereby Whites " e,'° _ given preference for employment in all Ullshilled (lovernment jobs. Y .Bince 1948, when it came into power, the ' 'dionalist Party has demonstrated its ‘termination to widen the scope of these C'douj. bars. , . I’hc first statutory colour bar was cou- '(''"cd in the Mines and Works Act of 1911. * . that, there was no extension of this ' 1,1 ('ip]e until 1951, when the Government ■'ssed the Native Building Workers Act A.c‘.^ No. 27 ot' 1951). This law prohibits j Vlcans from doing skilled building work a* Bie urban areas (defined as “White” ”, Cas)i but at the same time affords Afri- ii)ll|S entry in the building industry, ter' aFU Wades of bricklaying, carpen- 1,1r~- plastering, painting, plumbing, etc. a , I'he difference between trained White ] ' African building artisans is that the THE INSISTENT SALESMAN -1' have received a shorter and lower —Bob Connolly in the Rand D aily M ail. W"111’lard of training and are paid one-third ti,° T a£es of the Whites. This differentia- Is ^)ase,;l upon two theories. One is that investigate “the desirability” of reserving ial training and equal pay would imply any industry, trade or occupation for the status, an insult the White artisan employment of members of a particular race. Paid ^ not ^derate. The other is that lowly- If the Tribunal recommends job reservation, W i ^ ricans cannot afford to live in houses the Minister has the power to apply it, where ' t at “White” rates of pay. upon it becomes a criminal offence for a worker of one race to perform work reserved ^ eculiar Theories for members of another race. ln„ t'hese peculiar theories are defended in Bo far, 1he Minister has ordered the )j l,T Ways bv the Minister of Transport, Mr. Tribunal to investigate the Hoad Passenger ■ ■ Behoeman. He frankly declared their Transport Industry in the Cape Peninsula (|.’ls in Parliament in 1954, when he said, and Durban, the Traffic and Fire Depart ansard Vol. 86, Col. 5854) : ments of the Cape Town Municipality, the c0n T)ie statutory colour bar as well as the . *ntion»| r-nlimr' hut* in rnnflint \xrihVi Clothing Industry and the Iron, Sled, Engi eco -'Otional colour bar are in conflict with neering and Metallurgical industries. Wh»?tT1*c laws- The question, however, is this: tain til8 0111 f*rst consideration? Is It to main- The conventional colour bar finds ils conti“le economic laws or is it to ensure the thi,. Ued existence of the European race in expression mainly through 1 he Apprentice 7 country?” ship Act. Although the Apprenticeship Act i.st /, "N attitude has prompted the N'ational- makes no reference to race or colour, the °vernment to endow itself with the signing of indentures of apprenticeship by ___ T''°R U M , OCTOBER, 195 7. P a y e l ' J Africans is unknown. A minor reason is that of White workers dropped from GO.9 pet 1 he educational requirements arc higher than cent, in 1938-9 to 29.1 per cent, in 1952-3. those usually acquired by Africans seeking All these figures are the latest available and manual work. The main reason is that there relate to the situation five years ago. As the is a mutual understanding between employers process of change is continuing it is obvious and White trade unions that Africans should that, the ratio of non-White to White is even not be apprenticed. greater to-day. A general survey w o u ld The conventional colour bar, which was show the increasing preponderance of Afri of major significance in the early days of cans in most industries, the majority of then1 industrialisation, has now lost much of its doing semi-skilled work. effect. Because of vast changes in manufac turing processes, this form of colour bar has “Civilised Labour” not prevented Africans from acquiring in The “civilised labour” policy was first dustrial skills. On Ihe other hand, it has applied in 1924, when the Pact Government been responsible in some measure for the ex of the day instructed all State departments clusion of Whites from employment in many and provincial authorities to employ “civi of the new industries. While White workers lised” labour in place of “uncivilised’ concentrated upon competing for the jobs labour. The latter was defined as "the labour in the closed preserves of the skilled crafts, rendered by persons whose aim is restricted they neglected the opportunities in the new to the bare requirements of the necessities undertakings, which used specialised and of life, as understood among barbarous an d mass production techniques. Instead of undeveloped people.” skilled artisans, these industries sought men who could be quickly trained as operatives The instruction was intended to applj and semi-skilled specialists. to all unskilled grades of work, not old.' labouring jobs on construction and main' tenance work, but also that done by mes Modern Methods sengers, cleaners and attendants. It wa* At the same time, even the older in accepted as meaning that Africans were wj dustries were being converted to modern to be employed in these occupations d methods of production. In the engin Whites were available. eering and building industries the changes In 1949, soon after h is party g a in e d were especially noticeable. Adaptation to power, Dr. Malan instructed all Governme'1’ mass production, simplified manufacturing Departments to apply strictly the “civilised methods and new processes, curtailed the labour” policy of 1924. Within two year* need for the skilled artisan of the old school. 1,290 Africans had been replaced by W h iF Africans were readily absorbed in the new labourers, at an extra cost to the State occupations and this changed the labour pat £226,310. tern of even the most protected industries. The revival of this colour bar was old) For example, the Amalgamated Engineering partially effective because of the genera Union reported (A.E.U. Monthly Journal shortage of labour, and before long the trend December, 1953, and January, 1954), that 95 was in the opposite direction, with tie per cent, of the manufacturing divisions in Government employing more Africans thu1' the engineering industry are manned by ever before. The Railways, at the end 0 Africans, while the percentage of skilled March, 1956, were employing 15,353 notr artisans has dropped to a mere 13 per cent, of Whites in jobs previously occupied W the total labour force. Whites. In the Western Province, notwitl'j In the motor trade the Wage Board standing the replacements in the pern1'! found that the ratio of White to non-White .1949-1950, the number of Africans employ1'1 directly employed in the assembly of motor by the State had increased from 2,365 vehicles fell from 82 per cent, to 54 per cent, 3,208 by the end of 1954. y between the years 1949 and 1954. In the The definition of “uncivilised laboij1. commercial distributive trade the percen is incongruous to-day in relation to the Al,l|t tage of Whites employed as motor vehicle can urban proletariat. However, for polith‘‘'| drivers dropped from 57.5 per cent, in 1937 purposes, it slid serves to justify the oftu'1'^ to 20.2 per cent, in 1951 (Dept, of Labour policy of preferential treatment for Wild*' lleport for 1953). in taking on unskilled workers. In the clothing industry the percentage What is the attitude of White work1'1
Pa fie 20 TUB FORUM , OCTOBKR, l9'1'’ 0 these three forms of colour bar? Generally, of employment that were always considered 'eve is not a very clear understanding of the preserve of the White man or beyond ,'at t h e y mean. Vaguely, most workers their capabilities. lu k t h e y serve a good purpose. This trend has been commented upon . The “registered” trade unions (i.e. by the Wage Board, after a special investiga ]inions which by law are barred to Africans) tion into the clothing industry in 1956. The r,' e always maintained that the industrial Wage Board commented, “the clothing indus rj?, °Ur bar is in fact a “cheap labour” bar. try is, in fact, tending to conform to the Relieve that there must be protection general pattern of employment in South gainst the widespread use of non-White African industry, for in 1951/52, 29.5 per 1101 hors at cheap rates of pay, otherwise cent, of the employees in all private second , eir own hard-won standards will be des- ary industry were Europeans.” 1 toyed. But where docs this tendency to conform Their alternative, as advocated for many to a general pattern stop? What magic in ‘ '
RUM , OCTOBER, 195 7. P age SI -“'fttna e m car
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1957.
^CTfONjj of the industrial conciliation Acr ^amendment act strikes at every UNDERTAKING, industry, trade and be granted on a wholesale scale. OCCUPATION IN THE UNION | for Whites are not available. The reserved categories are for skilled workers and untrained Whites can not be put into these .iobs merely | because they happen to be White Job j'eservation is and unemployed. The peculiar | situation will therefore be created that four-fifths of the industry will be operating under exemption. a cruel and costly This is bound to cause con siderable uncertainty and con fusion. colour .bar, ^ Afraid EMPLOYERS, unable to eet jl ' riL 1951 South Africa’s only statutory industrial l J White apprentices, will never colour bar was contained in the Mines and Works theless be afraid to engage non- White learners, and waste time t ct’ which excluded Africans from certain occupations and money training them for jobs 1,1 l l mining industry. they may mever be allowed to ‘Ien came the Native Building Workers Act, which occupy. As the Wage Board says, Whites prefer more congenial em made it illegal for Africans to do skilled building work ployment and the application of o f' | 616 0,,tside Native areas. In 1950 the principle an impracticable colour bar will V colour bar in industry was extended by the not remove their dislike for this me usion of Section 77 in the amended Industrial kind of work. r 0,_,c»liation Act. Described as “ Safeguard against inter- In recent years there has been a tendency* for clothing factories ofClj' |CO,llPetition,” this clause empowered the Minister to drift to Northern Natal, the anour to apply a colour bar in any undertaking, Protectorates and Rhodesia, where 11 trade or occupation. cheap African labour is plentiful and there is no possibility of racial tjig * 1e law states that “ If it appears to the Minister ouotas being applied. This migra the measures should be taken in order to safeguard tion is now likely to increase. In other places shiftlessness, absen o\ f\e‘<,>nOTn^C weRare ° f employees of any race,” he may teeism. bad workmanship and irre a™ er the Industrial Tribunal (comprising five Government sponsibility will become prevalent pointees) to investigate the matter. because the worst White worker can be secure in tire thought that dence l'ibunal must hear evi he cannot be displaced by the best from all interested per- b y sons anri „ ------non-White worker. council consult the industrial I Coloured and African workers “t’ganizaUonT^h' ^ empl0yerS’ are. naturally, seething with and th.. —’ us> lde the trade trade unions unions McX Hepple.1 1 M.P. anger. They see this as another Board * ^entral Native Labour leader of the South African act of cruel discrimination. The Labour Party. reservation of this predomin then in v The tribunal must antly non-White industry for the vi 6 6 a recommendation to -This article was written White employment has made Won w im ter Wh0' a fter uonsulta- before the M inister of Labour the fives of 35.fViO non -W hite mic . tbe Minister of Econo- issued a statem ent yester workers bewilderinglv insecure. day about the difficulties he Henceforth thev will exist in j minatio ^ S’ may make a deter- has encountered in enforcing the gloomy shadows of unem | n a tio n s11 r e s e r v in 8 specified occu- job reservation in areas ploym ent. ernPloymln specified areas for the . under the jurisdiction of in ticuia,. ent of Persons of a par- dustrial councils. This state Planning for depression ai race. ment appears in The Star today. These difficulties do TrpHE Minister of Labour. Pen. not affect the validity of M r. De K'e’k, revealed the mir- Hepple’s argum ents. oose of S ection 77 w hen th e Tn- i dustrial Conciliation Act Amend kind S determination of this who is also chairman of the If ment was being debated in Par dustria] Tribunal and the Boar liam ent. respect 0flaS n°W Peen made in i of Trade. T he Tj-j tde clothing industry. The reDort which he signed oi He said: “The Departm ent of ttle chairn!tr'al Tribunal, under May 1. 1956. declared: Labour has always managed to find employment for these “ Owing to the shortage b. Toit v ViijoeanShip °f Dr- S- p- du women inho clear out of the fbat t.h„ 6t1, bhas as recom m ended European labour during the the clothing factories, but how long work of war and post-war years, girlt super machinists, W ill it last? Now t h e t i m e visors, have been finding work ‘ in is to tackle this m atter, because °Ut and tah,!Utters or choppers- spheres of employment more ivhen a recession comes we w ill itlg indusfv 6 bands in the cloth- congenial to them than in have the weapon Africa b ry throughout South dustry. . The result has been reserved for Whites an alm ost com plete absence ot It seems that the Minister is iahiy- TheseC5erved for planning for a depression, when em brace new European entrants into the | 4b,?dt 40,000 --atee°ri trade. The entry of non- the Government will exert 3on L arc W hT Pl0Vees' of whom Eurwwins into the industry pressure to ensure that Coloured ' than0 -n°n-White and more than to the displacement and African workers bear the in Per centC°^Pr‘,Sing m0re of Europeans. . brunt of unemployment At a On indu®try f aU workers It would seem, therefore, that time conveniently close to the next the Government is seeking to pro general election Sen. de Klerk is MlbunMb^ eitVidHnce did the holding out the promise-to White . ^one that lts decision? tect a non-existent body of White garment workers, or is there a workers that he will give them the thear^ ' B o t h ^ ^ ^s. public deeper significance in the decision 35.000 jobs presently held by non- °pp0trade unionshevemployers and to declare the clothing industry Whites. This is a delusion for the Except °? to n,S iohPreSSed stronf? a “ White ” industry? Whites and a provocation of the Whit f°r a 0p reservation." non-W hites witne® w°rkers a t ^ ’ eroup of Non-White tion ofSes supp05 peGe‘;m st°n. no Turmoil - * -erst s-n sz rpHE racial composition of the 1 labour force in the clothing rrHE clothing industry is not the industry is such as to make the 1 only one to be thrown into turmoil. Recommendations are V'" ..... led reservation manifestly absurd. In also pending .for the engineering 1955. of the total of about 48,000 \ Wagf ' and other industries. The motor employees, no fewer than 60% assembly and the hoot and shoe •n th?A^ thwhich invest!- were Coloureds; while 20% were White5!'56 was 1Pthln.g industry Whites and 20% Africans. manufacturing industries are of Prot °,‘'kers 'we?U lnced that If the determination is strictly : likelv to be investigated soon. the c h & n- By anota in . need applied. 35.000 Whitas must be Section 77 strikes at every under , “airman —• -y a COlnrirU^,... taking, industry, trade and occupa- Was Dr lan ° f th a t WaJlC1-c>ence found to replace the non-Whites. ! tipn in the Union. “ ■ p rin Tni? v t Erd Obviously exemptions will have to The Undesirable Publications Commission set out to consider the problem of obscenity, pornography and horror comics. It ended with a frightening plan that offers this or any future government a blank cheque to suppress all political views but their own.
The Undesirable Censorship Plan By Alex. Hepple, M.P. rp!ITC Commission of Enquiry in regard to that the Undesirable Publications Commis Iindesirable Publications has put forward sion has taken the line of least resistance. a. flan for the eensoi’ship of books, maga- Not only has it decided that strong measures Zlnes, newspapers and other publications. It should be taken against “dirt for dirt’s Proposes the establishment of a Publications sake.” It recommends in addition, that ad °ard, consisting of seven to eleven persons, vertisements of underwear should be respect aI?Pointed by the Cabinet and endowed with ably separated from the human figure, that Yi Powers of control over publications of left-wing literature should be suppressed, and au kinds. that the portrayal of “intimate social inter course between Europeans and non-Euro the last detail peans in a eulogistic manner” should be pro The Commission took its task seriously hibited. Hough to express opinions to the last de- The Report proposes that the Publica aih even stipulating that Pretoria should tions Board shall list all publications in four the seat of the Board and that its mem. classes, The first is to consist of “Exempted rpjrs should be South African citizens only. publications,” every issue of which may be le Report is an exhaustive document. It distributed without prior inspection and ap keeoine a classic of its kind. It por- proval by the Board. The second, “Sub ‘‘•'s the mental disturbances of this age, mitted publications,” is to include publica atl'?re fear dominates the lives of most people tions, every issue of which must be sub mitted to the Board for approval before pub v . ^old-war anxieties are incessantly aggra- lication. The third class is to consist of >of < ( ky hot-war threats and regular reports suspect publications, which have produced W(.-,ri
NOVEM BER, 1957 Page 11 groups of the Union” should he deemed authorities shall he vested with the power harmful and suppressed. to decide what publications are undesirable. This opens the way for the banning ol Books, magazines and similar publications nil hooks which oppose or criticise the policy will be subject to the decrees of the Publica of baasskap apartheid. It threatens the tions Board. Newspapers, jobbing and other writings of all those who advocate a common objects will fall under the jurisdiction ol the society and the end of racial discrimination. Courts, subject to the legislative prohibitions Publications of this kind are already being proposed by the Commission. kept out of South Africa by use of the Cus When one examines the definitions m toms Act. Africa Digest, the periodical ot the Report one realises the real dangers in the Africa Bureau ot London (under the the Commission's recommendations. Ihe directorship of the Rev. Michael Scott) is Commission suggests that "Printed matte) one of these censored publications. The nature and other objects shall be undesirable if they of the Commission's Report indicates that are deemed indecent, offensive or harm)ill by this policy is approved and will he continued, the ordinary, civilised, decent, reasonable and probably in a stricter fashion, under the responsible inhabitants of the Unifn.” Could proposed censorship law. this mean that a poll is to be taken to get Next, we have what the Commission is the views of all such inhabitants? Not at pleased io describe as “communistic publica all. The Publications Board, comprising tions,” defined as those which ‘'propagate Government appointees, will decide on be or tend, to propagate communistic principles, half of us all. They will be the dictators of spread of Communism, or further or tend to our literary taste. further the. achievement of any of the aims of Communism.’’ The Commission leans Fair cross-section upon all the dangerous implications con tained in the Supression of Communism Act, Perhaps the Government will take care thereby threatening many shades of political to appoint a fair cross-section of the nation ? opinion, some of them far to the rigid o Certainly not. In the very nature of things, Communism. , the Government will make sure that the Board At the present time, everything printed is completely sympathetic to Government in Communist countries is automatically ex policy in regard to censorship. And, having cluded from South Africa in terms ot the listened to fervent Nationalists inside and Customs Act, without regard to the nature outside Parliament for many years, I am or the contents of the publications Such sure that the majority opinion of the Board books as “Higher Education m the U.S.S.K., will express the uttermost in extreme Nation “Labour Insurance Regulations in the alism. . „ People’s Republic of China” and reports ot In any case, what is an ordinary, the World Federation of Trade Lnions are civilised, decent, reasonable and respon banned without question. This is a completely sible” South African ? How many of us stupid attitude, born of the Nationalist will not claim to fit that description? De * Government’s love of exhibiting its anti spite possible legal interpretations, the de Communist crusade. Instead of offering in finition could include the uninhibited Bohe telligent proposals to remedy this lidiculou- mian no less than the sanctimonious puri state of affairs, the Commission has joined tan. Even the most ordinary citizen may be in the crusade. Their proposals will curD possessed of some extraordinary prejudices. intellectual freedom further hv instilling fear This is particularly so when he judges the in all those who might show some cunosiD morals of his neighbours. about other political systems. The most serious aspect of the Report is the intrusion of the Commission into the Severe penalties sphere of political censorship. The Commis For those who transgress Ihe propose sion explains its attack upon political works law, there are some severe penalties. rt W by referring to “harmful publications,” “com heaviest penalties apply to those who oftei j munism” and the “racial situation.” It re against the political taboos. If the Bo8j commends that “publications which tend to decides that the contents or any part ot 1 .1 enyender or have the effect of engendering contents of a magazine are “Communist friction or feelings of hostility between the European and non-European population not only will the magazine be closed do"
THE FORUM, NOVEMBER, I s5 P a g e 1 2 the owner cannot apply for the registra- an indisputable evil of this hind. . . . of another periodical for five years, the It is heartening to be assured that “‘even yJ'top js prohibited from taking employment in this country” there is resistance to censor ,ls the editor of any other publication for five ship. Unfortunately, that fact has not de .'oars, and the publisher shall be denied the terred the Government from banning a con '"ght to publish anything for the same period. siderable number of imported books, nor the , n addition, there are penalties of fines up Commission from making its own drastic j" til,000, imprisonment up to five years, or proposals. 101 h the fine and imprisonment. On the way to control In a burst of dangerous moderation, the "himission advances an extraordinary pro- The public should reject the C ommis- hesal. It recommends that tlie Hoard may sion’s proposed control measures. Bet us koint permission 1o particular libraries to remember lliat the Press Commission is loom ""Port, acquire or ]>ossess prohibited, ex ing in the background. If we now surren u d ed or Communistic publications, solely der 1o any form of censorship, we shall be on J<"’ study and research, provided that such 1 he way to a controlled Press in South Africa. Indications are kej»t separate and made ac- The Undesirable Publications Commis e°sxiblc only by the librarian at bis own dis- sion’s Report cannot be treated as something ctetion and upon bis personal responsibility apart. It cannot be isolated from the policy, ,0 observe the law. It suggests also that in the political outlook, and the aversion to sj>ecial cases research workers may be granted criticism of the present Government. Only same facilities. this year Mr. Greyling, the Nationalist M.P. It will take a brave student to risk his for Ventersdorp, railed against the Opposi "areer by during to refer to such specially tion in Parliament, accusing them of being, classified books. No easier way of attracting “under the influence of a post-war, sickly attention of the Special Branch could be humanistic spirit . . . because ivc waged w a r '.'""reived. Only the avowed reactionary or against a so-called dictatorship and allegedly "H’eterate Nationalist could safely avail him- to preserve Christianity and decency.” Let Se'f of books placed in this category. . us not forget that the “so-called dictatorship The Commission is like l he doctor who, was Hitler’s Nazi Germany, which indulged 'av»)g satistied himself that his patient suf- in a mass burning of books. When some "*'s from nothing worse than a bad bead of the world’s greatest classics went up in l e , proceeds to cut off the patient’s head, flames on the Franz Joseph Platz of Berlin fids js- (jie SOrt of operation recommended in May, 19JJ, there were hurrahs from many 111 great detail in Section A of Bart II of Nationalist supporters. the Report. The Commission set out to consider the problem of obscenity, pornography and hor ^°t abashed ror comics. It ended with a frightening plan The Commission was not abashed by the that offers this or any future Government a ^aet that, in addition to censorship through blank cheque to suppress all political views l"e Customs Act, the Government already but their own. Let us beware. A democracy P°ssesses arbitrary' powers to suppress news- which resorts to political censorship is in TaPers, magazines, books, pamphlets and decay. °ther printed matter under the Riotous As- Robbie Burns spoke for me, too, when he said:— semblies Act, the Suppression of Communism “Here’s freedom to him that wad read, ■”ct and the Public Safety Act. Here’s freedom to him that wad write, The Report reveals that the Commis There’s nane ever fear’d that the truth should sioners were bothered from the start by the be h ea rd , ‘"\t that censorship is generally unpopular, But them wham the truth wad indite.” ds prompted them to offer a dissertation the subject of the “False Notion of I'ppedom of Publication.” They complain lfd, “ . . . matters hare reached the stage, fr'" in this country, where a certain degree, ['daclum e is fret/aculty observable whi n 's obviously essential that positive and Vl9orous action should he talien . . . against
P age IS FORUM, NOVEM BER, 1957 y
STRXDOM1S ECONOMIC COUNCIL IS SUSPECT.
by ALEX. HEPPLE, M. P.
In his recent interviex* with the Federated Chamber of Industries on the question of Job reservations in the
clothing industry, the Minister of Labour, Senator Jan de Klerk, announced that the Prime Minister was considering
legislation for the establishment of an Economic Advisory
Council. He said that, "the Prime Minister felt that there H.a-g.. ftow the need_for_a..high-level body, directly responsible ^M P u L - _ ^ ^ a d v l s e _ ^ regard to long term economic policy and
1 ?. ,c 0 te_J-mportant economic activities of the various Ministries" .
This would be a commendably intelligent decision, T:ere it; not for the fact that \w have heard of this Economic
Advisory Council before. Because of what we know, there is
more in Senator de Klerk's announcement than meets the eye.
When they were in opposition, the Nationalists devised a plan
to control and direct the economy of South Africa. For one reason or another, this plan has been kept in cold storage,
being preserved for the day when the party hierarchy felt a
need for it. That need seems to have arisen now, as a result of the upheaval in the clothing industry, caused by the Govern ment declaring this 80^ Non-v/hite industry to be reserved for
White employment. This emphasises that if the Government is
uo achieve any success with Job reservations under Section 77 of the Industrial Conciliation Act, it must kxtsg subject Industry to rigid control.
Of course, the Government will not admit that this is its intention. Its excuse will be that critics of the Government are always insisting that the experts should be consulted before Nat. policies are translated into legislation or its laws are strictly enforced. It will say that the
- proposed - *• two •• S'x’RYDOM1S ECONOMIC COUNCIL IS SUSPECT.
proposed Economic Advisory Council will indeed be purely
"advisory", with no further pothers than those of fact-finding
and recommendation. T&establish a b&dy of that kind^/ould be a sensational reversal of policy by the Nationalists. It would be a mortal blow to the Broederbond theorists who conceived the grand plan for a "New South Africa".
In their statement of policy, issued prior to the 1943 general election under the enticing title "The Road to a
New South Africa", the Nationalists revealed that once they
became the Government of the country, drastic changes would be made in fch* our economic system. The master of the new
society was to be a Central Economic Council, an authoritarian body TBfateteassoid vested with vast powers. The purpose and powers of this Central Economic Council were defined as follows
"There must be an authoritative and responsible
f Jetween the government and the economic life of its citizens. The link will be
provided by a Central Economic Council. In
the first place the Council must be in close
contact with all the ramifications of the
country1s economic life, inter alia through
a remodelled system of regulatory boards,
each board fully representative of its own
trade, profession or industry. In the second
| place and arising from its representative
character and its technical resources, the
Council must adv&se the Government on the
necessary steps to be taken to develop our
resources along pre-determlned paths, to
co-ordinate the diversified economic interests properly, to maintain social Justice and to eliminate usurious activities".
At first blush - three - 7 3 STRYDOM1S ECONOMIC COUNCIL IS SUSPECT.
At first blush, there seems to be little that is objectionable in this proposition. Closer examination, however, reveals several sinister features.
'Hie Central Economic Council will interlock with a Central Licensing Board, which will "exercise control over the development of our industries'* and in issuing
licences Mke^ln_vlew.... the application of an equitable a*jgta^„gtem_and segregation policy jn the provision of
fliaployaent for both Europeans and Non-Europeans".
•
The true character of the Central Economic
Council is XKXK2&K& exposed in that part of Nationalist policy which deals with labour organisations. There it is clearly
stated that "t& ^ x gtgm oX^ ^ e o t ^ ^ ^ l i i l n g / b e'' supplemented ^Y^-SZstem of State responsibility, exercised by means of Central Economio, Council and the Labour Council..... the
Lrtuour Council will avercise effective control over the
a^polntment^of officials by A and the general activities nr Jfcfeg,, trades unions or workers organisations".
As the idea of an Economic Council has been revived by Senator de Klerk because of complications in
connection with racial quotas and segregation in Industry, it must/presumed that the Nats.^pasfi£a£e to Implement their original plan, which means that the proposed Economic Advisory Council will be the authoritarian, policy-making body described in the 19 *W$ declaration.
^or this reason it is important for us to understand what we are in for. There is an interesting similarity between the Nationalist Central Economic Council,
Mussolini*s Central Corporative Committee and Hitler*s National Economic Chamber. Ifc must not be forgotten that the Nat.
Council was conceived at the time when the Nat. leaders were
in a bitter - - four - 73
STRYDQM*_S ECONOMIC COUNCIL IS SUSPECT.
in a bitter mood over South Africa's participation in the war against fascism and many of their economic theorists were ardent admirers of the dictatorships.
fake, for example, the Nat. proposals for " ft remodelled system of regulatory boards, each fully repre sentative of its own trade, profession or IndustryThis is
the Corporative system. Mussolin* had twentytvo such m w rtc t
corporations and his Central Corporative Committee had absolute power over them all. Hitler had his National Economic
Chamber. It was a policy-making body, controlling the
Co-operative Council of Chambers of Industry and Commerce,
which enforced its policies. All its members were appointed, never elected. Its leader was a trusted party member.
fhe Nat. Labour Council x/hich, together with their Central Economic Council is to control workers and their
unions, follows the pattern of the German Labour Front, x/hich ruled the x/orkers of Germany with a rod of iron. The Labour
Front was managed by the Business Office of the National
Economic Chamber by the simple device of making the Business Of ice boss over the Economic Bureau of the Labour Front.
The N&^ionalists find these comparisons odious. Yet they have never succeeded In explaining the curious
similarities x/hich exist. Nor have they divulged the names
of the economic theorists who designed their grand economic plan.
Ohy does the Prim* Minister now feel the need for his Economic Advisory Council? What xms xvrong xd.th the Social & Economic Planning Council, established in June 19^2? This
Council came into being aa- the result of a recommendation made by the Industrial and Agricultural Requirements Commission, x/hich stressed the need for a research and fact-finding body
- of this kind - M STRIDOM’S ECONOMIC COUNCIL IS SUSPECT*
of this kind, to assist the Government in its efforts to
solve the many economic problems of our rapidly developing
country* Under the Chairmanship of Dr* Van Eck, the Social
& Economic Planning Council produced many valuable reports,
covering such subjects as Regional and Town Planning, Economic
Aspects of the Gold Mining Industry, Social Security, Taxation and and Fiscal Policy,/Employment.
The Nationalists never liked the Social &
Economic Planning Council. In March 19^, during the pre-election Parliamentary session, Dr. Donges expressed the Nationalist attitude in saying, “...the only solution is to
have a Central Economic Council, a Council which can sublimate
the different departmental activities in the national Interest
.... not the caricature such as we have to-day in the form of
the Planning Council1*.
In 1950, the Government appointed Dr. Norval,
Chairman of the Board of Trade as a one man Commission to investigate the possibility of establishing a Central Economic • session of Parliament Council and during the 1 9 5 1 /Dr. Malan reported that Dr. Norval had submitted M a most important report, which the Government
is studying”. The following year the Government introduced a
Bill for the establishment of an Economic Advisory Council.
Industry and Commerce strongly opposed the Bill, which they TUB considered would subordinate them th ^ bureaucracy of officlaldon 'They declared that the Bill went
too far. On the other hand, the Bill also offended the economic
theorists of the Nationalist Party. They thought the Bill did not go far enough. Consequently, the Bill was not proceeded
with. What does the Prime Minister propose to do now/
Revive the generally unpopular Bill of 1952, or legislate for ' - the sinister - siy - 73 S B £ P !* 'K economic ogpwn. is suspect.
tlie sinister Central Economic Council as described in the "Road to a New South Africa" ?
It will be necessary for us to examine the Government's Advisory Council with the greatest care. The very fact that the Prime Minister has discarded the Social & Economic Planning Council is a warning. We dare not risk undermining
our already weak democracy by delegating controlling powers to
a statutory body of civil servants or Government appointees.
/e must firmly resist all proposals to endow either the
Government or the civil service with powers which rightly belong to Parliament or other elected bodies.
E N D.
J ohannosburg, 2 5 th. November 19 57 A cj.es A y Zo-J i ay t-7 525— MULTI-RACIAL CONFERENCE.
by ALEX. HEPPLE, M. P.
I'he Multi-Racial Conference, which was held at the
University of the i/itwatersrand on the 3rd., 4 th. and 5 th.
December, was a demonstration of the desire growing among South
Africans to discuss and explore the steps which can brin^ about
friendly and effective co-operation among the different racial groups".
A conference of this kina could not here taken place five yeare ago. Kany of thoee preeent would not have taken
part in a similar conference In the past. Their association
at the present time was a natural reaction against the widening pressures of baaeskap. The significance of the Conference was not only its character and purpose but that It took place at
the height of south Africa ■. apartheid frenzy and close on the
heels of the newly-enacted Native Laws Amendment Act, 1 9 5 7 ,
which gives the Minister of Native Affairs the power to prohibit
racially mixed gatherings of this kind.
uther multi-racial conferences have been held in South Africa but none had the rtprtttoaona breadth of the recent gathering.
THE INSPIRATION.
The Conference was convened as a result of a
suggestion made by the Inter-Denominational African Ministers'
Federation (IDAMF), after a conference at Bloemfontein from the
4th. to 6 th. October 1956, attended by 394 accredited delegates
and some 400 observers and visitors. After rejecting the
Tomlinson Report and the policy of apartheid, IDAMF decided
that an effort should be made to call a multi-racial conference.
The Labour Party, the Liberal Party, the Methodist Conference, many leading churchmen and other individuals promptly welcomed the proposal. A small group thereupon
- set about — 4 - two
THE MULTI-RACIAL CONFERENCE^ set about making the necessary arrangements, and in June 1957 an appeal was Issued, Inviting a number of prominent South Africans to sponsor the Conference. This appeal was signed
by & A. L. Mncube as Secretary of IDAMF, the Bishop of Johannesburg, (Rt. Rev. Ambrose Reeves), Mr. Leo Mar guard,
Chief A. J. Lutuli, Mrs. Ruth Foley, Dr. X. «. Dadoo, Mr. Alex.
Hepple, M. P. ana Mr. Alan Paton.
There was a good response and the final list
of sponsors contained the names of 63 persons, belonging to
many different churches and organisations.
PARLIAMENT1 S ISOLATION^, Earlier in the year, I decided to test Parliament's
attitude to a mixed conference for discussions across the colour
line and to the principle of consultation with the chosen leaders of the Non-White majority. I therefore Introduced a
motion in the assembly on the Sth. February 1957, asking the Government to call a National Convention, representative of all
sections of the community, White and Non-White, to -onslder
ways and means of fulfilling the common desire of all douth Africans for inter-racial harmony and co-operation".
The Government flatly rejected the proposal,
Dr. Verwoerd declaring that "such a Convention has only one object. It is to create a set of circumstances as the result
of which apartheid, segregation will be destroyed forever.... What is aimed at in this sort of consultation is...something
dangerous"•
Speaking on behalf of the United Party, Mr. 8. F.
Waterson also turned the proposal down, arguing that, “in view „ , of the ideological policies of the steadily increasing rigidity oi „ +VWS ideal of such a Convention is of the present Government, the ideal - now impracticable". - 4 - three -
THE MULTI-RACIAL CONFERENCES now impractica"bleM• Of course, Ur, Verwoerd was right. Once the
Whites broaden the basis of democracy, White hegemony is on
the way out. Democratic discussion wkxxzm* with the Non-Whites
must lead to the bargaining away of baasskap, something Dr.
Verworrd is determined to prevent at all costs.
The Parliamentary debate r e fle c te d the tragic
limitations of Parliamentary democracy in South Africa. Parliament, the ivory tower of apartheid, spurns all suggestions of multi-racial discussion on the country's multi-racial problems.
It is fortunate, therefore, that those outside Parliament have taken the initiative to break down the forbidding walls.
Coming as it did, on the eve of a general eleotlon,
the Conference was bound to lack appeal to those engaged in them elections. Candidates seeking White votes are always afraid of appearing to be too concerned with the needs and aspirations of the Non-Whites. They act as though the White
electorate expects them to be model exponents of baasskap
apartheid*
SCOPE OF THE CONFERENCE.. The Sponsors of the Conference had some difficulty
in deciding how wide they could make its appeal. They were anxious to secure the widest possible support, yet did not want
to stultify the activities of the progressive movements who
would form an essential part of the flonference. Obviously,
support for the Conference would be ^ermlned by Its agenda. Although many people favoured the Idea of interracial talks or consultation, few agreed upon the actual method to be followed.
Some were prepared to discuss specific issues only with the Non-'/hites. For example, at the Volkskongres at Bloemfontein,
convened by SABRA, the F. A. K. and the three Dutch Reformed - Churches -, - four -
THE MULTI-RACIAL CONFEr jfflCki.
Churches to discuss the Tomlinson Report, Prof. E. F. Potgleter of the University of South Africa, said that it was "imperative that discussions should take place with the Bantu and their co-operation obtained to implement the development programme .
At the same Conference, Prof. Bruwer of Stellenbosch, a prominent member of SABRA, said that “Whites and Bantu must get to know
each other better than in the past".
The Planning Committee, which was entrusted with
the task of organising the Conference, finally decided upon an
Agenda which they considered would have the widest appeal without making the Conference abortive. This Agenda was submitted to a meeting of the sponsors on the 2nd. September
and, after some modification, approved.
t h e PARTICIPANTS., The sponsors decided that the Conference should be
one of individuals,not of organisations. The only exception
was IBAMF, which had sponsored the African Conference in fonteln. The purpose of this arrangement was to encourage the
frank exchange of opinions and free discussion o« all matters, something more possible between individuals than between committed
delegates representing organisations. In addition, it was felt
that participants attending the conference in their personal capacities, would discuss controversial matters freely in the knowledge that they were not committing the organisations to
which they "belonged.
When the Conference opened, there were about 800
people present, half of whom were participants and the remainder observers. There were Whites, Africans, Coloureds and Indians, the Whites being in the m ajority. There were Roman Catholics, Anglicans, Methcdlete, Presbyterians, Jews, Moslems and Hindus. There were educationists, sociologists, churchmen, politicians,
There were membere of the United Party, the Labour Party, the - Literal Party - - six - 4
the MULTI- RACIAL CONFERENCE^.
On religion, the Conference recommended "that religious communities make use of all available means to achieve the ends of moral education in social and racial matters.... and that practical applications of interracial collaboration be fostered
in worship, discussion, social exchanges and in charitable and
and cultural undertakings
On economic rights, the Conference declared that "every
one should have the right to earn hie living in any legitimate way, according to his shill and ability....All colour bars in
industry must be abolished and all workers should be entitled
to a living wage according to civilised standards that all workers should be entitled to combine in trade unions
and nave the right to strike.
On education, the Conference called for compulsory,
free education for all and rejected educational policies “which aeek to perpetuate White domination, accentuate ethnic differences
and resusoltate tribal nationalism".
on political rights, the Conference stated that it was
convinced that only universal adult suffrage can meet the needs and aepirationa of the people, adding, "It appreciates, howev-r, . a a tn thp wavs and means of achieving that there is disagreement as to the ways ^ simrprnaoT to a non-racial democraay... * the transition from White supremacy
WHAT NEXT? It seemed that everyone was pleased with the Conference.
Although the Conference took no decisions as to practical actio n o achieve the abolition of all discriminatory
laws and the extension of full citizenship rights to all", as
resolved at the Bloemfontein Conference in October 1956. “ started the ball rolling. The difficult stage lies ahead. The fruitfulness of the Conference can be Judged only in the future. Many of the participants wanted Conference to commit - itself - seven
THE MULTI-RACIAL CONFERENCE,
Itself there and then to a definite line of action. I believe that In view of the wide interests associated in this important decision gathering, such a/xXEp would have been premature. If the Conference is to lead somewhere, none must be frightened away by the impetuous demands of the more politically enlightened participants. On the other hand, it would be a waste of time and energy if the Conference became an annual outing for those who prefer talk to action.
Several resolutions on tills issue have been referred to the Planning Committee for consideration. 'xhis
Committee has been empowered to co-opt additional members and instructed td publish the findings of Conference. J-ts major duty is to plan the next step. Much will depend upon the determination and goodwill of those who made the recent Confer ence what it was.
END.
Johannesburg, 30th. December 1957* n i
OITNION ” Vage Three January, 1958 ______" J EW1SH mandments and refuse to take steps to secure its accept of years. There were times when some of the participants ance in the peculiar conditions of South Africa, there is at the conference may have described such a policy as only one word to describe their behaviour. We will make "left-wing” or “extremist.” That time is, however, past. no bones about it : the attitude of the Jewish clergy m There can be no return to pre-Multi-Racial Conference South Africa is hypocritical. They have no right to con days. With the remarkable unity achieved, the movement demn Cain for asking “Am I my brother’s keeper?’ as for a multi-racial South Africa must proceed along wider long as they, in effect, ask the same thing when confronted and wider perspectives, drawing in more and more people with the cries of the suffering millions of South Africa. By Until it is irresistible. denying the basic ethic of the Jewish religion—“love thy A noteworthy feature of the Conference was the large neighbour”—they are betraying their own calling, and per dumber of ecclesiastic leaders who participated in its deli verting the dynamic message which the Jewish people, who berations—approximately forty. There were two Catholic have suffered so much persecution and oppression them Archbishops and an Anglican Bishop. Two religious deno selves, offers to mankind. minations were however conspicuous by their absence the butch Reformed clergy and the Jewish clergy. Only one Unfortunately the Jewish clergy were not the only cu - prits among our community. Why were none of the lay representative of each group were present. communal leaders present at the conference? Why did they While one can possibly excuse the Dutch Reformed boycott a conference at which leading representatives ol Church from participating in a conference where all men all sections of the community were present? Again one can Were equal, it is difficult to find grounds for justifying the only draw adverse inferences from their absence. absence of the Jewish clergy. Are our Ministers and Rabbis disinterested in the fight for social justice in South Africa? To the lay and religious leaders of the community we Are they insensitive to the sufferings and persecution of say : lhe vast bulk of our population? Have they no care whether You cannot— nay, you DARE not— hold yourselves South Africa is fascist or democratic? Their absence from aloof from political developments in South Africa. dte Conference certainly suggests this to be the case. Nor can you in all conscience blind yourselves to the It is high time that the Jewish clergy awakes to its glaring social injustices in our land without betray s°cial responsibilities as members of other religious deno ing all that is noble in the Jewish ethical heritage. minations have done. As long as they preach the Ten Com-
RACE, JOBS AND POLITICS 6Y A MEMBERR OF PARLIAMENT
absorbed, and the Board can foresee no reason why these J'H E Minister of Labour, Senator Jan de Klerk, has , thrown the clothing industry into a sea of troubles by conditions should change in the future.” Glaring it to be reserved for the employment of White It should be noted that, despite the marked change in Persons only. Both employers and employees are up in the ratio of White to Non-White workers, the actual num > s . The employers declare that White workers are un ber of White workers in the industry increased from attainable and the workers say that they are not in need 11,114 in 1938/39 to 13,987 in 1952/53. 0 Protection of this kind. In the light of the above facts, what prompted the ■ At one time the majority of workers in the clothing Minister of Labour to declare that this industry should be lnfdustry were White. In 1936, Whites comprised 88.7% reserved for the employment of Whites? Therein lies a q, aH employees in Witwatresrand clothing factories, tale. It is the story of long years of fruitless endeavour by pl'5% in the Eastern Gape and 46.4% in the Western the Nationalist Party to entice White workers away from r°vince. By 1955, these percentages had dropped to 32.b /e their trade unions and to follow the path of purified m tile Rand. 17.7% in the Eastern Cape and 12.9% in the Nationalism. In the thirties, the main efforts of the Nation yestem Province. The cause of this decline has been ex- alists in this field were concentrated upon the members p aitied by the Wage Board, which studied this question of the Garment Workers Union. Most of their activity was n 1955/56. The Board says centered in Germiston, where Senator Jan de Klerk, now Owing to the shortage of European labour during Minister of Labour, and Mr. J. du Pisanie, now M.P. for lhe War and post-war years, (White) girls have been Germiston, played the leading role. fading work in spheres of employment more congenial One of their efforts was to form the Bree Kerklike Kom- to them than industfy . . . The result has been an almost mitee, invoking the aid of the three Dutch Reformed c°niplete absence of new European entrants into the Churches in their campaign to “rescue” Afrikaner workers *rade, and the consequent ageing of the European labour from the evils of militant trade unionism and racial mixing force” in the factories. Later, this Committee was supplanted by another organisation founded by Senator Jan de Klerk, p ^tionalist propagandists assert that the influx of Non- the Blankewerkersbeskermingsbond, which declared its tLUr°Peans into the industry is forcing Whites out. Even aim to be “combating the evils which affect the workers t> e Allnister of Labour uses this argument. But the Wag*. community of the Witwatersrand.” Among its objects the refutes it, stating that “the entry of Non-Europeans BWBB included job reservation and factory apartheid. The * 0 industry has not led to the displacement of Euro- Minister of Labour cannot forget the issues which occupied s afis . j-he demand for E,uropean employees . . . . is his energies in those less rewarding days. He is still dedi- Ch that all available European employees can readily be January, 1958 I'age Four “ JEWISH OPINION cated to job reservation and factory apartheid. The differ tion, which will make it easy for him to refuse to xenew ence is that he now has the power to do something about it. the industrial council agreement. There is general uneasiness in the trade. The The Nationalists aver that the only way to protect White unions have decided to go to Court to test the Minisn workers against unfair competition from Non-White is by Determination. If they succeed, there is no doubt that the State action. They have no faith in the ability of workers Government will suitably amend the law to enable them to to protect themselves' through trade union strength and proceed with their job reservation plans. In any case, the unity. On the contrary, they prefer to weaken and divide Government has already made it known that they will the trade unions, and so make it impossible for workers change the law to the extent of making it possible to apply to defend themselves against exploitation. a quota system to any industry, so that employers may be Many people are perplexed at the procedure followed by compelled to employ a stated quota of persons of specified the Minister of Labour in applying job reservation in the races. clothing industry. On the 25th October 1957, he publishe.l One thing has emerged with startling clarity during this a determination, effective for five years, reserving the work crisis. Those manufacturers who have removed their fac of machinist, supervisor, cutter or chopper-out, and table- tories to the rural areas have been placed in a most advan hand for White persons only. The total number of workers tageous position. They have escaped from the battleground in these occupations is 39,500, comprising 4,500 White and of racial politics. They cannot become the victims of job 35,000 Non-White workers. reservations designed to attract votes for the Nationalist If strictly applied, the Minister’s order would have re Party. Only the factories which rem ain in the urban (i.e. quired employers to dismiss 35,000 Non-White workers and the White) areas will suffer the upheavals and crippling replace them by the same number of Whites. Of course, cost of struggling to comply with the Government’s im this could not be done, as the Whites cannot be found. practical job reservation decrees. As it is, they are threat They all have better work elsewhere. The Minister was ened by competition from the rural factories, which pay well aware of this fact. He also knew that in terms of their African workers as little as 15/- per week, because Section 77(11) of the Industrial Conciliation Act, job they are beyond reach of all wage regulating measures. _ reservation cannot be applied in areas where industrial Who can really believe that job reservation on a racial council agreements are in operation, without the consent of basis can provide economic security to White or any othei the industrial councils. Such agreements existed in the workers? If the clothing industry case is any guide, job re Transvaal, the Cape and Natal. It so happened that the servation can shrink the opportunities of employment for Transvaal agreement had just expired and was awaiting Whites. Industrialists are being forced to migrate to the the Minister’s approval for renewal. In Natal and the Cape, rural areas, near the Native reserves, where they will not the agreements had another eighteen months to run. be bothered by racial problems in manning their factories. The existence of these agreements provided the Minister Eventually, rural Africans will enjoy almost a monopoly of with a way out of the embarrassing difficulty he had industrial employment, while urban workers of all races created for himself. When the employers and employees will be increasingly unemployed. in the industry protested against his job reservation order, Employers who migrate to the Native areas will enjoy he retorted that he was “surprised and disappointed at the other advantages. With the full approval of the Govern irresponsible and misleading” criticisms of his action, and ment, they can subject their African employees to tougher he announced that he would, therefore, grant exemption treatment than they would dare apply to the more ad to all other clothing manufacturers in those areas where vanced workers in the urban areas. Employees in the rural no industrial council agreement existed. The effect of this factories will be disciplined by racial laws, while official was to wipe out his job reservation order. hostility and the severe penal sanctions of the Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act will exclude the in Unfortunately, only temporary respite has been gained. tervention of African trade unions. The Transvaal industrial council agreement has been ex In the circumstances, manufacturers who wish to escape tended only to the 17th March 1958. When it expires, job bankruptcy will have either to move to the rural areas reservation can be applied forthwith. Perhaps this is the or close down. If the Government had deliberately set out Minister’s intention, for he has ordered the Wage Board to take jobs from White workers they could not have to undertake an investigation into wages and conditions in thought of a better way. the industry, with a view to making a new wage determina THE WAR IN ALGERIA Napalm bombs. Algeria is being brought to complete ruin. NO has refused to accept the resolution introduced by France herself is facing a crisis as a result of this war. U the Asia-African countries that France should nego In 1956 France spent almost 300 billion francs on this tiate with the people of Algeria in terms of the United destruction. Every day we read that scores of insurgents Nation’s Charter, in order to bring war in Algeria to an are being captured and killed. No information, however, is end. Instead in terms of a non-commitment resolution given as to the French losses, but many families in France France will continue discussions (although one does not mourn the death of their sons and husbands. Cost of living know with whom) to find a peaceful solution to the Alge has risen sky high in France. New taxes have been intro rian problem. Once again the colonialist powers have duced to cover the cost of this war. The French colonialists succeeded in staying clear of another “burning spot” in the have forgotten the lesson taught them in Indo-China world, this time in North Africa. and continue this war of genocide in Algeria. But the Alge Since 1st November 1954 a full scale war and not a re rian people have not surrendered and continue to fight for bellion has been going on in Algeria. This is a war of anni the independence of their country and for liberation from hilation and destruction. France has a half million soldiers the yoke of colonialism. in the field with all modern weapons which include the Election Preview
Qn the forthcoming’ election for representatives of lhe Coloured voters in the House of Assembly.
Four Ripe Plums By Alex. pple, M.P.
J M a few weeks’ time, the Coloured people White candidates to get from this segre of the Cape will go to the polls to elect gated electorate. *°ur White persons to represent them in the One of the tragic consequences of the House of Assembly. protracted struggle over the Coloured Vote This will be the first election under the issue is the deep division it has engendered Separate Representation of Voters Act, 1951, among the Coloured people themselves. That "hich imposes electoral apartheid upon the division has not developed because of differ Coloured people. In terms of the law, these ences on the principle of separate represen Sections must take place at least eight days tation. The overwhelming majority of before the date set for the General Election Coloured people are strongly opposed to dself. The four seats to be contested are being placed on a separate roll. Peninsula (Cape Town and environs), Boland It is true that once or twice there have (Stellenbosch, Paarl, etc.), Outeniqua (East been signs of wavering in some quarters. On on Province, Port Elizabeth, Oudtshoorn, the whole, however, the opposition to Gc.) and Karoo (including Northern Cape, separate representation has been unanimous, bimberley and Namaqualand). although not united. Wide Disagreement Political disunity confounds the Col oured people. Concerted action in defence As this is being written there is eon- of their century-old voting rights has been s'derable discussion on the possibilities of the impossible because of it. The tyranny of Coloured Elections. There is wide disagree colour prejudice in South Africa has made ment among the Coloured people on how life a purgatory for the Cape Coloured these elections should be treated; some insist people. Tempted on the one side by the pat 'hat they should be totally boycotted; others ronage of White masters and pressed on the m-gue th a t they should be freely supported, other by a rising Black proletariat, some While a. third group is seeking to put up a display a racial snobbery that would put Elected panel of anti-apartheid candidates. White supremacists to shame. On the other hand, there is no confusion Blanket of Apathy 1,1 the minds of White aspirant candidates. far as the Whites are concerned the In their pathetic attempts to rise out of ('oloured seats are four ripe plums, ready their purgatory of colour many avoid asso *°r the picking. There is a long queue of ciation with Coloured organisations. Apathy People desperately anxious to become has fallen like a blanket over the whole *'oloured Representatives in Parliament. community. Indifference is encouraged by Host of them are unattached to any political the behaviour of many Coloured leaders, who T'ga nisation or movement. adopt a negative attitude, preferring passive The coining elections will be extremely resentment to political action. This mood is interesting, if only as a demonstration of reflected in the number of Coloured persons ''hat sort of persons are able to win the four who have registered as voters. Coloured seats. This raises the question of On December 31, 1949, there were 47,597 Hie organised support it will be possible for Coloured voters in the Cape Province. In
8 THE FORUM, FEBRUARY, 1958. I lllv, 1957. Hi ere w ere only 29,'244. This drop They advocate a complete boycott. XEUM partially due to the derision of many draws much of its support from teachers I ''loured intellectuals to abstain from regis- who are members of the Teachers’ League of ,|',|’in^. In the main il is due to apathy. South Africa. Closely associated with their ''ere are probably 200.000 who couid point of view is the Teachers’ Professional hUalii'y for 1 lie vote if th ey applied. Of and Educational Association (TEPA), led °l|)’se. had there been equal educational by Dr. R. E. van der Ross, an able and influ a"d other opportunities in the past there ential man in the small circle of Coloured a l(,uld be something like 500.000 Coloured intellect mils. v"lp|-s on th e rolls. The 1.011.00U W hite !'"Piilntion of the Cape Province provides Congress Affiliate II '.00(i voters, so it uould hr fair to say ( l;'t in an equal society the 1,169,000 The third organisation is the South ''loured inhabitants would have at least the African Coloured Peoples’ Organisation Tip number of voters, (UV TO), one of the .affiliates of the Con j. There are several groups and organ isa- gress. movement. Some of its leaders have '“is operating among the Coloured people. been banned under the Suppression of . claim wide support, but it is difficult at Communism Act, and some arc among those . 'is stage to ascertain the real extent of undergoing the preparatory examination oil ,'cir intluence. 'J'lie coining elections should charges of treason. Hh’e the answer. There are three main SACPO first took a decision to boycott Ihmps, each with a different attitude to the the elections. They argued that participa A ctio n s. tion would be tantamount to approving the principle of Separate Representation. Later they had second thoughts and decided at a ^Ully in Favour second conference in December, 1957, in , First of nil there is the Coloured People’s favour of taking part in the separate elec rational Union (CPNU) led by Mr. George tions, on specific conditions. They have 'olding. They are fully in favour of partici issued a declaration that “the return to pating in the eleetions, a decision they took Parliament of treason trialists and Congress at a conference in Cape Town in the first members who have by sacrifices and work 'V(,tk of January this year. This conference proved their unfailing loyalty to the people’s attended by 70 delegates representing 50 struggle in South Africa would be the best ^'Inches of the organisation, as well ns demonstration of the Coloured people’s com Hi relics and ratepayers’ associations. In plete rejection of any system of inferior Tening the conference .Mr. Golding appealed representation.” the delegates to "cease the cold war with The decision to participate in the elec k Government,” and to pursue a policy of tions provoked new argument inside ll'^otiating with the authorities. Mr. Golding SACPO, and resulted in the resignation of six executive members. Because of bannings jk been a controversial figure in Coloured and other factors, SACPO will have diffi 'l‘ftirs for many years. In face of hitter culty in finding candidates of the calibre . ’lacks and widespread criticism, he accepted they have described, but they have made it chairmanship of the Coloured Advisory clear that they will support no others. This f,°hneil when it was established by the organisation has strong trade union connec government in 1943. He is also remembered tions, which may prove useful in at least two 0|‘ that memorable occasion in June, 1954, of the seats. ..hen Dr. M alan dram atically announced in From the above, it would seem that the j.k closing stages of tlu* Joint Sitting of Par- many independent aspirant candidates will * ,'liienf that lie had received a letter from have to look to Mr. Goldings’s CPXl for * Golding which appeared to be an offer organised support. There arc many people Compromise on the Coloured vote issue. who are exhibiting great eagerness to sit in Golding recently joined the Moral Ilc- Parliament, as representatives of the l*'hiament Asstleiation. Coloured people. v The second ma.joy organisation is the Mr. Abe PJoomberg, at present United wtt-European Unity movement (XEUM), M.P. for Cape Town Castle, has already r,1,''iprising mainly Coloured intellectuals, boasted that be holds 3,100 signatures of hiy want nothing to do with the elections. sponsors for his candidature for the Penin-
FORUM, FEBRUARY, 1958 P age 9 >
XI ii seat Mi. Chris Starke. United Partv both the Nationalists and the United Partv " j , ‘‘Pe f'lats‘ has decided to put up ui Hie bo land seat. It is said that both these will run unofficial candidates. caiididales will have the hacking of the I he elections will answer many ques ; 1 M • How many votes that is worth no one Lons on which there is now only speculation knows. I lieiu result will certainly he a uuide to tlu next stage, the election of the Union Council Other Aspirants ot Coloured Affairs. Sometime after the1 genera 1 election the Coloured people will he Other aspirants already known are T)r called upon to elect three of their own. U. r nedman, former M.P. for Eillbrow (who people from each Province (i.e. twelve in resigned from the United Party when they all) to sit on the Union Council of Coloured wavered on the Coloured Vote issue) Mr P Affairs, with fifteen (fillers nominated by U >r Wolmarans, a former Mayor of Cape Government. All members of the Council ai i ■. Town, Mr. A 8. A. East and Mr. Louis to be paid. A™ eri two Cape down city councillors. In Once the Whites have plucked the for ir addition there are many others who are pre big juicy plums, will there be a scramble c 3. paring to enter the field, and it is likely that Coloureds for the smaller fruit?
Nationalist commentators reacted to the Afro-Asian “solidarity” conference in Cairo by a reiteration of self-centred isolationism.
Nationalists and the Cairo Conference By Scrutator W ISH FU L thinking, wistful memories given mission and destiny the Afrikaner vo [, and lachrymose sentimentalism came would have to accept as its immediate as.sip naturally at the turn of the year but the ment “the maintenance of our Afrikaner I :’i seasonal manifestations also had their more dependence by means of our political, e ,,r revealing moments of conscious (or sub-con tn i n 1. educational and economic resource scious) truth. In a guest editorial, Dr. -I. lie proceeded to list and define these roa., j C. Uoetzee, of Potehefstroom, meditated in problems of Afrikanerdom in what was pY >• the Trnn.svaler on the tasks of the Afrikaner sumably intended to be their order of in volk in the “extremely significant year" lying port a nee. ahead. In the process he laid bare’a tolerably comprehensive and accurate blueprint of the Shadows driving forces as well as the half-hidden fears and anxieties of Afrikaner Nationalism to Politically, he declared, “the new ve m il ay. will mean everything to us: Shall we be ah .1 to continue developing as a separate peop' A Immediate Assignment or shall we slowly but surely go under?' Culturally, he went on, “the new year will 1958 was 1o be a year, he wrote, when mean a great deal to us. In the past quarter the “Assembly of our People" would be re of a century we have made enormous strides constituted, and its new composition would towards the establishment of a, distinctive, be very closely tied up with the future of Ati ikaans culture. And vet the future is “our land and volk.” Aware of its divinely- not without its shadows. Our cultural lit*, a P age 10 THE FORUM, FEBRUARY, 1958. 79 THE STAR JOHANNESBURG TUESDAY MARCH 18 1953 tftSroAj P age 9 Labour Party members tell why they did not join IJ.P. HE LEADER of file Labour Party in Parliament. Mr. T Alex Hftpple, and bis colleague, Mr. Leo Lovell, announced for tbe brst time today why they are fighting the election alone and whv they refused to join tbe United Party. They believe that if they joined the United Party they would be prevented from maintaining "our unrelenting opposition to Nationalist extremism. admire our unequivocal opposition "We would become victims of to objectionable Nationalist meas political expediency, as were ures. but cannot vote with us several members of the United against the Government because Party in the case of the Public they are bound by caucus de Safety Act. the Criminal Laws cisions, usually taken for tactical Amendment Act and the 'Hang ing Bill.' " says a joint statement reasons. by Mr. Hepple and Mr. Lovell, ‘‘UNHAPPY BAND” th a t will be read a t a Labour meeting in Benoni tonight. • "Neither of us desired to join "It should be known that on the unhappy and frustrated band of United Party members of Par many occasions individual mem liament who are constantly held bers of the United Party tell us in check by their less progressive MR. LOVELL r h e p p l e that they privately support and M . colleagues. Joining the United Party would have relegated us to share their gloomy silence.” The statement says that Mr. Hepple and Mr. Lovell feel it necessary to explain why they re fused to join the U.P. “ now that the U.P. has made public the fact." “ Naturally, we felt it a compli ment that the U.P. considered us the first and best choice for the Rosettenville and Benoni seats. Moreover, we were encouraged to learn that the U.P. was ready to have us as candidates, knowing our political viewpoint. “ We were also impressed be cause the differences in the poli cies of our two parties were not presented as an obstacle. “ Obviously, had we accepted 1 the U.P. invitation, we would have j been assured of easy election. ON OTHER HAND “ On the other hand, we would j have fallen into, the category of political opportunists ready to per form a somersault on the eve of the election merely to be sure of getting back to Parliament by the easiest route. “ We are quite sure that Opposi tion supporters have had enough of political turncoats. They are obviously seeking dependable re presentatives who remain stead fast and true. “ Taking the recent U.P. criti cism of our policy into account, it now seems that in making their offer the U.P. was inviting us to i lead a Jekyll and Hyde political existence. “ The second point we had to consider In weighing up the U.P. invitation was how it would affect our work as honest representatives of the people. we believe that we have proved ourselves by our records. “ it ‘s well known that we have j been uncompromising in our oppo sition to the Nationalists. •• We are assured by everyone that our attitude has won for us a high personal regard, not only in our constituencies but through- out the country." Membership of the U.P.. says the 1 statement, would prevent them from carrying on their unrelenting I opposition to Nationalist ex.- ! tremism. (Written by Wharrie Nelson. 41 President Street. Johannesburg.) & i u i W
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< Z & Y Alex Hepple gives his answer to the question .... Where Does South Airies to From Here? As I write this the Nationalists are holding a great victory celebration on Church Square, Pretoria. They have been elected to rule South Africa for a third term of five years. They have increased their strength in Parliament from 94 to 103. They have increased their majorities in almost every constituency.
The United Party are saying This was the policy which had that they were defeated because lost previous elections. It was the the Nats, cleverly exploited old game of trying to out-Nat the Nats. The pro-apartheid electorate Afrikaner sentiment and the were not to be fooled. The pro colour bogey, and because of apartheid leaders of the United the loaded vote and the delimita Party will now stop fooling them tion. selves and move closer to the Nats.
Their crushing loss is made Having struck the death blow at more humiliating by the defeat of Labour representation in Parlia their leader, Sir de Villiers Graaff ment, the United Party will find it and their chief propagandist, Mr. easier to behave like a “respon Marais Steyn. Two successful sible alternative Government” and U.P. candidates must now resign less like a vigilant, militant their seats to give these key party Opposition. men places in Parliament.
The United Party pathetically Freed from the constant prod console themselves with their own ding from the Labour benches, little victory, for they now can which has tormented them for so boast that they have eliminated the long, they will have less difficulty voice of Labour from Parliament, in compromising on vital issues. ALEX HEPPLE having defeated Alex. Hepple in No longer will they stand in fear Rosettenville and Leo Lovell in of being shamed by the example of a handful of Labour men. The pressure is already on. The Benoni. This contemptible triumph Nats are demanding a more co gave the Nats added cause for operative attitude on the colour The voice of conscience, where jubilation. It brought the one- question. A response is already it exists, aan be lulled by facile party State a little closer. being heard in financial and com excuses. The voice of Labour, mercial circles. which has nagged the U.P. into action and resistance in the past, Influential interests which backed A Mandate has been silenced. the U.P. in the election are now urging that it is the duty of the The U.P. can now make its U.P. to help the Government make Where do we go from here? The peace with Dr. Verwoerd and Mr. baasskap apartheid work. victors are holding their celebra Strijdom . tions. They declare that South The Nats will make sure to Africa’s white electorate has now present the issues and the legisla clearly expressed its approval of tion that will force a showdown. baasskap apartheid. They take the rrtHE views expressed on this There is no escape for the so- result of the election as a mandate page are those of the called “liberals” in the U.P. Their to proceed with their cruel and individual writers. CONTACT fate is sealed. Unfortunately, unjust policies of discrimination. takes no responsibility for there is little likelihood of any of them and does not necessarily them taking a progressive stand The Prime Minister took the and putting up a real fight on the first opportunity after the results endorse them. Nor do these real issue. were known to tell South Africa writers necessarily subscribe to and the world that the colour CONTACT’S views. policy of the Nationalist Party would be “pursued resolutely”. The boisterous rejoicing of the Grim Future Nats provides the best atmosphere What of the much talked-of for realistic and constructive think “liberal back bench” of the U.P.? The forces to the left of the ing by the vanquished Opposition. What will they do in the circum United Party also have a grim stances? Some of them will now time ahead. They have all suffered move nearer the front bench. But a series of setbacks recently. they will still fear to assert them Whiteness selves. The Labour Party has lost the last of its public representatives. Having watched their progress Its membership has dwindled in Let us take the United Party during the past five years, my the past ten years; it has been first. What is their future? As in guess is that they will spend a robbed of its necessary trade union previous elections, they fought the great deal of their time scurrying support through the action of the Nats on the basis “Our White out of danger. Government. Supremacy is nicer than yours”. The nature of their appeal was At all costs they will avoid a Full employment, racial privilege showdown between themselves and well stated by T h e S ta r in its eve- and the failure of the registered the conservative element. How of-election message: trade unions to give their mem ever, that will not save them. To bers political education in the days “The United Party has fulfil their ambitions, the right when it was legal, have helped to wobbled and wavered about wing of the U.P. must purge the dry up the flow of members to the many things. But it has always party of all reputed “liberals”. Labour Party. been rather more obstinate than Before they can do a deal with the Nationalist Party about the Nats they must demonstrate The Liberal Party, while it did keeping the whites white and in that they are free of all taint of not expect much better, was the lead. It fights the Nation liberalism. And the Nats will soundly defeated where it put up alists only about the method of gladly help them purify them candidates. It cannot go on for doing this.” selves. ever losing deposits. '— 3CT the elections for the four Coloured representatives in Parlia ment, SACPO suffered a humili We stand in the shadow of the ating defeat. The Unity move Treason Trial. Looming ahead ment, which campaigned for a are the dark clouds of Press boycott of these elections, cannot censorship, the banning of the claim success. A.N.C., the removal of Native Representation from Parliament, Victory went to the “Indepen further curbs on the trade unions dents,” who will now take their and greater curtailment of civil places in the United Party caucus. liberties. Above all, there are un The Coloured voters have elected mistakable signs of an economic representatives belonging to a depression, in which workers of party which stands for white all races will suffer great hard suprem acy. ship. The A.N.C. is also having a This is not the time for difficult time. The demonstration drawing-room discussions on the planned for election week was African franchise. The situation poorly supported and petered out demands courageous reaction to miserably. The organization is the Nationalist victory. under constant pressure from the Government and confusion is spreading through the activities of One Party the Africanists and others. The elections have shattered all hopes that Parliament might begin to accommodate itself to non white progress. The favoured few Ware Panic who enjoy the franchise have made it clear that they have no desire to make Parliament a forum for All in all, the progressive forces S discussions on the rights and are having a bad time. Perhaps i aspirations of the non-white their setbacks were necessary to \ majority. They have preferred to bring them back to earth. Too } give the Nationalist Government a many progressives have been up in mandate to proceed with the the clouds for some time. I can implementation of its repressive not forget how some of them were policies. actually talking in terms of a U.P. Worse still, they have reduced victory last year, really believing it the Parliamentary Opposition to a single party which differs little possible, despite all evidence to from the Government. In its the contrary. hour of greatest need, the Nation Bravado and unwarranted smug suffers an Opposition which fears ness were exhibited by some to oppose. people after last year’s bus boy cott and the multi-racial con Talks Now ference. Only the forces outside Parlia The road to a just society ment can save the Nation from the has many tempting byways and i evils of this tragic situation. Their exciting distractions. Recent 1 following represents more than reverses should be a reminder to four-fifths of the population. They beware of them. lack only organization and unity. Now is the time for them to At the same time we should work together, to rally their forces beware of those who panic or and determine their line of action. spread a mood of defeatism. The There must be clear and Nats will take full advantage of courageous leadership and stren the situation. They will incite and uous efforts to build a powerful encourage the disrupters. They are masters of the art of divide and rank and file. All progressive groups and rule. Having divided and broken parties should begin to discuss the Parliamentary Opposition, they can now concentrate upon their these things with each other now. enemies on the extra-Parliamentary front.
The progressive forces must prepare their defences. The time has come for a careful review of their organization and work. Priorities must be determined. Activities must be more intell igently planned and there must be closer collaboration between the various groups and organizations which are striving for a better life for all the people of South Africa. “s a T t r a d e u n i o n e x e c u t i v e s
ARE JUST PUPPET ” “FA1BPLAY,” Johannesburg, writes: V TOUR LEADING ARTICLE “Labour's Point'of View” (Sunday Express, April 27) deplores x the passing of Mr. Alex. Hepple and Mr. Leo Lovell from the Parliamentary scene and the fact that the Labour Party has virtually come to the end of its public life. I would like to know just how ment ~‘”*f wanted to hrpbreak the unions were answered by the dissatis and when the skilled and semi fied workers who, in the last skilled artisans’ points of view election, ousted Labour and re- SUNDAY EXPRESS, May 11, ’58 were heard when the Labour + /-I TVTofi/xnalict Pflrtv to Party members were in Parlia pow er. "Stupid, false" m ent. The trade union executives— Satisfaction who are nothing but puppet dic The workers today regard the charges against tators—led tile Labour members trade unions as being run and the Press up the garden path for the benefit of the officials and and gave their own views and executives and not the workers. trade unionists not the views of the members They are not run democratically. MR. ALEX. H EPPLE, P.O. they represent. 0 While apathy among trade Box 2864, Johannesburg, writes: Not Represented union members could result in a < rpH E letter headed “S.A. Trade “dictatorship” by their leaders— i X Union Executives are Just for example, Jimmy Hof fa and ( Puppet Dictators” (Sunday Ex The true feelings of thousands < of workers all over the country Dave Beck in the United States ( press, May 4) contains such — the record shows that most of serious allegations that its were not represented and much injustice was done to the workers. them in this country are re author should have given his sponsible men and women, con name instead of hiding behind If the true facti had been pub cerned only ivith the economic the nom-de-plume “Fairplay.” lished it would have prevented w e lfa re , of their members. And thousands of votes being swayed Hansard shows that Mr. Hepple If you could spare me the from the U.P. to the N.P., and Mr. Lovell have repeatedly space, I would gladly reply to all especially in Vereeniging. put the worker's view in Parlia the stupid and false charges in “Falrplay’s” letter. The least he Statements that the Govern- m ent. can do is to let us know who he is and give us some facts to prove \\ hy he thinks trade unions “are being run for the benefit of the officials and executives and not the workers” and why "they are not run democratically.” • We can certainly spare Mr. Hepple-—who was until recently a Labour M.P.—the space. His reply will be publisned next week. Meanwhile, would “Fair- play” care to come out into the open T “TOO POWERFUL” SCAB,” of Kenilworth, Johan nesburg, writes: AGREE with “Fairplay.** Trade union bosses are be coming too powerful. Just look Iat the hardship and misery the London bus strike is causing. • What about the hardships suffered by the busmenf ex. Hepple warns workers of when hard times come Mi-. ALEX. HEPPLE, P.0. Rox 2864, Johannesburg, writes: rpHANK YOU for allowing me space to reply to “Fairplay” (“S.A. Trade Union Executives are Just Puppet Dictators," Sunday Express, May 4). I shall deal with his more specific charg es. What does “Fairplay” mean by • He wants to know “just how "tru e feelings" ? and when the skilled and semi Was it wrong of us to demand skilled artisans' points of view higher c o.l. allowances, better "'ere heard when the Labour pensions, and so on? Was it Party men were in Par- wrong to defend the right of i'anient." The answer is to workers to organise and to run *>e found in Hansard. During their own affairs? session after session the Labour The only injustice done to Group put up motions on cost- workers has been at the hands of-living allowances, pensions, of the Government, through the and so on and continually damaging effects of its amend ('leaded the cause of all workers ments to the Industrial Concilia 0,1 all matters concerning them. tion Act. When hard times come, workers will discover how grievously the Government has Was it wrong? reduced the effectiveness of their unions. • He says, “The true feelings 0 “Fairpiay" says that the trade of thousands of workers were unions are being run for the hot represented and much Injus- benefit of the officials and exe l'ce was done to the workers.” cutives and not the workers, and that they are not run democra tically. To which unions does o ffic ia l s a y s : he re fe r? l! His duty WHITES SCAB If lie knows of unions where such undesirable conditions exist, ON AFRICANS ” it is his duty to expose them. Miss E. WALTON, Branch In any case, what are the mem “"‘cretary, Textile Workers’ in bers doing to allow this state of dustrial Union, Uitenhage, writes: affairs to continue? Unions are run by their mem ^ITHE White workers in South bers, who elect the executives * Africa arc, by their selfish- and officials. If the elected men h'‘-ss, largely responsible for the are no good they can lie dealt met that the workers’ point of with by the rank and file. There \ lew is seldom heard in Parlia ment. must he something wrong with the members of a union if they Whenever African workers re-elect officers who put their have gone on strike against con own interests before those of the ditions that White workers would members. hot tolerate for five minutes, the It seems to me that “Fair- white workers have scabbed. play's” grouse is simply that he does not like trade unions!—or No protest that he does not understand the role of trade unionism in a When laws were passed modern democratic society. making it a criminal offence # A lark of understanding lor Africans to strike, there seemingly shared by many trade "as never a murmur of protest union members. Iroin tile White workers. W hen White workers stop d. in 'ging to every privilege that ,1 *r skins give them, and extend e hand of friendship to their .^w -lraed fellow workers then, ‘ . °nly then, will the workers’ {'°*nt of view be heard in Parlia ment. ® Perhaps Mr. Hepple will uMnnient on this one?
1 £ SUNDAY EXPRESS, May 25, ’58 Alex. Hepple denies ... and admits ... Mr. ALEX HEPPLE, P.O. Box Bill, the Council Issued a detailed society produces many paradoxes Johannesburg, writes: criticism of it, ending with the but none more tragic than that I GLADLY accept your invita- appeal, ‘ We urge all workers .. • of White workers siding with i tion to comment on the all employers . . . all political employers against other workers, letter from Miss E. Walton parties . . to oppose this Bill.” merely on the grounds of colour. (“Official says Whites Scab on In 1955 the S.A. Trade Union Many White workers suffer Africans,” Sunday Express, Council (successor to the T. and from delusions of aristocracy, May 18). L. C.) at its first annual con fostered by politicians who thrive It is not true that “When laws ference in Cape Town demanded on racial antagonisms. They are were passed making it a criminal the repeal of this law, which deceived by the illusions of e c o offence for Africans to strike, denies African workers the right n o m i c security presented in the there was never a murmur from to strike. form of job reservation and petty he White workers.” The S.A. privileges over non-White work tvfa.des and Labour Council, at "I agree" ers. They fail to understand that, hat time the largest trade union in the long run, it is they who o-ordinating body, unanimously As far as Miss Walton’s other will he discarded as employers complaint is concerned—t h e 3 S o at its conference in April, are compelled to make greater a2f, to oppose such legislation, failure of White workers to matte use of cheaper labour. the following year, when the common cause with Africans in government published the Native matters of mutual concern—I am @ A 'word to the wtse from one _^h°ur (Settlement of Disputes) in agreement. Our race-ridden who knows. t h e e d i t o r ' ------^DISCUSSIONS WITH !^AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS SUGGESTED
Sir,_Y„„r industrial reporter ^ a| on drawing attention to tan. should hare »
s ^ s =e m p ~ lo y e e s- . .. * He suggests “a level-headed conference between management, I labour and the Government, where top management, represen tative Government officials, tra union leaders and responsible African leaders could meet for a week-long re-appraisal and new look at South Africa's labour
Prsuchm a” conference should be welcomed, ^ ^ " p r e ^ n t un-
Trade unions However, care must be taken MR. ALEX. HEFPLE . . . sees danger s S s a . - H ^ *s,or“K i‘l s ‘K o rX refusing to negoti.te r ~ = . - it is To* S .-S S for empl? I s matter by saying folly * aie not yet ripe that Africansnigre, ^ they are for trade agitators and that easy victim:s of agi t w ant the Government d o e s^ African employers to as Africans trade union . workers so s; unionists. The're is ™ est {rom discon- archy ®h, trated and unorgan- tented, frustr from those ised workers tha ther in who have combined^ to trade u n ® ‘ ' grieVances through ^M vffised processes of negotia- ^ o n and collective bargaining. Frank talk PerhaP7 7 ^ r r school as sy^lgf fould examine dustrial reporter Aftican trade this subject of a then- unionism and the nee legal recognition. had an It is time ‘"^cu isio n 0n the open and h e p FLE, P ° - g oaxte2864, Johannesburg. PROGRESS REPORT ON JOB RESERVATION. by ALEX. HEPPLE In spite of protests from organised industry and commerce, leading economists and trade unions, the Government of South Africa is sweeping onward with its fiery cross of Job reservation. The Minister of Labour, in what may prove to be his first determination fulfilled without complications, has ordered the Durban Corporation to employ only White drivers on the vehicles used to remove night soil and refuse. He ran into trouble, however, with the recommendation of the Industrial tribunal that the Cape Town Tramways should be ordered to reserve of It8 running staff Jobs for Whites. His ditfifficuXty arose because of a flaw In the Industrial Conciliation Act, which does not allow him to apply racial quota8, although it permits the total reservation of Industries, trades workers of or occupations for the employment of/a particular race. But Senator de Klerk is not dismayed at the setbacks that hamper the speedy enforcement of his plan to reserve the cream of employment for Whites. He has ordered the Industrial Triounal to Investigate the building trade in the Transvaal and the 0. F. S., the tea and coffee packing trade in Pretoria, liftmen's Jobs in Johannesburg, Pretoria and Bloemfontein, Jam and food processing, leather goods making and tanning, and the manufacture of electric 2/ stoves - PROGRESS REPORT - two - stoves, refrigerators, water heaters and metal kitchen furniture. THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY. Meanxirhile, the situation in the clothing Industry (the Minister's first target) is becoming more complicated. First, there was the consternation when the Minister declared that the industry's main categories of employment to be reserved for Whites; then there was the confusion when he upset his order by issuing a general exemption; now there is widespread fear. It seems that the clash between baasskap apartheid and industrial progress has come sooner than expected. The Tomlinson plan (and its variations) for the development of the Native Reserves, quickly whetted the appetites of entrepreneurs, who are now establishing factories xdiere African labour is plentiful and cheap. This development has struck a mean blow at job reservation. Those seeking guidance on the problems of the Tomlinson plan and Job reservation should be interested in the story of the trip taken recently by a party of White garment workers. THE HSEE FOR YOURSELF11 TOUR. At daxm on the 2 5 th. March 195*$» two specially chartered Railway buses left Johannesburg for Natal, carrying elghtyfive White garment x-rorkers, most of them ardent believers in apartheid and firm supporters of the colour bar. They were on a "See for Yourself*' tour ol 3/ the new - - three PROGRESS REPORT the new clothing factories that have been established in and around the African townships of Natal country towns* At Charlestown, two miles beyond the Transvaal border, the sightseers visited unree factories, set amidst the mud and straw huts of the Native Loce o , the reserve for the African people of Charlestown. The visitors were greeted by crowds of barefooted, ragged African children, who excitedly chased the buses down the dusty location streets, until they stopped au the factories. It. vat the lunch hour and the factory wortere sprawled In mealtime comfort about the open square facing shn/factory. This was their novel rest room, providing all the joys of location life right outside the factory doors* There, the White garment workers from the Rand were able to ply their Black fellow workers of Charlestown with all sorts of questions about wages and conditions of work. They also spoke to managers supervisors at the factories* From Charlestown the sightseers went on to Ladysiai Sh, ofle hundred miles away, where they saw more clothing factories. Here the buses parted, one turning off to the Free State towns o f Villiers Parys. The other continued down the Durban main road to Camperdown, a village between Pietermaritzburg and larger than all the others, Durban, where a new factory, has gone Into production. TOMLINSON A LA - V - four - PROGRESS REPORT. TOMLINSON A LA VERWOERD. The establishment of this factory is a model of the Tomlinson Plan applied in uhe correct manner. **xk The undertaking is white o%ned, it has a prominent Nationalist Member of Parliament on its Board of Directors; it is neatly situated on of a Native Reserve. It has other features which must appeal to any ambitious industrialist. A large slice capital has been provided by the Industrial Development Corporation, the body set up by the Smuts* Government in 19H-0, to assist in the development of South African industry. The premises were erected oy Africans, at wages less than one-third the standard *hite rates, . including Sundays, and they worked every day of the veei, In the course of their tour, the garment workers saw eight rural factories and came away wondering how Senator de Klerk could ever enforce hie Job reservation order of October 1957- THE RURAL SET-DP. The rural factories all operate on a similar basis* Most of them are situated Inside African locations. The owners, managers, administrative staff and supervisors, comprising less than four per cent of those engaged In -nprsons. The other 96#, these undertakings, are White pe , „„_ African men and women, the factory workers, are Air Many of these factory hands are children between the ages of ten and fifteen, A large number of them work barefooted and In tattered clothes. Their working 5 / PROGRESS REPORT five - working day begins at 6 . 30 a.m. The Whites earn far more in these rural factories than they could in the cities. On the other hand, the Blacks earn a mere one-third (and sometimes as little as one— fifth) of the wages paid for similar work in Witwatersrand factories. The factory workers have no trade union; their working week is ^6 hours, compared with 4-0 hours in the cities; they are granted no sick leave; they have no Sick Fund or Medical benefit Society; because their low wages are less than the minimum qualification for African workers, they are excluded from the protection of the Unemployment Insurance Act; worst of all, they are subject to the Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act, which Rsfcxax&y denies them the rights of other workers. It is this last factor which jcitx&cftfe? praxidKaxifcRxKiu* plays the important role in the rural set-up. THE INCENTIVE. The Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act not only makes it almost impossible for African workers to fight for improvements without falling foul of the law, but also makes it a crime to react in a normally human manner to bullying and unjust treatment fex at the hands of employers. In a recent case at Charlestown, a strike occurred in one of the factories because a European supervisor, in a fit of anger, struck one of the workers, 6/ a girl - PROGRESS REPORT six a girl of fifteen. Other workers were also threatened with assault and ran out of the factory. The police were called and sixteen workers were arrested. They were charged under the Native Labour (S. of D.) Act with striking illegally, found guilty and sentenced to £5 or one month’s imprisonment, suspended for three years. Referring to this case, the “Garment Worker", newspaper of the Garment Workers' Union, commented “ The Charlestown case shows that the manufacturers in the uncontrolled areas not only enjoy the advantage over their competitors that they can pay very much lower wages. In addition, their employees are virtually prohibited from demanding living wages and proper treatment...... It is no wonder that factories are deserting the controlled areas and opening up in places like Charlestown, where they can make the fullest use of unorganised, unprotected Africans...." COMPETITION. The rural factories are manufacturing top grade articles of clothing, although some of the factories are specialising in cheaper qualities of men's wear. The standard of work done by the tribal Africans in these factories is generally high, once they have been trained. Some of the visiting workers from the Rand admitted that they saw work tans as good as that performed by White 7/ craftsmen - PROGRESS REPORT - seven - craftsmen. This is borne out by the fact that these rural factories have captured a large dice of Government contracts. They make most of the blazers for white schoolchildren, the uniforms for the police, and for other officials. Seeing all these things was a disturbing experience for the sightseers. They are now asking hot/ the minister of Labour came to declare the whole clothing industry reserved for White employment. If these rural factories, inside the African townships and on the border of the Native Reserve, attempted to comply with the Minister’s order, they x/ould have to import White workers into these Non-White areas. This would not only be a flagrant defiance of the professed policy of apartheid, but illegal into the bargain. UNEMPLOYMENT. Fresh from the scenes of thriving industrial activity, the ’White garment workers returned home. There they were raet with a different situation. The factories in which many of them worked were feeling the effects of a depression, which had begun to creep over the Transvaal clothing induetry. Several were working short-time. Since then, the depression lias worsened. Now, one-third of the Transvaal clothing factories are on short-time, some of them working only $wo days a week. £/••••. The manufacturers PROGRESS REPORT el ant The manufacturers and the Garment Workers' Union attribute the slackness mainly to the loss of business to the factories in the uncontrolled areas* Usually at this time of the year the trade experiences a seasonal slackness but nothing like that of the present time. In May 1957» there were 2^ factories and 636 workers on short-time; this year there were 10 7 factories and 2 ,5^6 workers on short-time. Last year the slackness was over by June and the factories were back to full production. This year the slackness has increased and more workers are being put on short-time. This should be Senator de Klerk's hour of triumph. This was the day for which he made his plans. Just over two years ago,ksr when pushing his Job reser vation Bill through Parliament, Senator do Klerk said that its purpoee was to protect White workers when Jobs became scarce. Referring to the very industry that is now in difficulties, he said, MNow is the time to tackle this matter, because when a recession comes, we will have the weapons. The Minister's recession has certainly come — but so have the rural factories. His weapon of Job reservation turns out to be a boomerang against the very people he promised to protect. The cruel artifice of iawxrKSfrrxKJfeiaa this impractical colour bar is hurting all workers. On the 11th. July 1958$ the Wage Board began its investigation into the clothing factories in 9 / . . « * . the uncontrolled PROGRESS REPORT - nine the uncontrolled areas. It will be some time before the 3oard is able to submit its report or before the Minister of Labour is likely to make a new wage deter mination. Whatever the Wags Board recommends, it is certain that Senator de Klerk will not raise the wages of rural African garment workers to the Witwaters— rend levels. That would kill the main attraction of the rural factories and, as far as the Government is concerned, would frustrate their baasskap plans. The rural factories are an essential part of the Verwoerd pattern, as is his artificial trioal society, where needs must be simple and discipline strong. Job reservation in the clothing Industry may yet prove to be the achilles heel of economic apartheid. END. J olianne sburg, 10th. July iQ5S, flRTlc^ZS ^ On Mr. Oppenheimer’s references in London to political rights for Africans. Mr. Oppenheimer and the African Franchise By Alex. Hepplc only a powerful figure in financial circles know what prompted Mr. Harry BO. y uulnot &uu v> vv uai1 ^ ^ ; i l l at home and abroad; lie is also a shrewd and. t I \ 1 1 " .. . n *»lr .11.1 A oppenheimer to make his remarkable experienced politician, until recen y , eclaration on the African franchise when tively engaged in the hurly-burly ot political sPoke recently at the South Africa Club conflict. lie is a hard-headed businessman, i. London. It was a surprising subject for essentially a materialist, accustomed to lln to choose at this time, when a reaction- operating at top levels and always keei y Nationalist Party has just been re aware of those who wield the power. nted to rule South Africa for a third term. 0 . Surely Mr. Oppenheimer’s audience was ^Pecting to hear his views on the possible Threat to Progress ‘.^'al and economic consequences of a lie knows the issues in South Africa. Ul'ther implementation of Nationalist policy, He knows that the threat to P^^ess and ather than his criticisms of the “attitude peaceful co-existence comes from the R! h * 8»-called Liberal opinion in South Africa and not from the Left. He knov s * v wpU as outside it to political rights tor Left is weak and the Right strong. He knows Stives.” After all, the Liberal ideals of a that the policy of baasskap apa tlmd * ..ll'iversal franchise and a common society being applied with vigour and iuthl®“ d? still remote, while the Nationalist plan termination by the Right. He know, that m |.°r a baasskap Republic is in the process of the process, non-Whites and their allies a e ‘bg fulfilled. The centre of interest is the suffering considerable persecution and in ./dionalist Government, who are making Justice. He knows that aU those ^ a d v o u“Maws and moulding the apartheid society, cate a common society and P P » ci0Selv view s are immediately suspect and closely ftierely dreaming about it. watched by the Special Branch of the police. Mr. 11 Opposition AgainstArrninst su such a background. } occasionuppen of The world is curious to know to what *tpnt the United Party Opposition can be ss ■ P^cted to oppose the Government,. It is .. \xious to learn whether South Africa is ,Ued by the Nationalist Party or by a White ll8archy. By his speech. Mr. Oppenheimer Nationalists usually d 11 ~ }mple h,s “‘uicciieuindicated thatvLicit' thetiiv- Nationalists do not . “labd alone in their attitude towards Atri- r ± ; , : a ” ," “ ti!J - ouki ™-uh .0 ,atl advancement, lie has presented the l^houents" of racial discrimination as the 5 ? r T ' l m l r ! “erl‘inte™Ss'">f aanker in South Africa. And he has done so l i r ' k \ E E r n > A nd Ids declamation that a curious moment. ^inanhoodsuffraKe, or anything approaching Now Mr. Harry Oppenheimer is not Page IS f o r u m , j u n e , 1 9 5 s. it, would lead directly to inefficiency, cor South Africans have become adept* ruption and tyranny.” speculating upon the many dangers in i This is the way the Nationalists always tending the vote to even limited numbers* talk, livery time proposals are made to Africans. They should be guided by histofl advance the non-Whites towards the practice M hen the English masses got the franch'^ of democracy, the Nationalists stampede, they brought to scorn all the argume"** shouting slogans about “swamping.” and which had been used to deny them the voPj “the death-knell of White civilisation.” For a long time after the partial reform ® This attitude flows from fear. It x’eveals LS.‘12, which extended the franchise to *1 an underlying racial prejudice. limited class of electors, the Whigs and Tor'll One can argue indefinitely on the sub juggled with proposals and conn tor-proposal ject of the African franchise. All 1 would each reluctant to extend the yqte to the wo"M like to say here is that if the Whites resist ing classes because they were afraid of w'l'*1 African pleas for a share in the Government the people would do with the vote. to the stage where the franchise is gained Eventually, in 187A, six years after d’j only by way of revolution, it stands to reason passing of the Reform Act' of 18(i7, tl>® that the Africans are thereafter likely to masses went to the polls and surprised evert assert themselves as a Black nationalist party. one. They elected the Conservatives with j However, is it not persistently argued that clear majority over all other parties the Whites are busy civilising the Africans, with a majority of 100 over their rivals, tl1 M teaching them the virtues of our democratic Liberals. The ruling class sighed with rel'0^' way of life, and leading them to follow our for at last it was proved that a popuh1 ! electorate could be a conservative electorate Would Mr, Oppenheiiner feel happ'®1 | if he could be assured that the African eh®' torate would be a conservative one? would he remain like the Nationalists—in'®' vocr.bly opposed to a universal franchise now or ever? Important Points Go much for the franchise itself. F®r' haps it is incidental to the other things Oppenheiiner wanted to say. He did | two other important points. One was G"1 ’ . as things are, the United Party has abs°' lutely no hope of ever becoming the Cover'1' merit of South Africa, The other was tha1 “there is a wide area of agreement bet we®.1 | j u s t a d r o p , the peoples of South Africa . . . South At’1'1' —Winder in the Sunday Times. cans often fail to grasp . . . how artificial 111 i many ways are the barriers between H1® cherished paths ’ Does Hr. Oppenheiiner parties.” I think it naive to believe too deeply in demo cracy or our ability to extend it f Taken together, the three matters d'h I cussed by Mr. Oppenheimel’, may be sign'j L Probably having jn mind our own fiennt. In attacking those who hold lib0;'1 Nationalist Party, Mr. Oppenheiiner declared views on the African franchise, reeordb'f that “African politicians would quite natur the permanent defeat of the United Ih"'*'' ally put African government as an ideal far and talking of the "artificial barriers” *u’^ above good government.” Here again, it all tween the two major political parties, ",fl‘ depends upon the Whites. If the Africans Mr. Oppenheiiner seeking to bring ■ won the franchise with the aid and the good Government and the Parliamentary OpP°sl' ! will of the Whites, they would develop poli tion closer together? It* that is so, and if tically in association with the Whites and, succeeds, then South Africa will indeed l,e unless something untoward interfered, would ruled by a. White oligarchy and not ,a not seek expression as a separate racial bloc. Nationalist Party. P a y e l J t T H E F O R U M , JU N E , ^ 5S' r CftF The Central African Federation is heading towards a constitutional conflict with Britain. The British Labour Party’s confused policy may make it easier for the White community to get its way, in spite of the opposition from Africans. Last Chance in Rhodesia By Julius Lewin J IHJX’T want to talk about Boston tea Federation that “its objective is complete de Av,. Parties and utter threats of what we mocracy and equal rights for every citizen.” ' 'r y to f o r u m , j u n e , 1958. F a g e 1 5 initiation to secure for Africans a better place m the sun, and to secure it quickly curiously evasive fashion, is content simply > 11 my opinion, this is a laudable'aim, to ask for equal representation between mt 1 am afraid that it is doomed to failure Atricans and other races in the Legislative I in the battle of words that is now in prospect ouncil. a formula hound anyhow to produce i f ere are some of the reasons why I take this deadlock and so to leave the making of < gloomy view. artuai policy in the hands of the Colonial The British Labour lenders and their ad ( M t i wh,eh has lately revealed its own visors behind the scenes are under an illu mind by rejecting the notion of equal repre sion. 1 hey speak as if *he initiative in colo sentation in favour of continued European domination. nial crises still lies in London. In fact, how- cv®l!-thpse_ whose perception is keen have Now the future balance of political know n ro r years th a t this is not so. - l,(n' (>r in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland is the most important question that dominion A\ hether in Ghana or Nigeria, the Sudan status for llic Federation will decide. At or Uganda, Kenya or Rhodesia, events since piescnt tin1 ( olonial Office could conceivably I 15)46 have shown that what, political pro use its- legal position, and its invisible pres- ! gress Africans can achieve depends mainly sure to assist Africans to. attain a stronger on themselves, not on the tine words or status. gestures of their friends abroad. Once this fact is grasped, it is .easy to' Once the Federal Parliament lm> see why the theory of inter-racial “partner acquired unfettered powers the Legislative | ship, which was imposed on Rhodesia by Councils in the two northern territories will Britain, has proved in practice such a dismal sink, at best, to the level of provincial coun cils in S outh Africa. failure. Partnership” was a British term in vented to disguise the sordid realities of I believe that this trend towards White ] racial inequality that had prevailed in supremacy in the Federation will not be re Southern Rhodesia for 30 years before the versed, or even halted, by critics in London. Federation was horn in 1953. A new situation can come about only as a i Knowing this, some people (of whom T result of African efforts. was one) opposed Federation. We pointed In all (lie lost years, and especially since I out that its effect would be to allow the 1946, the Labour Party would have done colour bar in various forms to cross the better, both in and out of office, had it re Zambesi and establish itself in Northern cognised the realities that lie beyond the I Rhodesia and even in Nyasaland. These two scope of any constitution. These include the ! British dependencies were at that time by weakness of African nationalism; the conse no means free from racial discrimination, quent need for more and better education but^ they had not yet been deeply infected (especially at the secondary and technical by it, like Southern Rhodesia. Consequently, levels); the vital importance of recognising there was still a chance that the right things and helping African trade unions; and (not would be done, under the pressure of the least) the maintenance of civil liberties for Colonial Office. all races. If Labour is ready to fight Sir Roy j Very Faint Welensky, these are some of the issues on That chance remains to this day but which it should have chosen to fight, yester- j under the influence of Federation it has day and to-day. To challenge him to-morrow grown very faint. Proof enough of the cur over such issues as equal political rights, rent trend is to be seen in the franchise pro mixed schools and social equality is to invite defeat. posals recently put forward by the Govern ment of Northern Rhodesia. These demands (however admirable in principle) presuppose a situation that does Amid all their absurd complexities one not even remotely exist in Rhodesia now. thing is perfectly clear. These proposals, That, ultimately, is why, in planning to re modelled on those already adopted by the lease the whole Federation from what re Federation for elections to its Parliament, mains of British control, it is the Europeans arc designed to ensure that Africans will (not Hie Africans) who can display their never hold real power in the Legislative Council. strength by toying openly with the idea of a Boston tea party anil the revolution it Here again the Labour Party, in its implies. Page 16 THE FORUM, JUNE, 1958. jr . RAND DAILY MAIL, JOHANNESBURG WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18, 1958. DR. YERWOERD’S ‘WATCHFUL EYE’ NO NONSENSE FROM JOHANNESBURG U ITE Clearly, Dr. H. F. ment of Section 29 of. the Native Laws Amendment Act. O Verwoerd has made up his mind to stand no non The committee will operate as a shadow city council, ready to sense from Johannesburg. He intervene on the slightest pretext. is determined that his apart Nationalist city councillors, anti- heid laws will not be obstruc ted by local authorities. b y T hat is why he has appointed a watchdog com mittee of five officials of his ALEX. department, under the chair manship of Mr. F. E. Mentz’/ HEPPLE "J-U deputy-chairman of the Native Affairs Commission, to heep an eye on things for him POWERL m Johannesburg. j The Minister’s only obligation The official announcement Is to inform the local authority explains that “the committee in writing of his intention to ban will see th a t national policy a gathering and give the local authority a specified time in across the colour line, such as 18 observed by all the local which to state its objections the multi-racial conference held authorities concerned and will However, this is a mere formal at the Witwatersrand University keep a watchful eye on all ity. It makes no difference in December, 1957. This now assumes a special significance spheres where the Depart whether the local authority approves or disapproves. The because the South African ment of Native Affairs has an Minister can do what he likes. Bureau of Racial Affairs is talk mterest—for example, hous- Obviously, once he has signified ing of meeting the leaders of the lnf>, influx control, labour his intention to ban a gathering, non-European people. matters, the removal of un the local authority will be power less to stop him. desirable Natives from back S.A.B.R.A. TALKS There can be no doubt that the wards and locations in the sky watchdog committee will render What will happen if S.A.B.R.A. and similar matters.” a valuable service to the Minister arranges a conference with non- of Native Affairs for the enforce- White politicians, or other non- White leaders? What will Dr. CHURCH clause Verwoerd do? social grousers, nosey parkers, the Dr. Verwoerd has very strong specially mentioned but of selfish, the unneighbofirly and views on multi-racial conferences. Mini * ar importance to the the busybodies will run to the I remember what he said when I anafK Native Affairs are the committee to report on all proposed in Parliament that a P rtheid measures covered by activities which do not meet with multi-racial convention should a „. 0n °f the Native Laws their approval. The committee, be called, to which representa amendment Act. 1957, better in turn, will report to the tives of all races in South Africa ThiW? as “Church Clause.” Minister, who will not be slow in should be invited. Dr. Verwoerd * law concerns a vital aspect taking action. indignantly rejected the idea as nati°nai policy, as was made “something positively dangerous,” th y , ar by tor. Verwoerd when adding that “if ever there would clause was debated in Parlia SHORT SHRIFT be strife and dissension and dis ment. While some church communities order between White and non- Dr. Verwoerd wants to make may fall foul of the Minister in White in South Africa, it would ,ure, that—to quote his own this way, at least they will have come from such a gathering.” words “ Natives do not mix with some protection from the local uropeans at church services in such a Way tha(. they gre a authorities, because the Minister DIFFICULTY cannot interfere without their sance and cause offence.” In approval. If S.A.B.R.A. decided to stage s .rew, tiilb is not a matter for an inter-racial conference in an Other victims will not be so Z™ congregations to settle but urban area, Dr. Verwoerd could fortunate. Inter-racial gatherings, prevent it by issuing a ban under out 016 Government to stamp such as those of welfare and Section 29, either to prohibit the charitable organisations, trade holding of the conference or to „ ®u*: Section 29 does not apply unions, liberal and progressive prohibit S.A.B.R.A. from organis only to church services. The de- parties and groups, will be ing it. The Minister and his Date in Parliament and the public smelled out, and dealt with at friends are sure to make every Interest centred on that part of the whim of the Minister. effort to dissuade S.A.B.R.A. from chn^u&Use which applied to It goes without saying that organising their multi-racial clausal*’* bUt the scope of the social gatherings of a mixed gathering. If S.A.B.R.A. persists, a ~ S far wider than that. It racial character will receive short will the Minister let them carry thl ^ ®atherings of all kinds in on? the urban areas. shrift, for nothing arouses greater horror in the minds of colour Once he does that, Dr. Ver te^fS L result °f the general pro- conscious individuals. woerd must permit all other st, the reference to churches organisations the same freedom One important inter-racial The tSTT/16'5 the extent that of assembly. Perhaps the in atte^ n Ster cann°t prohibit the activity which is bound to receive genious Minister has already or rl* ? " °* Africans at church the early attention of the watch worked out a scheme to over W t< igltT services or church dog committee are meetings come this difficulty. less hn°nS in an urban area un- U c a ilu th o rityCOnCUrrenCeof the otW*S 1L not 80 ln the case of are L n A herl? 8S’ As fa r 85 they the unfottrne the Minlster has the ho?ri^red r.ight “to Prohibit assemh?idlng of any meeting, a social °r" gath?rlnS' —I _.L. including . js attended hgatherina: ’which urbanu rh n v ,_ “ _^yy a a N*tive” native” in in any any townshinfea outside an African Ister ha£ th °5ation- The Min- right to nrnheJ y rther unfettered boldine PA°hlb,t any Person from *ny such°rgan sln* or arranging Bathering meeting> assembly or / THE PLIGHT OF THE UNIONS. ------ by ALEX. HEPPLE Trade unionism in South Africa is undergoing a withering change. Its strength is being sapped by the Industrial Conciliation Act, which came into operation on the 1st. January 1957* In conformity with Nationalist policy, the old law was KfcxngK& drastically amended two years ago and unions were called upon to amend their constitutions before the 1st. January 195&* They were obliged to establish separate branches for White and Coloured members, to hold separate meetings of the separate branches and to remove all non-Whites from all executive positions, so that their controlling bodies should consist of White persons only. The unions affected are what are commonly known as "registered" unions. They cater for White, Coloured and Aslan workers. The law excludes African trade unions, which cannot be registered or form part of the Industrial council system. In their efforts to adapt themselves to the provisions of the I. C. Act of 1956, registered unions are discovering that the customary methods of organisation and operation can no longer be applied, because the law demands the observance of practices that are foreign to the traditions of trade unionism. THREE ALTERNATIVES. Until now, most of the older unions accepted all eligible workers, White, Coloured and Asian, for membership, and afforded them full and equal rights. Many unions had a minority of Non-White members. In terms 2/ of the THE PLIGHT OF THE UNIONS - two - of the changed law, the members must now be separated on racial lines. This tacs presented the registered unions with three alternatives. The first was to comply with the law and establish separate branches for White and Coloured members and exclude all non-Whites from executive posts. The second was to form, not separate branches but separate unions, one for Whites and another for Non-Whites and to link the two by means of an unofficial co-ordinating body or federation, which in fact would be the union, possessed of the real power, planning and directing the activities of both unions. This is what several unions have done. At least two have gone even further. They have included a third union, comprising African workers in their industry, in their federation. This is not a violation of the law, because federations of this kind have no legal status. The third alternative called for bolder action than the other two. It was not to register at all. Unions not registered under the I. C. Act are free to enrol members of all races. Whites, Coloureds, Asians and Africans sharing an identity of interests in their employment could combine in one multi-racial trade union and so 2SXKBKXXK establish a unity which would add considerable strength to their bargaining power. However, apart from the difficulty in organising a single, multi-racial union in any industry, there are certain risks in this course. By not registering, unions lose the protection of legally enforceable collective 3/ bargaining - UNION GOVERN KENT CUTS ILO dill- GA'i’ION. Is the South African Government preparing withdraw from the International Labour Organisation? Last year. Senator de Klerk took a trip overseas to attend the 4-Qth. Session of the 1* L* 0, Before he left, he told the Senate that the Government was considering its position in connection with the I, L. 0. because It was worried about the organisation's increasing interest in labour matters in Africa. He said, rtHon. Senators can Imagine the difficulties for South Africa if this organisation becomes active in Africa", adding thAt the Cabinet had Instructed him to go to the Conference at Geneva to get first-hand information about the I. L. 0* Senator de Klerk has not yet disclosed what he discovered in Geneva, but the signs are that his report to the Cabinet was unfavourable* because the Cabinet has cut down the usual South African delegation by excluding the two advisers to the workers' delegate. In terms of the I. L. 0, Constitution, member states are represented at its conferences by delegations composed of two government, one employer and one employee delegate, plus not more than two advisers to each delegate. The Constitution also provides that in nominating the employer and employee delegates and their advisers, the member states, must do so in agreement with the industrial organisations which are most representative of employers and employees. The appointment of the S. A. delegation is 2/ in the hands of - ILO DELEGATION - two - in the hands of the Cabinet and the expenses of all delegates have always bean borne by the government* This year the Government declined to appoint advisers and the S. A, delegation has been confined to two Government representatives, Messrs. A. W. btead and L* C. Loock, one employers* representative, Mr* E* Drummond and one employees' representative, Mr* J. A. Van Wyk. Concerned at this departure ffna from the normal procedure, two trade union federations, acting independently, decided to send their own advisers at their own expense. The Federal Consultative Council of S. A. A* & H. Staff Associations chose Mr* G* Van Oneelen and the S. A. Trade Union Council chose Mr. L. C. Scheepera* As these two trade union advisers might prove an embarrassment at Geneva because of their unofficial status, the Cabinet decided to include their names in the official delegation, although they have__ln fact gone independently and at the expense of thelR own organisations* This treatment of the I* L* 0* delegation may be a pointer to the Government's future atttltude to the I. L. O*, which was forshadoued last year by Senator Jan de Klerk. It is quite possible that this matter will provoke some comment during the current Session of the I, L. 0. Obviously other member states will be interested to know why South Africa has acted in this way. - three - THE PLIGHT OF THE UNIONS - 115 *“- bargaining agreements. Furthermore, they may Jeopardise oicK arid Provident Funds, which are now secure under the industrial council system. This third course also exposes the unions to other dangers which flow from other laws. For example, under the Group Areas Act, a multi-racial trade union might find it Impossible to conduct its affairs from premises reserved for occupation by a particular racial group. It might also find its activities hampered because of the intervention of the Minister of Native Affairs, who could prohibit the holding of any trade union meeting (including a closed executive meeting) which is attended by an African member. The Minister has this power under Section 29 of the Native Laws Amendment Act of 1 9 5 7 , the section which achieved notoriety as the "Church Clause". Trade unions which choose this third course would have to rely on their own organised strength and efficiency, rather than upon the law, to maintain favourable agreements with employers. Voluntary industrial agreements on this basis operate successfully in many other countries. SPLINTER UNIONS. The unhappy choice in this matter is being complicated for some unions because of the activities of dissident, pro-Government members in their ranks, who jock asked for the changes in the law and are now using them in a bid to capture control, "Divide and rule" is written all through the 195^ Act. It does not merely enforce racial separation in the unions. It also promotes the destruction of unity, opening the way for the establishment of breakaway groups. V New - C U k d iA f t % cr - 1 SOUTH AFRICA AND THE I* L. 0. The South African delegation attending the current session of the International Labour Organisation at Geneva Is in a peculiar position* It is hardly more than a token delegation, having been reduced in size this year because the South African government is a reluctant participant. The Cabinet feels worse about the ILO than it ever did about UNO and would break with the ILO to-morrow, were it not afraid of further complicating its international relations. For a long time the Cabinet has been thinking seriously of withdrawing from the ILO. In 1951, when Minister of Labour, Mr. Ben Schoeman its attended/uh* 3^th. Session and on his return stated that he was disaappinted with its work but added that "the Government has no intention of leaving the ILO at this stage". Mr. SchoeraanAs successor as Minister of Labour, Senator Jan de Klerk, has also paid a visit 2/ to the ILO SOUTH AFRICA AND THE ILO - two to the ILO, At the direction of the Cabinet he went last year to attend the 40th. Session, "to get first hand information on the organisation's activities"* The possibility of South Africa pulling out of ILO is better appreciated when one looks fenck at the chronicle of incidents in which south Africa has been involved since the end of the war* These have arisen firstly because of South Africa's policy of apartheid and secondly because of trouble with its workers' delegate, whose credentials have been challenged at almost every sess3.on* Racial discrimination in S. A. attracted the attention of the ILO before the Nats, came to power in 1948. In 1947, at the 3 0 th. Session, Australia, France and India pointedly criticised the Union by demanding a total prohibition on colour discrimination in industrial legislation in all member countries. At the same session, Mr. J* J* Venter, the S. A. workers' delegate openly attacked the 3 /.,...... employers' - t l l c h o - SOUTH AFRICA AKD THE ILO employers' delegate. Mr. W. O m sU l of the Chamber of Mines, on the issue of cheap, migratory labour in the mines. General Smuts, vhoec car vas always keenly attuned to the voice of the Chamber, had on the stocks a Bill called the Industrial Conciliation (Natives) Bill, which specifically prohibited African mineworkers from belonging to trade unions. Mr. Venter bitterly criticised Smuts, whom he accused of fostering the exploitation of both migratory and urban workers. South Africa was back in the unpleasant limelight in 1 9 1^. when its delegation refused to vote for the draft flonventlon on "Freedom of Association", after having failed to get support for an amendment that would have sanctioned discrimination against Africans in the guarantee of freedom of association in labour organisation. In 19 5 I;, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions Joined in the battle against racial discrimination in South Africa. This organisation was headed by Britain's TUC and - V- SOUTH AFRICA AND THE ILO - four - TUC and America's CIO and AFL. It had broken away from the World Federation of Trade Unions at the height of the cold war and was principally concerned with fighting communism. IGS complaint against South Africa was twofold - firstly, that the Suppression of Communism Act gave the Mlnieter of Justice dangerous, arbitrary powers and secondly, that the Industrial Conciliation Act and the Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act *violated the principle* of the Constitution of the ILO in that they discriminated against African workers and deprived them T».fatvsf freedom of association and trade union rights" 5/ South Africa was five SOUTH AFRICA AND THE ILO South Africa was in trouble at the ILO again T;he following year. The Committee on Forced Labour deolared South Africa to be one of twelve countries where definite systems of forced labour existed. Ten of the named countries were communist. The other two were South Africa and the Portuguese territories. At the same session, the Union Government's increasing enforcement of apartheid created another scene. Mr. R. Bennett, the workers' delegate from South Africa, reported to the conference that hie government intended passing a new Industrial Conciliation law which would be "the negation of the preamble to the ILO Constitution", in spite of the fact that tne vast majority of South African workers were opposed to it. This natter came again in 1956, after the lav in question had been approved by Parliament. 6/ Mr. Bennett Collection Number: A3393 Collection Name: Bob Hepple Papers PUBLISHER: Publisher: Historical Papers Research Archive, University of the Witwatersrand Location: Johannesburg ©2015 LEGAL NOTICES: Copyright Notice: All materials on the Historical Papers website are protected by South African copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, or otherwise published in any format, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. Disclaimer and Terms of Use: Provided that you maintain all copyright and other notices contained therein, you may download material (one machine readable copy and one print copy per page) for your personal and/or educational non-commercial use only. 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