Transition Elite and Consolidation Elite
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How History Matters for Student Performance. Lessons from the Partitions of Poland Ú Job Market Paper Latest Version: HERE
How History Matters for Student Performance. Lessons from the Partitions of Poland ú Job Market Paper Latest Version: HERE. Pawe≥Bukowski † This paper examines the effect on current student performance of the 19th century Partitions of Poland among Austria, Prussia and Russia. Despite the modern similarities of the three regions, using a regression discontinuity design I show that student test scores are 0.6 standard deviation higher on the Austrian side of the former Austrian-Russian border. This magnitude is comparable to the black vs. white test score gap in the US. On the other hand, I do not find evidence for differences on the Prussian-Russian border. Using a theoretical model and indirect evidence I argue that the Partitions have persisted through their impact on social norms toward local schools. Nevertheless, the persistent effect of Austria is puzzling given the histori- cal similarities of the Austrian and Prussian educational systems. I argue that the differential legacy of Austria and Prussia originates from the Aus- trian Empire’s policy to promote Polish identity in schools and the Prussian Empire’s efforts to Germanize the Poles through education. JEL Classification: N30, I20, O15, J24 úI thank Sascha O. Becker, Volha Charnysh, Gregory Clark, Tomas Cvrcek, John S. Earle, Irena Grosfeld, Hedvig Horvát, Gábor Kézdi, Jacek Kochanowicz, Attila Lindner, Christina Romer, Ruth M. Schüler, Tamás Vonyó, Jacob Weisdorf, Agnieszka WysokiÒska, Noam Yuchtman, the partici- pants of seminars at Central European University, University of California at Berkeley, University of California at Davis, Warsaw School of Economics, Ifo Center for the Economics of Education and FRESH workshops in Warsaw and Canterbury, WEast workshop in Belgrade, European Historical Economics Society Summer School in Berlin for their comments and suggestions. -
Introduction: the Lusophone World at War, 1914-1918 and Beyond
Introduction: The Lusophone World at War, 1914-1918 and Beyond Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses1 On March 9, 1916, Germany declared war in Portugal. In response, Lisbon sent a fighting force, the Corpo Expedicionário Português [CEP], to France, where it held a portion of the Western Front until April 9, 1918. In addition, a number of smaller expeditions were dispatched to secure Mozambique and, if possible, participate in the conquest of German East Africa. Both theatres of war were a source of frustration for the Portuguese, and participation in the conflict fell far short of the hopes deposited in it by its defenders. As interventionist politicians slowly lost control over the country’s destiny after the war’s end, the conflict faded from the public’s awareness, its memory kept alive essentially among those who had direct experience with combat. For decades, Portugal’s participation in World War I was generally ignored, or reduced to a historical cul-de-sac, a pointless, if expensive, military episode. However, our understanding of the conflict’s impact on Portugal and its importance in the subsequent course of the country’s history has increased immeasurably over the past twenty years. The centenary commemorations for both the Republic, in 2010, and the Great War itself, starting in 2014, have naturally contributed to this process. In March of 2016, on the hundredth anniversary of Portugal’s intervention in the conflict, a colloquium was held at Brown University as an attempt to insert Portugal’s war experience into a wider, but intimately related, context: that of the Lusophone world. -
State and Ruling Class in Corporate America
STATE AND RULING CLASS IN CORPORATE AMERICA G. William Domhoff On top of the gradually-merging social layers of blue and white col- lar workers in the United States, there is, a very small social upper class which comprises at most 1% of the population and has a very diVerent life style from the rest of us. Members of this privileged class, accord- ing to sociological studies, live in secluded neighborhoods and well- guarded apartment complexes, send their children to private schools, announce their teenage daughters to the world by means of debutante teas and debutante balls, collect expensive art and antiques, play backgam- mon and dominoes at their exclusive clubs, and travel all around the world on their numerous vacations and junkets. There is also in America, an extremely distorted distribution of wealth and income. Throughout the twentieth century, the top 1% or so of wealth-holders have owned 25–30% of all wealth and 55–65% of the wealth that really counts, corporate stock in major businesses and banks. But even that is not the whole story, for a mere .1% have at least 19% of all the wealth in the country—190 times as much as they would have if everyone had an equal share. As for income, well, the maldis- tribution is not quite as bad. But one recent study argues that if income from capital gains is included, the top 1.5% of wealthholders receive 24% of yearly national income. And, as all studies on matters of wealth and income are quick to point out, these estimates are conservative. -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Peer Reviewed Title: Hegemony, Democracy, and Passive Revolution in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks Journal Issue: California Italian Studies, 2(2) Author: Riley, Dylan J., University of California - Berkeley Publication Date: 2011 Publication Info: California Italian Studies, Italian Studies Multicampus Research Group, UC Office of the President Permalink: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/5x48f0mz Author Bio: Dylan J. Riley is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His work uses comparative and historical methods to challenge a set of key conceptual oppositions in classical sociological theory: authoritarianism and democracy, revolution and counter-revolution, and state and society. His first monograph The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania 1870-1945 was published in 2010 by Johns Hopkins University Press. His current book project is entitled Knowledge Production or Construction?: A Comparative Analysis of Census Taking in the West (with Rebecca Jean Emigh and Patricia Ahmed) and is forthcoming in the Rose Monograph Series of the American Sociological Association. Keywords: Gramsci, Hegemony, Social Theory Local Identifier: ismrg_cisj_8962 Abstract: What is the relationship between democracy and hegemony in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks? Salvadori and Galli della Loggia argue that hegemony is best understood as a theory of dictatorship and is therefore incompatible with democracy. Vacca argues that hegemony is inconceivable in the absence of democracy. I bridge these divergent readings by making two arguments. First, hegemony is a form of rationalized intellectual and moral leadership, and therefore depends on liberal democratic institutions. Second, hegemony is established through revolution. Gramsci thus paradoxically combines a deep appreciation for liberal democracy with a basically Leninist conception of politics. -
Ruling Class and Ruling Ideas by Karl Marx
Ruling Class and Ruling Ideas by Karl Marx The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas; hence of the relationships which make the one class the ruling one, therefore, the ideas of its dominance. The individuals composing the ruling class possess among other things consciousness, and therefore think. Insofar, therefore, as they rule as a class and determine the extent and compass of an epoch, it is self-evident that they do this in its whole range, hence among other things rule also as thinkers, as producers of ideas, and regulate the production and distribution of the ideas of their age: thus their ideas are the ruling ideas of the epoch. For instance, in an age and in a country where royal power, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie are contending for mastery and where, therefore, mastery is shared, the doctrine of the separation of powers proves to be the dominant idea and is expressed as an “eternal law.” The division of labour, which we already saw above as one of the chief forces of history up till now, manifests itself also in the ruling class as the division of mental and material labour, so that inside this class one part appears as the thinkers of the class (its active, conceptive ideologists, who make the perfecting of the illusion of the class about itself their chief source of livelihood), while the others’ attitude to these ideas and illusions is more passive and receptive, because they are in reality the active members of this class and have less time to make up illusions and ideas about themselves. -
Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: the Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System
Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System Eugene E. Ruyle Current Anthropology, Vol. 14, No. 5. (Dec., 1973), pp. 603-63 1. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=OO1 1-3204%28 1973 12%29 14%3A5%3C603%3ASSASOT%3E2.O.CO%3B2-S Current Anthropology is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org/ SatJul22 17:49:41 2006 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 5, December 1973 © 1973 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification Systeml by Eugene E. -
Conference Program (PDF)
THE 42ND ANNUAL SCIENTIFIC MEETING OF THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY OF POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY (ISPP) Empowering Citizens in Illiberal Times: The Political Psychology of Oppression and Resistance 12 July - 15 July 2019 Lisbon, Portugal InterContinental Lisbon TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS • Welcome Letter from President 2 • Welcome Letter from Lisbon Program Chairs 5 • Welcome Letter from Early Career Committee Chair 8 • Schedule Overview 10 • Section Chairs 11 • Featured Panels/CWC/Floor Plans 12 • Summary of Special Events/Poster Sessions/Plenaries 16 • Award Winners for 2019 20 • Call for Roberta Sigel Paper Award 21 • Call for Best Dissertation Award 22 • Call for Proposals & Papers, Berlin 2020 23 • Berlin, Germany, 14 - 17 July 2020 25 • Schedule at a Glance 29 o Friday, July 12 o Saturday, July 13 o Sunday, July 14 Monday, July 15 o • Sessions by Section 43 • Sessions by Day with Details 52 o Friday, July 12 o Saturday, July 13 o Sunday, July 14 Monday, July 15 o • Additional Conference Information 159 • List of ISPP Officers 160 • Membership Information 164 • Index of Participants 166 Cover Photo Credit: Visit Lisboa Photo Credit 2020 Announcement: Visit Berlin Please note that photographs and video are taken during the course of the conference. These images may be used in ISPP marketing materials, on the ISPP web site, and other products relating to ISPP. By attending, you consent to your image being used in ISPP- related materials, web sites, and similar. Page | 1 WELCOME LETTER From the President Empowering Citizens in Illiberal Times: The Political Psychology of Oppression and Resistance Welcome to the 42nd Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology and to the wonderful city of Lisbon, Portugal! The city and surrounding countryside have many charms, which I hope will catch your eye and make for an enjoyable visit. -
FRANTZ FANON and the "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter
FRANTZ FANON AND THE "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter Worsley IN 1960, I attended the All-African People's Congress in Accra, Ghana. The proceedings consisted mainly of speeches by leaders of African nationalism from all over the continent, few of whom said anything notable. When, therefore, the representative of the Algerian Revolutionary Provisional Government, their Ambassador to Ghana, stood up to speak for his country, I prepared myself for an address by a diplomat-not usually an experience to set the pulses racing. Instead, I found myself electrified by a contribution that was remarkable not only for its analytical power, but delivered, too, with a passion and brilliance that is all too rare. I discovered that the Ambassador was a man named Frantz Fanon. During his talk, at one point, he almost appeared to break down. I asked him afterwards what had happened. He replied that he had suddenly felt emotionally overcome at the thought that he had to stand there, before the assembled representatives of African nationalist movements, to try and persuade them that the Algerian cause was important, at a time when men were dying and being tortured in his own country for a cause whose justice ought to command automatic support from rational and progressive human beings. I think this incident reflects one special quality that is characteristic of Fanon's writing also : its passion. It is also ruthlessly honest and highly intellectual, if not always worked-through. It is this special blend of intellect and passion that stamps Fanon's work as the pro- duct of a unique and powerful mind. -
West Africa and the Atlantic Slave-Trade
..... ', ;,, - .,..-,-·-·- ' 'f ' WEST AFRICA AND THE ATLANTIC SLAVE-TRADE by WAL TEA RODNEY IRIM6 ' · -a :e. !*':.' 50¢ "'.. Tha Africa Rese<Jrch Group is a movement research and education project thl!t focuses on analyzing tne United States imperialist penetration of Africa. The group hopes to promote a more informed concern with I and protest against the role the US plays In t"he domi nation of Africa and to contribute to sharpening and ·extending an anti-imperialist and anti-(acist conseious.. ness within movuments for social ch3ng Et. The group wants to hear from peopll) or fl'ganilations with silnilar research interests. For a list ; )f ,, ailable publica tions write P .0. Box 213, Cambridge, Mass. 02138, ~ --~ ~ -~-~~---------------------""""111111 WEST AFRICA AND THE ATLANTIC SLAVE-TRADE It must always be remembered that the Atlantic slave trade was an event in world history, involving three continents - Europe, Africa and America. The people who set out to seek slaves were Europeans, coming from every country between Sweden in the north and Portugal in the south. The Portuguese arrived in West Africa shortly before the middle of the fifteenth century. Immediately, they started seizing Africans and taking them to work as slaves in Europe, particularly i~ Portugal and Spain. But the most important developments took place in the sixteenth century, when European capitalists realised that they could make enormous profits by using the labour of Africans to exploit the wealth of the Americas. As a result, Africall!SI were taken to North America, Central America, South America and the Caribbean to provide slave-labour in gold and silver mines and on agricultural plantations growing crops such as sugar, cotton and tobacco. -
What Were the Effects of the 1755 Lisbon Earthquake on Eighteenth-Century Religious
Extracting testable hypotheses from historical scholarship: What were the effects of the 1755 Lisbon earthquake on eighteenth-century religious minds? Abstract (149) This paper articulates two competing explanations about cognitive effects of the Lisbon earthquake of 1755 and preliminarily assesses them against historical documents. Humanities scholars' voluminous writings on the earthquake imply a Secularizing Interpretation on which the earthquake caused cognitive change across social classes and geographical regions. Results from the cognitive science of religion yield a Supernatural Punishment account denying cognitive changes implied by the Secularizing Hypothesis and instead implying people interpreted this earthquake as caused by God on purpose as a punishment on the out-group. This paper advocates the Supernatural Punishment account in two steps. A preliminary review of writings of philosophers and elites reveals little to no secularizing cognitive change. A preliminary review of writings of religious authors reveals increases in religious and Supernatural Punishment cognition after the earthquake. This project suggests interdisciplinary methods for researchers in the Humanities with which to put their interpretations to the test. 1 Paper (10479) Correspondence of the Dutch in Lisbon at the time of the Lisbon earthquake reveals that The Hague’s ambassador to Portugal Charles Bosc de la Calmette was moved by the suffering and desperation he witnessed amongst Lisboan Roman Catholics (De Jong 1955). Ambassador from 1751-1758, Calmette was a Huguenot who knew desperation. His Protestant family fled to Holland from persecution by Catholics in France. A letter dated 6 November 1755 written by Abraham Castres, King George II’s envoy, indicates Castres and Calmette were the first ambassadors to have an audience with King Jose after the earthquake. -
Capitalism and Crime (May 11, 1912)
Capitalism and Crime (May 11, 1912) Nearly all the crimes that are committed result directly or indirectly from class rule — from one class keeping another in subjection. A great majority of the inmates of our prisons owe their conviction to offenses against property. The ruling class is the state and the state legalizes the institution of private property, without which class rule could not exist. Under the capitalist system the means of life, essential to all, are the private property of the capitalist class. The working class is a dependent class, a subject class. It is compelled to submit to exploitation and degra- dation. The class that owns the property is the class that rules society — the class that writes, enacts, interprets, and enforces the law — in its own interest. The institution of private property, “vested rights,” is sacred to this class and to transgress its property laws is an offense against the state which cannot be too promptly or too seriously punished. Among the essential institutions of class rule is the jail, the prison. The capitalist system could far better spare its national congress and its state legislatures than its county jails and prisons. Congress and the legis- latures consist mainly of and are controlled wholly by representatives of the capitalist class; the jails and prisons are filled by representatives of the working class. Private property in the means of life enforces exploitation, idleness, poverty, theft, and murder. Under class rule and private property crime graduates steadily from petty larceny to homicide. The development of private property is followed by a corresponding increase in crime. -
Poor Whites in the Antebellum US South
H-Slavery Poor Whites in the Antebellum U.S. South (Topical Guide) Page published by David Prior on Monday, July 29, 2019 Jeffrey Glossner of the University of Mississippi offers H-Slavery the most recent in a series of topical guides concerning the study of slavery. A preliminary draft circulated to the subscribers of H-Slavery for feedback on July 12, 2019 (available here). We thank Dr. Kars for her comment. This revised version was published on July 29, 2019. Poor Whites in the Antebellum U.S. South Jeffrey Glossner University of Mississippi Introduction As a topic of historical analysis, the poor whites of the antebellum U.S. South have received little sustained interest despite being a significant portion of southern society and a presence that loomed over the North-South sectional crisis over slavery. Historians, at times, have pointed to white supremacy to explain the lack of poor white resistance to the slave labor system and the absence of a class consciousness that united southern laborers across the color line. Despite deep economic divisions among southern whites, the lack of a poor white voice in the historical record has led historians to downplay their influence on society. Yet, historians have located a distinct class of landless poor white people who constituted a political and social problem to the ruling class of the antebellum South, giving pause to the tendency to lump white southerners into a homogeneous whole. The southern poor white also has a complex history as an idea, appearing as an internal threat to the stability of the South and a rhetorical weapon wielded by antislavery northerners.