Between Mandela and His LLB Degree Was Racism and Apartheid

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Between Mandela and His LLB Degree Was Racism and Apartheid READERS' FORUM Wits, UCT and other English language ©GCIS medium liberal universities about their opposition to apartheid, in particular when apartheid obstructed academic freedom, is farcical and deceitful. The cases of these two African leaders in politics and scholarship, Mandela at Wits and Mafeje at UCT, respectively, are profound examples of the English liberal hypocrisy in apartheid South Africa. I frequently find myself returning to the miscarriage of justice at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission with regard to the universities. The TRC provided South Africa with a chance to interrogate South African universities about the roles these institutions played in supporting and keeping apartheid alive. Many sectors of society appeared and made their submission to the TRC, but not the education sector. The TRC should have called on universities to come before the commission and account. Wits should have been called to account at the TRC for its treatment of the law student, Mandela, and other black (African, Coloured and Indian) Between Mandela and his students. In addition, it should have been LLB Degree was Racism and asked to explain its alliance with the apartheid government, in particular the Department of Justice and its Minister Apartheid at Wits University PC Pelser, against Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe after his release from Robben By Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi Island prison in May 1969. GR Bozzoli, who at the time was Vice-Chancellor and Principal of Wits (1968 to 1977), ruce Murray’s “No easy walk government and its Department of and was the father to Belinda Bozzoli, to LLB for Madiba” (Sunday Prisons prevented Mandela from the current Democratic Alliance (DA) BTimes 26.07.15) does not point continuing his law studies by blocking Shadow Minister of Higher Education very clearly to the actual difficulties the political prisoner’s correspondence and Training in the South African faced by Madiba and other black with Wits and other universities inside Parliament, wrote a letter to the people studying law at the University and outside South Africa. Justice Minister Pelser, just days before of Witwatersrand during this period. The same pretext was mentioned Sobukwe was released, dated 5 May Rather it succinctly makes the point by another liberal university, the 1969. In the letter the vice-chancellor that it took N Rolihlahla Mandela 46 University of Cape Town, six years of Wits reassures the apartheid justice years to pass his Bachelors of Laws earlier, in 1968, in the case of Archie minister that since “this University (LLB) degree at Wits. Mafeje. By supporting apartheid was his previous employer; I feel that Murray writes “In 1974, he legislation as it related to Mafeje’s we might be thought to have some (Mandela) contemplated completing proposed appointment in 1968 as moral responsibility to assist him his Wits LLB, eliciting a cautious and a senior lecturer in the Department in his rehabilitation on his release legalistic response from the university of Social Anthropology, and not from prison.” I support Sifiso Ndlovu rather than a sympathetic one.” One challenging the Minister of Education, in his opinion that this was not wonders why Murray does not explain Jan de Klerk, father of former President, rehabilitation but simply a case of why Wits’s reply to political prisoner F. W. de Klerk, UCT entrenched Wits University officially assuming the Mandela on Robben Island at the time and strengthened apartheid in the duties of the apartheid regime (see, was not sympathetic. Rather, the liberal university system and in education “Robert Sobukwe: How Wits and excuse Murray cites is that the apartheid overall. So the self-proclaimed status of the Department of Justice shaped his 76 THE THINKER READERS' FORUM life,” http://www.sadet.co.za/robert_ assistant of the Department of Law in It would be interesting to audit how sobukwe.pdf). 1940 to keep the faculty integral when many blacks graduated with their Likewise, UCT should have its head, Robin McKerron, was about LLB during Hahlo’s tenure at Wits, appeared at the hearings of the TRC to leave. considering that Murray says Hahlo’s to account for the role the university This man looked down upon black advice to Mandela was that he was played in alliance with the apartheid students and women as inferior. Partly, wasting his time studying law as “law Minister of Education, de Klerk, against his ill-treatment of Mandela and women was a social science and women and Mafeje’s academic career and the other could be driven by the fact that he had Africans were not disciplined enough black students and lecturers at UCT; twice been rejected from serving in the to master its intricacies.” This racist line then the former University of Natal and Defence Force on medical grounds. of thinking continued in the universities so on. The point I labour here is that Born in the United States in 1905, in South Africa when my generation of the English in South Africa continue at an early age Hahlo went with his black South Africans entered university to invent the idea that apartheid was parents to Germany, where he took in the late 1980s when registering for a created and implemented by the the Dr Jur at the University of Halle Philosophy or English course at UND Afrikaners and the English were never and commenced practice. He could where I went, white English liberal part of it. But Bantu Biko warned not stomach living under Hitler, and Professors – with or without a PhD – us about the liberal in I Write What I he emigrated to South Africa in 1934. would tell you, you cannot do this Like… we must re-read it. In two years he completed the LLB. At course – it is not for blacks!’ Today in The narrative of Murray at Wits, as the graduation ceremony on 20 March the twenty-first century at UCT during presented in this Sunday Times article, 1937, LLB degrees were conferred on the Rhodes Must Fall Movement in is inadequate to explain “No easy the sixteen candidates who had passed March 2015, black students echoed walk to LLB for Madiba” because it the Final Examination in the previous this experience. pits Mandela’s intellect, to a greater December, the highest number until In 1973 Wits conferred the LLD degree, as the problem – and to a lesser 1950; that provides the impression of honoris causa on Hahlo; probably extent Mandela’s political activism – the law faculty in its formative years. thanking him for keeping Mandela a for his failing his law courses and for Several of the sixteen were to achieve complete failure at LLB. On Robben taking all these decades just to earn an prominence, including PC Pelser, Island, Mandela probably heard from LLB degree. This kind of thinking is at who became Minister of Justice; and his most white, English and Jewish the heart of racist ideology and white Hahlo, the person most responsible for Johannesburg-based and Wits-trained superiority. raising the faculty to its 1990 stature. attorneys that his law faculty persecutor Apartheid and white superiority, In 1946 Wits promoted Hahlo to a had been honoured by Wits. Thus I maintain, stood between Mandela professorship. the following year, in 1974, prisoner and the attainment of his LLB degree Mandela, writes Murray, “wrote his Mandela took steps to complete his at Wits University. For a start, just look final-year LLB examinations on three Wits LLB; and it was for the first time at the format of this 1949 picture of occasions, from 1947-1949, but failed that he tried with Hahlo out of sight, Mandela’s almost all white classmates at each attempt. In 1952, and again in out of mind. But he did not succeed. with the racist Dean of Law, Professor 1974, while incarcerated on Robben Murray does not tell us why that was HR Hahlo. Mandela is standing at the Island, he took steps to complete his the case, except to say “they came to back next to another colleague who Wits LLB, but they came to naught.” naught.” Mandela was settled now in could be either coloured, Indian, if A livid fact that Murray omits in his his Island prison environment and its not African like Mandela; and all the narrative is that throughout Mandela’s sameness of routine; I bet he was ready whites are standing from first row all failure to complete his LLB degree, it to conquer that Wits LLB! the way up. Apartheid legislation was HR Hahlo at the helm, as the head Fortunately, Hahlo lived long prohibited Mandela from living in of the Wits Department of Law and enough to bear witness to the aura the city, Johannesburg, where Wits later as Dean of the Faculty of Law from and wisdom of Mandela, especially is located; he had to take public 1947 until 1968 when he emigrated Madiba’s raw sincerity when it came to transport, probably a train or bus, after – again – to Canada; certain that dealing with his oppressors and jailors his LLB classes in the evenings daily to Mandela, the African freedom fighter, because he lived to age of eighty-one commute to Orlando in Soweto where was locked, stocked and barrelled on years, with his mental capacity intact. he lived with his young family. During Robben Island – and there was just no Do Not Tell Me How To Remember the day he had to work to support his way the radical and militant Mandela My History. ■ family and himself. could become an LLB graduate, not The human aspect of racism and only of Wits, but of any university Dr Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, apartheid that was the elephant in inside and outside South Africa.
Recommended publications
  • FW De Klerk Frederik Willem
    FW de Klerk Frederik Willem (FW) de Klerk was born in Johannesburg on 18 March 1936, the son of Senator Jan De Klerk, a senior Cabinet Minister. His school years were spent mainly in Krugersdorp, where he matriculated at Monument High School. He attended the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education and graduated in 1958 with BA and LLB degrees (cum laude). During his university years he was actively involved in student affairs. Mr De Klerk joined a firm of attorneys in Vereeniging that he helped to develop into one of the leading law firms outside South Africa’s major metropolitan areas. At the same time he played a prominent role in numerous community activities. In 1972 he was offered the Chair of Administrative Law at Potchefstroom University, but had to decline because of his decision to enter active politics. In November 1972 he was elected as Member of Parliament for Vereeniging. In 1978 and shortly after his 42nd birthday, after only five and a half years as a back--- bencher, he was appointed to the Cabinet. During the following 11 years he was responsible for the following portfolios consecutively: • Posts and Telecommunications and Social Welfare and Pensions; • Sport and Recreation; • Mining and Environmental Planning; • Mineral and Energy Affairs; • Internal Affairs, as well as the Public Service, and • National Education, (the portfolio that he held when he was elected as State President). On 1 July 1985 Mr De Klerk became Chairman of the Minister’s Council in the House of Assembly. He became Leader of the House of Assembly on 1 December 1986.
    [Show full text]
  • A3393-E1-2-04-Jpeg.Pdf
    I (X*CUA j u > A t f SAAMTREK Bladsy 3 x a < - / says Alice Worker: ‘hM about little m l * K PARLIAMENT * * » * * & < While Urgent Economi c, Industrial And Other Problems Were Crying For Attention, Our Legislators Talked CABBAG DEOPLE outside Par­ liament often won­ der what uoes on inside that puzzling place. Kings j One thing they cannot un- the money unless you change 1 derstand is the way in which your ways”. Parliament jumps from one' Of course, the Government subject to another,’without never changes its ways and the any rhyme or reason. Opposition rarely succeeds in blocking a Finance Bill. But the To those who religiously procedure is a valuable aid to follow the press reports of good government. the day-to-day proceedings That is why Parliament talked of Parliament, it seems that of “cabbages and kings" last the House is another “Alice week. m Wonderland”, with the members talking of “shoes HEN came Friday, known as and ships and sealingwax T “Private members’ Day”. and cabbages and kings.” Business begins at 10 a.m. and Motions and Bills by members (as Look at last week distinct from official Government We started off on Monday measures) have priority. Alex Hepple, M.P., who has J E S S E S * V,e W ae e l-> Last Friday the major debate freedom, in this our OPEN was on a Motion proposed by me, FORUM, to express his on behalf of the Labour Party, views on current affairs. K 5 " I , ” ' " that the Government should con­ vene a National Convention, re­ After dinner, and for the next presentative of all sections of the before changing the law in this three days we talked about the community, to discuss the future fashion.
    [Show full text]
  • By John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987
    CONFORMITY AND CONFLICT: AFRIKANER NATIONALIST POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1961 by John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987 One of the principal themes of this thesis is that it is incorrect to treat M Afrikanerdom" as a monolithic, unified ethnic entity. At the time of its election victory in 1948, the National Party (NP) represented an alliance of various factions and classes, all of whom perceived their Interests in different ways. Given, too, that black resistance to exploitation and oppression increased throughout the 1950s, apartheid ideology cannot be viewed as an immutable, uncontested blueprint, which was stamped by the NP on to a static political situation. The thesis is based on four main strands of research. It is grounded, firstly, in a detailed analysis of Afrikaner social stratification during the 1950s. The political implications of the rapid increase in the number of Afrikaners employed in "white-collar" occupations, and the swift economic expansion of the large Afrikaner corporations, are also examined. The second strand of research examines the short-term political problems which faced the nationalist alliance in the years following its slim victory in the 1948 election. Much of the NP's energy during its first five years in office was spent on consolidating its precarious hold on power, rather than on the imposition of a "grand" ideological programme. Simultaneously, however, intense discussions - and conflicts - concerning the long-term implications, goals and justifications of apartheid were taking place amongst Afrikaner intellectuals and clergymen. A third thrust of the thesis will be to examine the way in which these conflicts concretely shaped the ultimate direction of apartheid policy and ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • African Research and Scholarship: 20 Years of Lost Opportunities to Transform Higher Education in South Africa
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title African Research and Scholarship: 20 Years of Lost Opportunities to Transform Higher Education in South Africa Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/13m5c5vp Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 38(1) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Ramoupi, Neo Lekgotla Laga Publication Date 2014 DOI 10.5070/F7381025032 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Opinion Piece African Research and Scholarship: Twenty Years of Lost Opportunities to Transform Higher Education in South Africa Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi The past twenty years of our liberation have disappointed and failed African research and scholarship in South African higher education institutions. In this article I provide examples of how we have failed to transform the higher education sector. The first example is drawn from two fieldwork studies I con- ducted at the Universities of Ghana, Legon and of Dar es Salaam on the subject of curriculum and content in higher education in Africa. At liberation, Kwame Nkrumah and Mwalimu Nyerere, founding Presidents of Ghana and Tanzania, respectively, were clear about what they wanted the role of the university and edu- cation to be in their independent countries. Nkrumah asked if the university would be permitted to proceed in its established pattern. And the answer for Nkrumah was a confident “No.” A radical shift away from the courses and degree structure already established at the University of Ghana, Legon was required. The President of Ghana knew that the function of the university in the postcolonial period was to study the history, culture and institutions, languages, arts, and heritage of Ghana and of Africa in new African-centred ways, free from the proportions of the colonial era.
    [Show full text]
  • Inventory of the Private Collection of JJ De Klerk PV35
    Inventory of the private collection of JJ de Klerk PV35 Contact us Write to: Visit us: Archive for Contemporary Affairs Archive for Contemporary Affairs University of the Free State Stef Coetzee Building P.O. Box 2320 Room 109 Bloemfontein 9300 Academic Avenue South South Africa University of the Free State 205 Nelson Mandela Drive Park West Bloemfontein Telephone: Email: +27(0)51 401 2418/2646/2225 [email protected] PV35 JJ de Klerk FILE NO SERIES SUB-SERIES DESCRIPTION DATES 1/1/ 1 AGENDAS, 1/1 General No files MINUTES AND DECISIONS 1/1/1/1 1 AGENDAS, 1/1 General 1/1/1 Agendas: Agenda and motions for 1963 - MINUTES AND Agendas meeting of the executive of the 1975 DECISIONS National Party of Transvaal Pretoria 4 September 1962; Agenda and motions for meeting of the executive of the National Party of Transvaal Pretoria 3 September 1963; Draft agenda congress 3 - 5 September 1963; Minutes of the executive meeting 8 September 1964; Agenda J G Strijdom Monument fund for a meeting of the financial committee 7 December 1964; Agenda J G Strijdom Monument fund for a meeting of the executive of the financial committee 25 November 1965; Agenda J G Strijdom Monument fund for a meeting of the executive of the financial committee 4 April 1966; Agenda and minutes of the first session of a joint meeting of the Senate and the House of Assembly 1 March 1971; Notice and agenda for joint meeting of Committees (Cuttings service for library of Parliament memo attached) 7 February 1975; Agenda for a meeting of the Honourable the Executive Council Cape Town 15 April 1975; Agenda for a special meeting of the Town Council of Krugersdorp 19 September 1975.
    [Show full text]
  • FREDERIK DE KLERK Former President South-Africa
    FREDERIK DE KLERK Former President South-Africa. Categorie Politics Type Tijdslijn Leader & entrepeneur, Politician Inzetbaarheid 1994 Keynote speaker Aangetreden als Vicepresident van Zuid- Talen Afrika EN, NL 1993 Afkomstig van Nobelprijs voor de Vrede South Africa samen met Nelson Mandela 1991 Biografie Félix Houphouët-Boigny- De Klerk werd geboren in Zuid-Afrika als de Vredesprijs van de zoon van ex-senator Jan de Klerk. De naam 'De UNESCO Klerk' (letterlijk "de bediende" in het Nederlands) is afgeleid van Le Clerc, Le Clercq, of de Clercq 1989 en is van Franse Hugenoten-afkomst, evenals Aangetreden als 12e een groot aantal andere Afrikaanse staatspresident Zuid- familienamen, als gevolg van de Franse Afrika Hugenotenvluchtelingen die zich begin 17e eeuw in de Kaap vestigden naast de Nederlanders nadat ze ontsnapt waren aan religieuze vervolging in Frankrijk. "F.W." behaalde in 1958 zijn rechtendiploma aan de Universiteit van Potchestrom en startte een advocatenpraktijk in Vereeniging. Voor Vereeniging werd hij in 1969 als parlementslid gekozen en in 1978 kwam hij in het kabinet. Hij werd de aanvoerder van de Nasionale Party in de provincie Transvaal in 1982. Na een lange politieke carrière met een erg conservatieve reputatie plaatste hij zichzelf aan het hoofd van 1 / 2 de verlichte stroming in de regeringspartij. Toen president P.W. Botha in 1989 aftrad vanwege een beroerte won De Klerk de strijd om zijn opvolging. Op 20 september 1989 werd hij beëdigd als president van Zuid-Afrika. Voormalig president van Zuid-Afrika en vice- president onder Nelson Mandela. De heer Frederik de Klerk was jarenlang de President van Zuid-Afrika en in de laatste termijn was hij vice- president onder Nelson Mandela.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of the South African Reich
    The Rise of the South African Reich http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp3b10036 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The Rise of the South African Reich Author/Creator Bunting, Brian; Segal, Ronald Publisher Penguin Books Date 1964 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, Germany Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 960.5P398v.12cop.2 Rights By kind permission of Brian P. Bunting. Description "This book is an analysis of the drift towards Fascism of the white government of the South African Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • “This Time for Africa”: FIFA, Politics, and South Africa's Struggle for Human Rights Taylor Henley Duke Immerse: Freedom
    “This Time for Africa”: FIFA, Politics, and South Africa’s Struggle for Human Rights Taylor Henley Duke Immerse: Freedom Struggles in the 20th Century Professors Chafe and Shapiro April 22, 2013 Henley 1 When you fall get up, oh oh If you fall get up, eh eh Tsamina mina zangalewa Cuz this is Africa Tsamina mina, eh eh Waka waka, eh eh Tsamina mina zangalewa This time for Africa In 2010, for the first time in the history of organized international soccer, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) held its quadrennial World Cup on the continent of Africa. “Waka Waka (This Time for Africa),” the official song of the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, reflects the enthusiasm of the entire continent as the world’s most anticipated sports tournament catapulted South Africa to the world soccer stage. Behind the song’s cheery façade, however, lay the implicit acknowledgement of decades of struggle for black liberation. Forty-nine years after South Africa’s first suspension from FIFA for its discriminatory practices, thirty-five years after FIFA formally expelled South Africa following the deadly Soweto uprising, eighteen years after FIFA formally readmitted South Africa, and sixteen years after South Africa’s first democratic elections, the world was finally officially recognizing South Africa—and the rest of the continent—as a major player in the politics of international soccer. The struggle for integration of South African soccer is a microcosmic representation of the overarching struggle for human rights in apartheid South Africa. The conflict between the pro-apartheid and race-segregated Football Association of Southern Africa (FASA) and the anti- apartheid and non-racial South African Soccer Federation (SASF) parallels, and in some cases Henley 2 precedes, that of the apartheid government and leading anti-apartheid political organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • FW De Klerk Frederik Willem (FW) De Klerk Was Born in Johannesburg on 18 March 1936, the Son of Senator Jan De Klerk, a Senior C
    FW de Klerk Frederik Willem (FW) de Klerk was born in Johannesburg on 18 March 1936, the son of Senator Jan De Klerk, a senior Cabinet Minister. His school years were spent mainly in Krugersdorp, where he matriculated at Monument High School. He attended the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education and graduated in 1958 with BA and LLB degrees (cum laude). During his university years he was actively involved in student affairs. Mr De Klerk joined a firm of attorneys in Vereeniging that he helped to develop into one of the leading law firms outside South Africa’s major metropolitan areas. At the same time he played a prominent role in numerous community activities. In 1972 he was offered the Chair of Administrative Law at Potchefstroom University, but had to decline because of his decision to enter active politics. In November 1972 he was elected as Member of Parliament for Vereeniging. In 1978 and shortly after his 42nd birthday, after only five and a half years as a back-­­ bencher, he was appointed to the Cabinet. During the following 11 years he was responsible for the following portfolios consecutively: • Posts and Telecommunications and Social Welfare and Pensions; • Sport and Recreation; • Mining and Environmental Planning; • Mineral and Energy Affairs; • Internal Affairs, as well as the Public Service, and • National Education, (the portfolio that he held when he was elected as State President). On 1 July 1985 Mr De Klerk became Chairman of the Minister’s Council in the House of Assembly. He became Leader of the House of Assembly on 1 December 1986.
    [Show full text]
  • Provincial Gazette Provinsiale Koerant EXTRAORDINARY • BUITENGEWOON
    THE PROVINCE OF DIE PROVINSIE VAN UNITY DIVERSITY GAUTENG IN GAUTENG Provincial Gazette Provinsiale Koerant EXTRAORDINARY • BUITENGEWOON Selling price • Verkoopprys: R2.50 Other countries • Buitelands: R3.25 PRETORIA Vol. 24 15 NOVEMBER 2018 No. 339 15 NOVEMBER 2018 We oil Irawm he power to pment kiIDc AIDS HElPl1NE 0800 012 322 DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH Prevention is the cure ISSN 1682-4525 N.B. The Government Printing Works will 00339 not be held responsible for the quality of “Hard Copies” or “Electronic Files” submitted for publication purposes 9 771682 452005 2 No. 339 PROVINCIAL GAZETTE, EXTRAORDINARY, 15 NOVEMBER 2018 IMPORTANT NOTICE: THE GOVERNMENT PRINTING WORKS WILL NOT BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR ANY ERRORS THAT MIGHT OCCUR DUE TO THE SUBMISSION OF INCOMPLETE / INCORRECT / ILLEGIBLE COPY. NO FUTURE QUERIES WILL BE HANDLED IN CONNECTION WITH THE ABOVE. CONTENTS Gazette Page No. No. PROVINCIAL NOTICES • PROVINSIALE KENNISGEWINGS 1232 Gauteng Schools Education Act (6/1995): Determination of final feeder zones by the Head of Department of Education ............................................................................................................................................................ 339 3 This gazette is also available free online at www.gpwonline.co.za PROVINSIALE KOERANT, BUITENGEWOON, 15 NOVEMBER 2018 No. 339 3 PROVINCIAL NOTICES • PROVINSIALE KENNISGEWINGS PROVINCIAL NOTICE 1232 OF 2018 1232 Gauteng Schools Education Act (6/1995): Determination of final feeder zones by the Head of Department of Education 339 PROVINCE OF GAUTENG GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION GAUTENG SCHOOLS EDUCATION ACT, 1995 (Act No. 6 of 1995) DETERMINATION OF FINAL FEEDER ZONES BY THE HEAD OF DEPARTMENTOF EDUCATION (1) The MEC for Education, Mr Andrek Lesufi, has in terms of Section 105 of the GautengSchools Act, 1995 (Act No.
    [Show full text]
  • Biography of F.W. De Klerk 2008 Frank A. Nix Lecturer
    Biography of F.W. de Klerk 2008 Frank A. Nix Lecturer from http://blackburninstitute.org/?q=node/161 Frederik Willem de Klerk was born in Johannesburg on March 18, 1936, the son of Senator Jan de Klerk, a senior cabinet minister. His school years were spent mainly in Krugersdorp, where he matriculated at Monument High School. He attended the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education and graduated in 1958 with BA and LLB degrees (cum laude). During his university years he was actively involved in student affairs. Mr. de Klerk later joined a firm of attorneys in Vereeniging that he helped to develop into one of the leading law firms outside of South Africa's major metropolitan areas. At the same time he played a prominent role in numerous community activities. In 1972, he was offered the chair of administrative law at Potchefstroom University, but had to decline because of his decision to enter active politics. In November 1972, he was elected as the member of Parliament for Vereeniging. In 1978, shortly after his forty-second birthday, and after only five and-a-half years as a back-bencher he was appointed to the cabinet. During the following 11 years, he was responsible for the following portfolios consecutively: Posts and Telecommunications and Social Welfare and Pensions Sport and Recreation Mining and Environment Planning Mineral and Energy Affairs Internal Affairs The Public Service National Education (The portfolio that he held when he was elected as state president.) On July 1, 1985, Mr. de Klerk became chairman of the Minister's Council in the House of Assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian National Education As an Ideological Commitment
    CHRISTIAN NATIONAL EDUCATION AS AN IDEOLOGICAL COMMITMENT by I. R. Hexham Introduction This paper has three sections and attempts to show that what be termed the "received opinion" about the role of Christian-National Education (CBE) in the rise of Afrikaner Nationalism is inadequate. After explaining and critici~ingthe received opinion, an alternative explanation of the importance of CNE in Afrikaner history is offered. Section One of the paper outlines the received opinion. In Section Two a number of objections to it are raised. Finally, in Section Three, an alternative account of the importance of CNE is given. Section One: the Received Opinion In his book, The Rise of the South African Reich, Brim Bunting gives a l clear exposition of what this paper describes as the "received opinion" on the subject of CNE in South Africa. While admitting the existence of over 200 CNE schools in the period immediately following the Second Anglo-Boer War, Bunting argues that CNE as a coherent educational theory was created by the cultural arm of the Broederbond, the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Societies (FAK), at a conference held in Bloemfontein in July 1939, and that essentially it is a technique for indoctrinating the young. (1) To support this argument, Bunting analyses a document produced by the Institute for Christian National Education in 1948. He claims that this document represents the essence of Nationalist thinking on CNE and was the result of nearly ten years! work by the Institute set up by the FAK in 1939. In addition, he cites various spokesmen for CNE, such as Professors J.
    [Show full text]