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Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
The Slavery System
The slavery system It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. Slavery is a system of stratification in which one person owns another, as he or she would own property, and exploits the slave’s labor for economic gain. Slaves are one of the lowest categories in any stratification system, as they possess virtually no power or wealth of their own. • It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. • The slave owner has full control including using violence over the slave. • L.T Hobhouse defined slave as a man whom law and custom regard as the property of another. • In extreme cases he is wholly without rights. He is in lower condition as compared with freemen. • The slaves have no political rights he does not choose his government, he does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised. • He is compelled to work. • The slavery system has existed sporadically at many times and places but there are two major examples of slavery - societies of the ancient world based upon slavery (Greek and Roman) and southern states of USA in the 18th and 19th centuries. • According to H.J Nieboer the basis of slavery is always economic because with it emerged a kind of aristocracy which lived upon slave labour. Slavery is a system under which people are treated as property to be bought and sold, and are forced to work. Slaves can be held against their will from the time of their capture, purchase, or birth; and can also be deprived of the right to leave, to refuse to work, or to demand compensation. -
How History Matters for Student Performance. Lessons from the Partitions of Poland Ú Job Market Paper Latest Version: HERE
How History Matters for Student Performance. Lessons from the Partitions of Poland ú Job Market Paper Latest Version: HERE. Pawe≥Bukowski † This paper examines the effect on current student performance of the 19th century Partitions of Poland among Austria, Prussia and Russia. Despite the modern similarities of the three regions, using a regression discontinuity design I show that student test scores are 0.6 standard deviation higher on the Austrian side of the former Austrian-Russian border. This magnitude is comparable to the black vs. white test score gap in the US. On the other hand, I do not find evidence for differences on the Prussian-Russian border. Using a theoretical model and indirect evidence I argue that the Partitions have persisted through their impact on social norms toward local schools. Nevertheless, the persistent effect of Austria is puzzling given the histori- cal similarities of the Austrian and Prussian educational systems. I argue that the differential legacy of Austria and Prussia originates from the Aus- trian Empire’s policy to promote Polish identity in schools and the Prussian Empire’s efforts to Germanize the Poles through education. JEL Classification: N30, I20, O15, J24 úI thank Sascha O. Becker, Volha Charnysh, Gregory Clark, Tomas Cvrcek, John S. Earle, Irena Grosfeld, Hedvig Horvát, Gábor Kézdi, Jacek Kochanowicz, Attila Lindner, Christina Romer, Ruth M. Schüler, Tamás Vonyó, Jacob Weisdorf, Agnieszka WysokiÒska, Noam Yuchtman, the partici- pants of seminars at Central European University, University of California at Berkeley, University of California at Davis, Warsaw School of Economics, Ifo Center for the Economics of Education and FRESH workshops in Warsaw and Canterbury, WEast workshop in Belgrade, European Historical Economics Society Summer School in Berlin for their comments and suggestions. -
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION and POLITICAL Behavrori an EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POLITICAL BEHAVrORI AN EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS by Christopher Bates Doob A.B., Oberlin College, 1962 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Oberlin College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology 1964 ~-,-\t ii I," - ~ <" . , Preface There are a number of people whose assistance has made this project possible. Without their aid I literally would have been unable to complete this thesis and obtain my degree. xy" profoundest acknowledgment goes to Dr. Kiyoshi Ikeda, whose knowledge of theory and methodology literally shaped this project. The influence of Professors Richard R. xy"ers, George E. Simpson, .J. Milton Yinger, and Donald P. Warwick is also evident at various points through- out this work. Mr. Thomas Bauer, Dr. Leonard Doob, Miss Nancy Durham, and Miss .June Wright have given valuable assistance at different stages of the process. Christopher B. Doob Oberlin College June 1964 09\,~O\A4 'i::l "\ ~ S iii Table of Contents Page Preface 11 r. Introduction The Problem 1 An Historical Approach to the Dynamics of Social Stratification 2 Broad Sociological Propositions Concerning Social Mobility 3 Empirical Studies 4 Status Crystallization 6 Static Structural Variables in This Study 7 Some Observations on Voting Behavior 11 The Hypotheses 12 II. Methodology The Sample 17 The Major Independent Variables 18 Intermediate Variables 25 The Dependent Variables 26 A Concluding Note 28 III. Description of the Findings The Relationship of Mobility, Class, and Intermediate Variables to Liberalism-Conservatism 30 The Intermediate Variables 31 Status Crystallization, Class, and Liberalism Conservatism • iv III. -
State and Ruling Class in Corporate America
STATE AND RULING CLASS IN CORPORATE AMERICA G. William Domhoff On top of the gradually-merging social layers of blue and white col- lar workers in the United States, there is, a very small social upper class which comprises at most 1% of the population and has a very diVerent life style from the rest of us. Members of this privileged class, accord- ing to sociological studies, live in secluded neighborhoods and well- guarded apartment complexes, send their children to private schools, announce their teenage daughters to the world by means of debutante teas and debutante balls, collect expensive art and antiques, play backgam- mon and dominoes at their exclusive clubs, and travel all around the world on their numerous vacations and junkets. There is also in America, an extremely distorted distribution of wealth and income. Throughout the twentieth century, the top 1% or so of wealth-holders have owned 25–30% of all wealth and 55–65% of the wealth that really counts, corporate stock in major businesses and banks. But even that is not the whole story, for a mere .1% have at least 19% of all the wealth in the country—190 times as much as they would have if everyone had an equal share. As for income, well, the maldis- tribution is not quite as bad. But one recent study argues that if income from capital gains is included, the top 1.5% of wealthholders receive 24% of yearly national income. And, as all studies on matters of wealth and income are quick to point out, these estimates are conservative. -
The Problem of Social Class Under Socialism Author(S): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol
The Problem of Social Class under Socialism Author(s): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Nov., 1978), pp. 391-427 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759 Accessed: 24-06-2015 21:55 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory and Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.236.27.111 on Wed, 24 Jun 2015 21:55:45 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 391 THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL CLASS UNDER SOCIALISM SHARON ZUKIN Posing the problem of social class under socialismimplies that the concept of class can be removed from the historical context of capitalist society and applied to societies which either do not know or do not claim to know the classicalcapitalist mode of production. Overthe past fifty years, the obstacles to such an analysis have often led to political recriminationsand termino- logical culs-de-sac. -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Peer Reviewed Title: Hegemony, Democracy, and Passive Revolution in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks Journal Issue: California Italian Studies, 2(2) Author: Riley, Dylan J., University of California - Berkeley Publication Date: 2011 Publication Info: California Italian Studies, Italian Studies Multicampus Research Group, UC Office of the President Permalink: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/5x48f0mz Author Bio: Dylan J. Riley is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His work uses comparative and historical methods to challenge a set of key conceptual oppositions in classical sociological theory: authoritarianism and democracy, revolution and counter-revolution, and state and society. His first monograph The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania 1870-1945 was published in 2010 by Johns Hopkins University Press. His current book project is entitled Knowledge Production or Construction?: A Comparative Analysis of Census Taking in the West (with Rebecca Jean Emigh and Patricia Ahmed) and is forthcoming in the Rose Monograph Series of the American Sociological Association. Keywords: Gramsci, Hegemony, Social Theory Local Identifier: ismrg_cisj_8962 Abstract: What is the relationship between democracy and hegemony in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks? Salvadori and Galli della Loggia argue that hegemony is best understood as a theory of dictatorship and is therefore incompatible with democracy. Vacca argues that hegemony is inconceivable in the absence of democracy. I bridge these divergent readings by making two arguments. First, hegemony is a form of rationalized intellectual and moral leadership, and therefore depends on liberal democratic institutions. Second, hegemony is established through revolution. Gramsci thus paradoxically combines a deep appreciation for liberal democracy with a basically Leninist conception of politics. -
Ruling Class and Ruling Ideas by Karl Marx
Ruling Class and Ruling Ideas by Karl Marx The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas; hence of the relationships which make the one class the ruling one, therefore, the ideas of its dominance. The individuals composing the ruling class possess among other things consciousness, and therefore think. Insofar, therefore, as they rule as a class and determine the extent and compass of an epoch, it is self-evident that they do this in its whole range, hence among other things rule also as thinkers, as producers of ideas, and regulate the production and distribution of the ideas of their age: thus their ideas are the ruling ideas of the epoch. For instance, in an age and in a country where royal power, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie are contending for mastery and where, therefore, mastery is shared, the doctrine of the separation of powers proves to be the dominant idea and is expressed as an “eternal law.” The division of labour, which we already saw above as one of the chief forces of history up till now, manifests itself also in the ruling class as the division of mental and material labour, so that inside this class one part appears as the thinkers of the class (its active, conceptive ideologists, who make the perfecting of the illusion of the class about itself their chief source of livelihood), while the others’ attitude to these ideas and illusions is more passive and receptive, because they are in reality the active members of this class and have less time to make up illusions and ideas about themselves. -
Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: the Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System
Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System Eugene E. Ruyle Current Anthropology, Vol. 14, No. 5. (Dec., 1973), pp. 603-63 1. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=OO1 1-3204%28 1973 12%29 14%3A5%3C603%3ASSASOT%3E2.O.CO%3B2-S Current Anthropology is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org/ SatJul22 17:49:41 2006 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 5, December 1973 © 1973 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification Systeml by Eugene E. -
FRANTZ FANON and the "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter
FRANTZ FANON AND THE "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter Worsley IN 1960, I attended the All-African People's Congress in Accra, Ghana. The proceedings consisted mainly of speeches by leaders of African nationalism from all over the continent, few of whom said anything notable. When, therefore, the representative of the Algerian Revolutionary Provisional Government, their Ambassador to Ghana, stood up to speak for his country, I prepared myself for an address by a diplomat-not usually an experience to set the pulses racing. Instead, I found myself electrified by a contribution that was remarkable not only for its analytical power, but delivered, too, with a passion and brilliance that is all too rare. I discovered that the Ambassador was a man named Frantz Fanon. During his talk, at one point, he almost appeared to break down. I asked him afterwards what had happened. He replied that he had suddenly felt emotionally overcome at the thought that he had to stand there, before the assembled representatives of African nationalist movements, to try and persuade them that the Algerian cause was important, at a time when men were dying and being tortured in his own country for a cause whose justice ought to command automatic support from rational and progressive human beings. I think this incident reflects one special quality that is characteristic of Fanon's writing also : its passion. It is also ruthlessly honest and highly intellectual, if not always worked-through. It is this special blend of intellect and passion that stamps Fanon's work as the pro- duct of a unique and powerful mind. -
West Africa and the Atlantic Slave-Trade
..... ', ;,, - .,..-,-·-·- ' 'f ' WEST AFRICA AND THE ATLANTIC SLAVE-TRADE by WAL TEA RODNEY IRIM6 ' · -a :e. !*':.' 50¢ "'.. Tha Africa Rese<Jrch Group is a movement research and education project thl!t focuses on analyzing tne United States imperialist penetration of Africa. The group hopes to promote a more informed concern with I and protest against the role the US plays In t"he domi nation of Africa and to contribute to sharpening and ·extending an anti-imperialist and anti-(acist conseious.. ness within movuments for social ch3ng Et. The group wants to hear from peopll) or fl'ganilations with silnilar research interests. For a list ; )f ,, ailable publica tions write P .0. Box 213, Cambridge, Mass. 02138, ~ --~ ~ -~-~~---------------------""""111111 WEST AFRICA AND THE ATLANTIC SLAVE-TRADE It must always be remembered that the Atlantic slave trade was an event in world history, involving three continents - Europe, Africa and America. The people who set out to seek slaves were Europeans, coming from every country between Sweden in the north and Portugal in the south. The Portuguese arrived in West Africa shortly before the middle of the fifteenth century. Immediately, they started seizing Africans and taking them to work as slaves in Europe, particularly i~ Portugal and Spain. But the most important developments took place in the sixteenth century, when European capitalists realised that they could make enormous profits by using the labour of Africans to exploit the wealth of the Americas. As a result, Africall!SI were taken to North America, Central America, South America and the Caribbean to provide slave-labour in gold and silver mines and on agricultural plantations growing crops such as sugar, cotton and tobacco. -
Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: a Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling
Portland State University PDXScholar Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations Counselor Education 7-2013 Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: A Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling Tina M. Anctil Peterman Portland State University, [email protected] Brian Hutchison University of Missouri - St Louis Carol Klose Smith University of Iowa Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/coun_fac Part of the Student Counseling and Personnel Services Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Citation Details Anctil Peterman, Tina M.; Hutchison, Brian; and Smith, Carol Klose, "Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: A Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling" (2013). Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations. 16. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/coun_fac/16 This Presentation is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Class, Status, Poverty, And Capital: A Guide To Social Stratification In Career Counseling Tina Anctil, Ph.D., Portland State University Brian Hutchison, Ph.D., University of Missouri--St . Louis Carol Klose Smith, Ph.D., University of Iowa Nation Career Development Association: Boston, MA Social Class Mad Libs I grew up in a _________ class neighborhood. I knew this because the important adults in my life worked such jobs as __________, ___________, and ___________. I knew growing up that there were people from other classes. One time I remember is when ___________. This made me realize that my class and their class afforded us different outlooks and opportunities.