63-6630 YODFAT, Aryeh, 1923- THE JEWISH QUESTION IN AMERICAN— RUSSIAN RELATIONS (1875-1917).
The American University, Ph.D., 1963 History, modern
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Copyright by Aryeh Yodfat 1963
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (1G75 - 1917)
by
Aryeh Yodfat
Submitted to the
faculty of the Graduate School
of the American University
in Partial Fulfillment of
the Acquirements for the Degree
of
Doctor of Philosophy
in
History
Signatures of Committee
Chairman
Graduate Dean:
bdAmsLr)MMWc£
Date ' J d i ± ± L L December, 19G2
The American University AMERICAN UNIVERSITY Washington, D.C.
!.'.V/E 1963 WASHINGTON. 0. C.
= H = l Cf3 5 ~
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This study about "The Jewish Question in Anerican- nussiau Relations" deals with the interest that the United States Government displayed in the treatment of Jews in Tsarist Russia and its influence on the relations between the two countries. It is based on reports, views and ac tions, official and personal, by American diplomats in Russia., views and actions by Presidents of the U.S. Secretaries of State and the pressures brought to bear by American public opinion and the U.S. Congress to act 0 1 1 behalf of Jews in Russia.
The subject of this study was influenced by various events of that time. The background explanations, however, are given only in brief, whore it helped to shed light on the subject itself, footnotes giving the background and taking issue with views the author did not agree with, were avoided. Those who want to know more about the history of Russia or the Jews in Russia are x’cferred to the biblio graphy given at the end of the volume. To facilitate library research, the Libi’ary of Congress system was used in the notes and bibliography.
A special problem was presented by the Julian calendar which was used in Russia until 1918. The dates are usually given as used by the authors of the documents. Generally, the Gregorian calendar ("hew Style") was used when one date was given, both the Julian and Gregorian calendars wore used when two dates were given, .and a remark "old style" (O.S.) was added when only the Julian calendar was used. The lag between these calendars was 12 days in the nineteenth century and 13 days in the twentieth century.
In the transliteration from Cyrillic into Roman charac ters the system of the Library of Congress was generally used, There remained in a few cases the original transliteration not only in the quotations but also in their descriptions in order to keep a uniform transliteration and to facilitate the identification of names or places fox* those who would like to refei* to the recoi-ds themselves. The papex* uses Tsar and not Cr.ar, Kiev and not Kieff, etc., but IIoscow, YA'.rsaw (and not lioskva, Yarshava) in cases of moi’e populax* Anglicized names. Kieff, Sazanoff, etc., were used sometimes when certain documents were cited or descx*ibed.
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The author is yrr.tofu1 to the Jewish Publication Society of Aic. eric a for permission to quote iron "Louis Marsha.il: Champion of Liberty" (1957) and "History o? the Jews in Puss in. and Pola.nd" by Dubnow (1916-20), and to the Ancrica.n Jewish Comittco Institute of Hunan delations for remission to nuoto iron tho "Anerica.n Jewish Year Boohs." The author empresses his thanhs to the staff of tho Forciyn Affairs Branch and Legislative Bran ah of the ITa.tior.al. Archives and of the Manuscripts Division, Library of Conyross, both in Washington, D.C.
Wa.shinyton, D.C., Deconber 7, 1962.
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TABLE OP COIITEHTS
CHAPTER Page
PREFACE ...... ii
TABLE OP COITTEIiTS ...... iv
ABBPtEy IAT ICliS ...... v iii
IHTHODUCT ION ...... 1
American—Russian Relations. 1
Commercial Relations Between the United States and Russia... 6
Jewish Emigration from Russia, to the United States ...... 9
The Jewish Question in American- Russia.n Relations ...... 11
I. THE LAST YEARS OF ALEXANDER II (to I larch 1, 1831) ...... 17
The First Cases of American Dip lomatic Intervention (to 1S75). 17
The First Two Reports About Russian Jews ...... 22
1G7G-March 1, 1SC1 ...... 2G
II. 1831-1892' YEARS OF POGROMS, EXPUL SIONS ART) I.IASS EMIGRATION ......
1331 ......
1332 ......
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CHAPTER Page
1883-1890 ...... 45
1891 ...... 50
U.S. Congress and Jews in Russia (1892) 50
III. THE PASSPORT QUESTIOH (1893-1902).. 64
1893 64
1094 68
1895 70
1896-1900 74
1901-1902 76
IV. THE RUSS I AIT JEWISH QUESTION DURIIIG . THE ROOSEVELT ADIIIITISTRATION (1903- 1909) ...... 31
The Kishinev Pogrom (1903) ..... 81
1903-1904 ......
1905 ......
1S06 95
The Pogrom at Bialystol: (1906) . 98
1907-1908 101
The Russian-Jewish Question and the 1908 Elections ...... 105
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CHAPTER Page
V. TIIE RUSS IAN- JEWISH QUESTION DURING THE TAFT ADHIIIISTRATION (1909-1911). 118
Ilarch 1909-1,larch 1910 .... 118
LIr. Herman Bei'nstein’ s^Criticism of American Diplomats in Russia. 122
American Diplomats in Russia and Russian Jews (1910-1911) ...... 127
Jewish Endeavors Towards the Ab rogation of the Treaty (1911) .. 137
Actions of Congressmen for the Abrogation of the Treaty and of • the State Department Against Such Abrogation (1911) ...... 142
VI. ABROGATION OF THE 1832 TREATY WITH RUSSIA (December 1911-1912)-..... 157
Abrogation of the Treaty by Congress ...... 157
Abrogation of the Ti^caty, Dip lomatic Correspondence...... 16G
Reactions to the Abrogation of the Treaty: By American Diplo mats in Russia; by the Russians. 16C
Negotiations for a "modus vivendi" Between the U.S. and Russia. .... 177
The Election Camp?.ign of 1912 .. 180
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CHAPTER Pago
■ VII. TIIE RUSSIAN JEWISH QUESTION DURING THE WILSON ADMINISTRATION (1913-1917) 1GG
The Beilis Trial (1913) ...... 1G6
1913-1917...... 190
CONCLUS ION ...... 199
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... ;..... 20G
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ABBREVIATIONS
AJYB American Jev/ish Year Book (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America)
Arab. Ambassador
Charge^ Charge d*Affaires
Century "The Century Ilagazine," New York
Co. Company
Cong. U.S. Congress
cn U.S. Congress, Congressional Record (Washington: Government Printing Office)
D. Democrat
D.C. District of Columbia
Doc. Document
Dubnow, Russia S.II. Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and Poland (Philadelphia: The Jev/ish Publi cation Society of America, 1916-20)
Ed. Editorial
FR U.S., Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington: Government Printing Office)
GPO Government Printing Office
II. Doc. House /of Representatives/ Document
H. Ex. Doc. House Executive Document (Since 1895 consolidated with II. His. Doc. as II. Doc.)
H. J. Res. House Joint Resolution
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H. Mis. Doc. House Miscellaneous Document(s) (Since 1895 consolidated v/ith II. 13::. Doc. as II. Doc.)
II.R. House /of7 Representatives (House Bill)
II. Kept. House Report
H. Res. House Resolution (Simple Resolution)
House U.S. Congress, House of Representatives
IND "Independent," New York
Krasnyi Arkhiv "Krasnyi Arkliiv," a Historical Journal of the Central Archive Department of the U.3.S.R (R.3.F.S.R.), Moscow: Gospolitisdat (Russian)
LD "The Literary Digest," New York
NA The National Archives of the United States of America, Washington, D.C., Records of the Department of State (if not otherwise indicated)
NA nf The National Archives, Records of the Department of State, numerical file
no., nos. number, numbers
N.Y. New York
NYT "New York Times 1!
OUT "The Outlook"
pt., pts. part, parts
R. Republican
Rep. Member of .U.S. House of Representatives
R of R "Review of Reviews," New York
S. U.S. Senate
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S. Doc. Senate Document
Sec. Secretary, Section
Secretary Secretary of State
Sess. Session
S.J. Res, Senate Joint Resolution
Sen. U.S. Senator
S . Rept. Senate Report
S . Res. Senate Resolution
Termination U.S. Congress, 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., House Committee on Foreign Affail's. Termination of the Treaty of 1S32 between the United States and Russia. Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, Monday, December 11, 191.1 (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1911).
Trans. Translation, translated
TRP Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., Manuscripts Division, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Personal Letters. Books
v., vs. versus
vol., VOIs. volume, volumes
Witte Sergei Witte, The Memoirs of Count Witte (Garden City, R.Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1921)
Wolf Simon Wolf, The Presidents I have Known, from 1860-19TB (Washington, D.C., Press of D.C. Adams, 1910)
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INTRODUCT ION
American-Russian Relations
American-Russian diplomatic relations were established
in 1809 with the appointment and recognition of John Quincy
Adams as United States Minister to Russia. (Adams later
became President of the U.S.) The Legation became an Emb
assy in 1898.
A treaty of commerce and navigation was concluded between
the two countries on December 18, 1832, during the Presidency
of Andrew Jackson. The treaty was negotiated and signed on
behalf of the U.S. by its Minister to Russia, James Buchanan
(who later became Secretary of State and President), and by
Vice Chancellor Charles Comte de Nesselrode on behalf of the
Tsar Nicolai I. The treaty was ratified by the U.S. Senate on
February 27, 1833, and signed by President Jackson on April 8,
1833.
o Articles I, X and XII of that treaty were later mentioned
frequently in the diplomatic correspondence between the U. S.
and Russia with regard to the treatment of American Jews by
the Russian Government. The articles read as follows:
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"Article I.
"There shall be between the territories of the high contracting parties, a reciprocal liberty of commerce and navigation. The inhabitants of their respective states shall, mutually have liberty to enter the ports, places and rivers of the territories of each party, wherever foreign commerce is permitted. They shall be at liberty to sojourn- and reside in all parts whatsoever of said territories, in order to attend to their affairs, and they shall enjoy, to that effect, the same security and protection as natives of the country wherein they reside, on condition of their submitting to the laws and ordinances there prevailing, and particularly to the regulations in force concerning commerce."
"Article X.
"The citizens and subjects ‘of each of the high contract ing parties shall have power to dispose of their personal goods within the jurisdiction of the other, by testament, donation, or otherwise, and their representa tives, being citizens or subjects of the other party, shall succeed the their said personal goods, whether by testament or ab intestato and may take possession thereof, either by themselves, or by others acting for them, and dispose of the same, at will, paying to the profit of the respective governments, such dues only as the inhabitants of the country wherein the said goods are, shall be subject to pay in like cases...But this Article shall not • derogate, in any manner, from the force of the laws already published, or which may hereafter be published by His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russians: to prevent ' the emigration of his subjects."
"Article XII.
"The present treaty...shall continue in force until the First day of January, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Nine, and if, one year before that day, one of the high contracting parties, shall not have announced to the other, by an official notification, its intention to arrest the operation thereof, this treaty shall remain obligatory one year beyond that day, and so on until the expiration of the year which shall commence after the date of a similar notification." D
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J
During the Civil War, the sympathies of Great Britain
and France were with the Confederacy. During the Polish
uprising against Russia in 1863, their sympathies were with
the Poles. There was no official British-French support in
either case. Both the North and Russia were interested in
British-French "non-intervention." The Russian Navy,
threatened by blockade in the Baltic Sea by the British-
Navy, sent fleets to New York and San Francisco. The Russian
fleets v/ere then sent-to the American shores for their own
protection, but a legend v/as created about Russian support
to the North and about American-Russian "traditional friend
ship." .
In 1867, Alaska was sold by Russia to the United States
for a sum of $7,200,000. This s.ale was later mentioned many
times among the '"special‘acts of friendship" shown by-Russia
to'the‘United States.
On March 28, 1887, an Extradition Convention was con
cluded between the U.S. and Russia. If was ratified by the
Senate‘(with amendments), signed by the President and
proclaimed in 1893.
Article I read: •
"The high contracting parties reciprocally agree to
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surrender to each other, upon mutual requisitions and according to thei,r respective regulations and • procedure, persons who, being charged with, or convicted of, the commission, in the territory of one of the contracting parties, of any of the crimes and offenses specified in the following article, shall seek an asylum or be found within the territory of the other: • Provided,• That this shall only be done upon such evidence of criminality as, according to the lav/s of the place where the fugitive or person so charged shall be found, would justify his or her apprehension and commitment for trial if the crime or offense had been there committed."
Article III’said that for political offenses ''surrender
shall not take place;" Attempts against the life of the .
head of either government, or against any member of his
family should not be considered a political offense. ^
The Extradition Convention was criticized by many
Americans as being an instrument .of Tsarist persecution
and of no benefit to the United States. These views were
reflected in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives ‘
• » resolutions asking amendments of the treaty or its abroga
tion, as well as in other areas.
Only restricted commercial relations existed between
the U.S. and Russia during the nineteenth century and in the
beginning of the twentieth century.
During the twentieth century there was an increase in
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American exports to Russia, and there were American invest
ments in that country..' An agreement between .the U.S. and
Russia "regulating the position of corporations and other
commercial associations" was sighed at St. Petersburg on
June 25/12, 1904, ratified by the Senate in Executive Session
on May 6, 1909, signed by the President and proclaimed- in the
same year. The agreement said:
"1. Corporations or stock companies, and other•indus trial or financial commercial organizations, • domiciled in one of the two countries, and on the condition that they have been regularly organized in conformity to the laws in force in that country, shall be recognized' as having a legal existence in the other country, and shall have therein especially the right to appear before the courts, whether for the purpose of bringing an action/or defending themselves against one.
"2. In all cases the said cor'poratioiis and companies shall enjoy in the other country the Same rights which are or may be granted to similar'companies of other countries.
"3. It is understood that the foregoing stipulation or agreement has no bearing upon the question whether a society or corporation, organized in one of the two countries will or will not be permitted to trans act its business or industry'in the other, -this permission remaining always subject to the regulations in this respect existing in the latter country."3)
The refusals by the Russian consulates to vis.e' passports
of American Jews to enter Russia, the expulsions of American'.
Jews from Russia nnd the treating of American Jews in Russia
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in the same way as Russian Jews were .being treated, was
responsible, in December 1911, for the abrogation of the
• Treaty of Commerce and Navigation of 1832 by the U.S.
Commercial Relations Between the United States and Russia
Commercial relations between the U.S. and Russia were
conducted on a small scale, as compared with those of Russia
and Great Britain, France or Germany. Russia was predominant
ly an agi'icultural country. At the end of the nineteenth
century, industry began to develop slowly and expanded to a
greater degree during the twentieth century, largely by virtue
of the increase in foreign investments. The role of American
investments, as of U.S.-Russian trade in general, was minor.
• • Although Russian-American trade was little, it appeared
even less in the official statistics. A great deal of this
trade was directed through Germany or Great Britain, from
which points the goods were transshipped to Russia.
American exports to Russia consisted mainly of cotton,
agricultural machinery and implements and sewing machines.
The U.S. also provided railway supplies, typewriters, hard
ware and other manufactured goods.
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The following table shows the proportion of American
exports and imports between America and Russia, as compared> 4) with American exports and imports in general: "
U.S.-RUSSIAN ; TRADE • .(In millions of U.S. dollars)
EXPORTS IMPORTS Total from Prom U-.S.. Total to From Russia Years U.S. to Russia the U.S. to U.S.
1877-1890 757.1 . 11.9 636.3 2.6 1891-1900 1,024.9 7.5 763.3 4.7
1901 1,487.8 9.6 823.2 7.0 1902 1,381.7 10.3 '903.3 7.3 1903 1,420.1 17.0 1,025.7 9.3 1904 . 1,460.8 ‘ 19.4 991.1 11.9 1905 1,518.6 17.0' 1,117.5 11.8
1901-1905 1,453.8 14.7 972.2 9.5
1906 1,743.9 18.8 1,226.6 13.8 1907 1,880.9 21.8 1,434.4 17.7 1908 1,860.8 18.4 1,194.3 11.5 1909 1,663.0 • 17.3 1,311.9 11.8 1910 1,745.0. 17.8 1,556.9 17.4
1906-1910 1,778.7 . 18.8 1,344.8 14.4
1901-1910 1,616.2 16.7 1,158.5 . 11.9
A report from Ambassador Rockhill to Secretary of'State
Knox on April 13, 1-911 summar ized Amer ican-Russian economic
relations,5^
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. According to Rockhill, there were registered in
Russia at that time ‘223 American citizens, 345 residents.
Of this* number, 19 American citizens were a’ffected by
restrictions- against Jews - 15 were in St. Petersburg,
3 in Riga and 1 in Moscow. '• .
- The annual consumption of American goods in Russia was
about $143,580,000 to $143,605,000. # $225,979,000 of American
capital was invested in Russia, mostly from the following
five firms:
New York Life Insurance Co. $ 95,270,000. •International Harvester Co...... 56,000,000. Singer Sewing Machine Co. • 35,000,000. The Equitable Co...... 16,200,000, Caucasus Copper Co...... 2^000,000.
Total’ ... $ 204,470,000.
Russian Securities held in U.S...... 3,028,000.
TOTAL ... $ 207,500,000.
The report did not include the Consulate at Vladivostok.
There were in that district: 46. registered American citizens,
2 unregistered; 9 affected by restrictions against Jews.
American capital invested, $2,000,000. Annual consumption
of goods of American origin, $2,500,000.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. American commerce and investments in Russia were
restricted to a few companies which had great influence
.••on the State Department, American diplomats in Russia,
and American-Russian relations in general.
Jewisli Emigration from Russia to the United States
. The interest of the U.S. .Government in th'e situation '
of Jews in Tsarist Russia was aroused mainly by the immigra
tion of Russian Jews to the U.S. The increases or decreases,
in the number of these emigrants reflected the improvement
or worsening of the situation of the Jews in Russia. Anti-
Jewish riots (pogroms) and expulsions were usually the
immediate cause’for emigration,- but no less were the economic
conditions in the overcrowded towns and hamlets of the Jewish
Pale of Settlement in Russia.
Few Jews came to the U.S. from Russia (and Russian
Poland) in the seventeenth century, and. their number was
small until the 1870's. Between the years 1821-1870 only
7,550 Jewish emigrants from'Russia and Russian Poland came
to the U.S.* During 1871-1880, 41,057 came from Russia
alone.6 )
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The anti-Jewish pogroms of the early eighties dcca-
sioned an increase in the overseas emigration from Russia '
which went largely to the U;S. So too-"resulted the
expulsions from St. Petersburg and- Moscow in the early
nineties, the liishineff pogrom of 1903, the revolution of
•1905 and the reaction- and pogroms which came after that
revolution.•
<
The number of .Jewish emigrants from Russia .to the. United
States during the years 1881-1914 was as follows (U.S. fiscal x 7 ) years from July.1 to June 30): y
1880/81. —* 8,193 • 1904/05 - - 92,388 1881/82 — 17,497 1905/06 - 125,234 1882/83 — 6,907 1906/07 - 114,932 . 1883/84 - 15,122 1907/08 - 71,978 1884/85 - ‘ 16,603 1908/09 - 39,150 1885/86 - 17,309 . 1909/10 - 59,824 1886/87 - ' 28,944 .1910/11 - 65,472 1887/88 - 31,256 1911/12 - 58,389 1888/89 •— 31,889 1912/13 - 74,033 1889/90 — 33,147 1913/14 - 102,638 .1890/91 - 42,145 . 1891/92 .— 76,417 1892/93 — 35,626 1880-1914- 1,592,183 1893/94 - 36,725 - * 1894/95 — 33,232 • 1895/96 — 45,137 • 1896/97 — 22,750 1897/98 — 27,221 • 1898/99 — 24,275 1899/190C1- 37,011 1900/01 — 37,660 1901/02 — 37,846 1902/03 — 47,689 1903/04 - 77,544 •
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Tho Jewish Ou.estion in Anon i cp.n-Rus's fan ReTa/fions
** r* ('’* r>c!i*^vi**)'r 'j o '* ^ ^
because of their national minority. status and because of
tho in noli-ion. That dis'crir.inr.tion p.onf icd p.lso to Ar.icricp.n
Jews who visitecl Toss in, and led to protests in the U.S. and
by its representatives in Russia.. Acoordiny to the Russian
int pnnnot at ion of the* Arienica.n—Russian Trep.ty of Commerce
and ITavi-at’ion of 1"35?, American Jews were supposed to be
tnested 5r* Russia in* the sane wav p.s Russian nr.tive Jews wono
tnea.tod. . Tost of tho Anonican J ot/s ' who wanted to visit
Russ-ia wove both; thone and Russia, did not accept the chp.nye oi
aJ.le-in.ncb of Russ ia.n-I;oun. Anenica.n cit Isons who loft Russia • • • without ha.vinp ha.d official permission to leave the country.
* .• . The . polit ica.1 and economic oppressions of the Jews; in
Russia, -led to mass on.i-nation to* the U.S. The number’ of Russ
ip.n-born. Jews in the U.S. v/ho naint-p.in.'d p.n interest ±h tho
situp.tion of the Jews in Russia, v/p.s increased by this eniyra.t: on. '
Intenosted in it* a. Iso were Jewish ■ wo If arc and relief or.ya.nisa.-
iions in'the U.S. American interest in the situation of the
* * . • • • Jews in Russia, because of the•influence of that situation
• • on their ir.miyra.tion to tiie U.S., p.nd the fact that Anerican
Jev/s visifiny Russia, v/nre* beiny trea/cod in the same discrin-
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. inatory manner as Russian Jews v/ere treated, introduced the
"Jewish Question" into American-Russian relations. The
immigrants revealed the lot of the Jews in Russia to the U.'S.
Published news about anti-Jewi'sh pogroms‘occasioned protest*
meetings, anti-Russian press and public opinion in general,
and resulted in pressures on the legislatures and political •
parties.
Gradually there developed two levels of U.S.-Russian
relations. One was-that of American public opinion which
was anti-Russian"and saw in Russia a country which must
"civilize .itself.” The other level was'that of the State
Department., and especially of its officials who dealt with
Russia, and of American representatives or former representa
tives in Russia who were influenced by the official views-
prevailing there.
There was an increase in the number of Russian-born •
Jews in the U.S. who‘concentrated in the electorally important
State of New York. But there was also an increase in
American investments in Russia, which though relatively 'small,
looked no less important, to the-State Department. Bo while r * * * the Administration adopted, some of the 'official Russian views,
the legislative branch of the government was more influenced
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. by public opinion and by the views of their constituents.
The U.S. Congress adopted the popular anti-Russian views,
especially the Democrat-controlled House of Representatives,
which could in that‘way criticize the Republican Administra
tion. •
American Jews visited Russia for. various reasons.
Some of them v/ho were born in Russia or had relatives there
came to visit their former places of residence or the-ir
•relatives. There were .some v/ho just, wanted to visit .the
country or went through Russia to the Far East. But, in
most~'cases, -American Jews came to Russia for business. To
Americans, Russia was a "Terra incognita" with strange ways
of life, an unknown language and codntry. Russian-born
jews were the most suitable to represent American commercial
firms arid to promote trade between the two countries. They
knew both English and Russian, they knev/ Russia, had commer
cial experience and could compete there with the German.trade
then dominant in Russia. " .
A few American’Jews did visit Russia, but mueh greater
was the number of those v/ho-were refused'entry .visas by the • '* • * Russian consulates-’ in the U.S*. Russian’ consulates also . ’ refused to authenticate documents involving property rights •
• — • • • • * • in Russia in cases where the applicants were. Jev/s. . .
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American representatives in Russia were interested in
promoting friendly relations between the U.S. and Russia
and tried to overlook these "minor differences." They would
. have succeeded had they not been instructed by the State Depart
ment to deal with this "unpleasant" problem. The State Depart
ment was under constant pressure from American public opinion on
the issue, exercised mostly by American Jews.
American Jewish organizations could not do much to alter
the status of the Russian Jews. They succeeded only in getting
h. few congressional resolutions passed or raising protests or
expressions of sympathy. - No action followed the resolutions.
• These organizations could achieve more in matters where Ameri
can interests and rights were directly involved, i.e., the
• • * treatment of American Jev/s by the Russian Government concern
ing passports. This came to be known as the "passport
question" because of the numerous incidents of refusal to
vise American pcssports held by Jews. In time, the whole
* Russian-Jewish question became restricted and identified with
the "passport question" itself.
For American Jews, as well as for Russian official
circles, the "passport question" was more than just an in-
. volvement in the rights of American Jews themselves. Both'
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. saw in it the beginning of changes in the status of Russian
Jews. Russia could not for long keep exceptional laws for
its own Jews while treating American Jews as equal with the
"main population” That would encourage similar demands by
other powers: Great Britain, France, Germany, etc., and •**
would gradually destroy the whole building-up of exceptional
laws for Russian’Jews. That was what the American Jews
aimed at and what the Russian Government tried to prevent.
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NOTES *
1) U.S. Cong., 61st Cong. 2nd Sess., S. Doc. No. 357. Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols and Agreements between the United States and other Powers, 1776- 1909. Compiled by William M. Malloy, II, 1514-19.
2) Ibid., pp. 1527-31.
3) Ibid., pp. 1534-35.
4) Russia, Ministerstvo Finansov (Ministry of•Finance), Materialy k peresmotru russko-amerikanskovo torgovo’o dogovora (Materials to the review of the liussian-American Commercial Treaty), (St. Petersburg: 1912), Vol. 1, p. 2.
.The cited table was compiled from American sources.
5) HA, 711.612/37.
6) Joseph Jacobs, "Migration," Jewish Encyclopedia (N.Y.: 1904),. VIII, 584.
7) 'T/lad.. Vi1. Kaplun-Kogan, Die Juedischen Vfanderbewe- gungen in der Neusten geit (Bonn, a Rhein, 1919), p. 20.
Other sources gave a somewhat smaller number. .According to Joseph Samuel ("Jewish Immigration to the United States- from- 1881 to 1910," N.Y.: Columbia Univer sity, 1914. 209 pp.) the number of Jewish.immigrants from Russia to the U.S. during 1880-1910 was 1,119,059. (Accord ing to Kaplun-Kogan it was. 1,291,651.)'
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CHAPTER I
The Last Years of Alexander II (to March 1, 1881)
The First Cases of American Diplomatic Intervention (to 1875)
The discrimination against Jews in Tsarist Russia was
applied also to American Jews who wished to travel or do
business there. American Jews who were refused entrance
to Russia or who had been expelled from Russia complained
about it to American representatives in Europe or to the
State Department. The U.S. Legation in St. Petersburg
described the situation in its repoirts to the Department
of State, ahd letters of instruction were sent from the'
Department of State demanding action against this discrim
ination.
Naturalization of former Russian subjects in the-United
States v/as not recognized by the Russian authorities if their
emigration was without formal.Russian permission, as it was
in most cases. Non-performance of military service before
leaving Russia was considered by the Russian authorities as
an offepse against the Russian lav/s.
*• Such was the case of Mr. Bernard Bernstein, who was born
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in Russian Poland and emigrated to the U.S, in 1845 or
1846, owing military duty to Russia, was arrested in Russia in
October 1864 and imprisoned on a charge of having failed to
perform military service. He appealed to the Department of
State and they instructed the U.S. Legation at St. Petersburg
to secure his release, Mr. Bernstein was released but the
Department of State declined afterward to make any claims for
indemnity.^
A similar case occurred in-1866 when Benjamin-Goldberg,
a naturalized American citizen, was arrested and held for
military.service in Poland while on a visit there. Secretary
of State Yfilliam H. Seward instructed the U.S. Minister,
Cassius M. Clay (January 31, 1866) to inquire about that
arrest and to do what he could to obtain the release of
Mr. Goldberg.2)
Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, when asked in 1869
about the treatment of naturalized American citizens of ..
Russian origin-while visiting Russia, said:
"We have no special treaty with Russia on this subject, nor is this department informed as to her laws and practices in such cases. The friend- • ly disposition manifested by Russia, toward this government would lead to entertain the hope that its citizens, who conduct themselves properly in that country, would be allowed to travel therein v/ithout molestation."3) . •
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Another case was that of Mr. Theodore Rosenstraus, a
Jew, a naturalize'd American citizen, and an agent of various
American firms at" Kharkov. Mr. Rosenstraus wrote to Mr. Clay,
the U.S. Minister at St. Petersburg (December 2/14, 1865) that
he had been asked to leave Kharkov and was advised that with
out a "certificate of christening" he could not continue to
carry on business.there.^
On September 20 (October 2), 1873, he complained again
to Mr. Jewell, the American Minister at St. Petersburg, that
the local Russian authprities refused to renew his trade
license "by sole'reason of being of Hebrew religion," They
told him that only Russian Jews could do business in Kharkov,
and that foreign Jews "are not enjoying the same privilege."
Mr. Rosenstraus petitioned the U.S. Legation to bring his
case to the attention of the Russian Government in that his
faith "should not be made a crime," obstructing his otherwise
prosperous business enterprise.*^
On October 30, 1873,-Mr. Jewell brought the case to the
attention of Mr. Westmann, Imperial Minister for Foreign
Affairs ad interim, saying that:
"The United States of America tolerate all religious beliefs, making no distinctions whatsoever, they claim equal protection for all their citizens in their lawful enterprises, without regard to their
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religious principles, provided always that they obey the laws of the country in which they reside.
Mr. Jewell's report on the case to Mr. Fish stated:
"In conversation with Mr. de Y/estmann yesterday, in regard to this case, he remarked that he was 'tired of making these cases exceptional' , by which- I con clude that the law of the province in which Kharkoff is located is against Mr. Rosenstrauss in this matter...I have tried to impress upon the Russian Government both in my- conversation and my note that we demanded for American Hebrews the same treatment . and protection which the native Hebrews receive."7)
In another- report to Mr. Fish on December 15, 1873, .
Mr. Jewell stated that in his view American Jews.should not
be subject to any greater formality or difficulty in ob
taining trade licenses and certificates than native Jews.®)
There was much correspondence between the American
Legation at St. Petersburg and the Russian Foreign Office
and State'Department on this. A-note from the Russian
Foreign Office on January.27, 1874 specified that Mr. Rosen-
• straus would be allowed to remain in Kharkov and carry on
his business if he would provide himself with a certificate
of a merchant of the first guild.
The case was temporarily closed, but reappeared again
a few years later.
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A different kind of situation v/as described in a
repoi't from Mr. Jewell to Mr. Fish on May 5, 1874. • •.
• • • • An ‘American citizen, a certain Mr. Gordon} who was in
St. Petersburg, wanted to marry a Russian Jev/ess, Mis. Topaz.
• • Mrs. Topaz v/as ordered to leave St~. Petersburg because she
belonged to the Jewish faith. General Trepoff,.the
prefect of the city, replied to Mr. Jewell's note saying
that permission to stay in St. Petersburg would be given to
her only if she would become Christian. Mrs. Topaz did not
object to changing her faith and it was agreed that one month
would be given to her to convert, but if she failed to do so
she v/ould be compelled to leave St. Petersburg at the end of
that month.
The years 1860-1870 were still years when not many
American Jews came to Russia. The complaints that came-to
the attention of-the U.S. representatives were sparse and
the demands for "granting rights" relatively mo'dest. That _
v/as still in the "liberal period" of Alexander II, and the
.hopes for changes in. the situation of the Russian.Jews were
still great, hopeJs that would very soon be abandoned.
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• •
The First Two Reports ’ About Russian Jews . • • •
American representatives in Russia began to take ah
• • • interest-in the Jews of Russia. A "Memorandum on the legal
Position of the Hebrews in Russia" was sent by the Charg^
d*Affaires ad interim, Eugene Schuyler, to Secretary of
State Hamilton Fish, on September 29, 1872.
Mr. Schuyler declared that the Jews in Russia were
considered to be an alien race, subject to all the burdens,
but enjoying few of the privileges of the Russian subjects.
They were under special supervision of the government and
were restricted in their place of residence, occupations,
acquisition of property, ways of life, dress, education and
manner of worship.
Jews were permitted to live only in the Kingdom of
Poland and in the Western Provinces of Russia. They were
. forbidden to live in the rest of the Empire. Exceptions to’ • • these prohibitions, were made in favor of "education, riches
and'mechanical arts.". Jews who had a university degree
• . .and merchants of the first guild were permitted to live in
any city in Russia and to take with tjhem their families,
domestics and clerks. A law of 1868 permitted Jewish .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. artisans also to live anywhere in Russia.
Jews could not become officers in the Army but were
recruited into military service much more rigidly than the
rest of the population.
Jews were given only a small' restricted representa
tion in the elective organs of local self-government.
Non-Christians could not constitute more than one-third of
the elected members of self-governed institutions like
municipalities. In towns like Berdichev or Zhitomir, where
nine-tenths of the inhabitants were Jews, the town was
governed by the very small Christian minority.
Conversion from one faith to another, except to the Greek
Orthodox faith, was liable to heavy punishment)
The memorandum of Eugene Schuyler published in FOREIGN
RELATIONS of 1872 portrayed to the State Department, and also
to the American public, the picture of the conditions of
the Jews in Russia. Ur. Schuyler gave in his memorandum
various opinions, using Russian-Jewish publications as well
as the official Russian one. His main sources were the
Russian laws and regulations regarding Jews.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. . Mr, Schuyler kept an interest in -the conditions of
the Jews in Russia. Another report on the subject v/as
sent by him to Secretary of State Fish on March 15, 1875, .
when he was again Charge d*Affaires ad interim in St. Pet
ersburg. Mr. Schuyler informed the Secretary about a
commission 'to consider a scheme to improve the conditions
of the Jews. V/ith the letter was enclosed an abstract'
of a report made to the commission by Mr. Gi’igoriev, who
was presented by Schuyler as a well known Orientalist, a
university professor and "director of the press."12) .
The report accused the Jews of not wishing to e;:ist
by the same means as the rest of the population of Russia.-
Russia was an agricultural country but in spite of that,
the Jews never became agriculturists, and the attempts of .
the government to make them farmers had always failed.
The report did not say why such attempts failed.
It stated that instead of occupying themselves with
the manufacture of local raw materials, Jews in White Russia
occupied themselves o.nly with the distillation of spirits
because of the possibility of- obtaining "illegal gains."
The majority of the Jews 'were middlemen, and the influence
that they acquired made buying and selling impossible with-
put their aid. Jews did not obey the laws of the State and
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. they all helped one another to escape punishment. Those
• of them who*lived on the frontier were engaged in smuggling.
According to the report, the main problem of the commission
was h'ow to change the Jews from "parasites into producers."
Mr. Grigoriev concluded that it would be dangerous for
the Russians to permit Jews to immigrate into greater Russia
He said that the Jews were not always like this and were not
so in other countries at that time.
"The great cause of their present position is chiefly owing to their selfish, ignorant and fanatical leaders. Freed from their oppressions the mass may become re-educated and renowned. To show how this problem of our
Mr. Schuyler’s first report gave the legal situation
of the Jews in Russia; the second gave the official anti-
Semitic Russian views about them. The reports were written
by an "enlightened" person in the era of a "liberal"
Emperor. The author believed that "re-education" and
"renewal" of the Jews, and their emancipation from their
leaders would change them for the better. To say the same
in clearer language: The emancipation of the Jews from
their Rabbis and their faith, and theix* conversion to the
Greek-Orthodo:i Church would halt their being "harmful" and
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"exploiters." The end v/as always the sane, but the ways
to achieve it changed from tine to tine. The "reaction
ary" Nicolai I tried to accomplish it by oppression; the
"liberal".Alexander II found the way of gradual"re-education"
more effective.
"The Commission to Improve the Condition of ‘the Jews"
accused them of "separatism" and "exploitation" of the
"dominant population." Its purpose was to find ways'and
means to avert "separatism." However, the proposals made
were not how to improve but how to make more difficult the
lives of the "obstinate Jev/s" who did not accept "the true
faith." Proposals to permit the residence of Jews through
out the whole of Russia were also-made but were not reported
by the U.S. Legation.
1376 - March 1, 1881
The case of Mr. Rosenstraus v/as revived in 1879 by his
wanting to purchase and hold real estate in Kharkov. The
American Consulate General in St. Petersburg replied to his
request on March 8, 1079, saying:
"Your position...seem to be...the same as the like faith in Kharkoff. If, therefore, the laws nowin force in Kharkoff prohibit those of Jewish faith from purchasing property in Kharkoff, then you are prohibited."14;
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This case v/as the subject of correspondence^between
the American Legation in St. Petersburg and .the State Depart
ment until 1883.
In 1879, Representative Samuel 3. Cox of New York used
it as an example of the necessity to amend the Treaty of
Commerce and Navigation between the U.S. and Russia. His
resolution passed in the House of Representatives but failed
to pass the S e n a t e . ^6)
An appeal concerning the treatment of Jews in Russia
made by the Union of American Hebrew Congregations brought
about an instruction by Secretary of Sta.te Svarts to the
U.S. Minister in Russia, John F. Foster, on April 14, 1880,
which read:
"You are sufficiently well informed of the liberal sentiments of this government to perceive that whenever any pertinent occasion may-arise its attitude must always be in complete harmony with the principle of extending all rights and privileges, without distinction on account of creed, and cannot fail, therefore, to conduct any affair of business or negotiation with the government to which you are accredited, which may involve any expression of the views of this government on this subject, in a manner which will observe the interests of religious freedom. It would, of course, be inadmissable for the—govern- - ment of the United States to approach the government of Russia in criticism of its laws and regulations, except so far as such laws and regulations may injuriously affect citizens of this country, in violation of natural rights,.treaty obligations or
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the provisions of international law, but it is desired that the attitude of the minister as regards questions of diplomatic controversy, v/hich involve an expression of view on this subject may be wholly consistent with the theory on v/hich this government v/as founded." 17)
In 1S80, an American citizen named Henry Pinkos v/as
expelled from St. Petersburg. The notice from ISvarts to
Foster, June 28, 1880, pointed out that expulsion on no other
grounds than religion must be protested.1®) This also pro
voked mucn correspondence between St. Petersburg and
Washington.
A Mr. Max Wilczynski, an American citizen, was ordered
to leave St.. Petersburg, "the reason alleged for said order
being that he was a Jew." Foster wrote about this on
October 7/19, 1880 to Baron Jamini asking that Mr. Wilczynski
be permitted to return to Russia to prosecute his business
engagements. Permission v/as given and Wilczynski v/as allowed
to return and-temporarily to sojourn in St. Petersburg.^®)
On October 22, 1880, Assistant Secretary of State John
Hay sent the following directive to Mr. Foster:
"Your course appears to have been discreet, and it is hoped that you will press your representations • to the successful establishment of the principle of religious toleration for our citizens peaceably residing or traveling abroad, v/hich we, as a nation, have such a deep interest in- maintaining."21)
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On December 30, 1880, Foster reported to Evarts on
•his long conversation with Mr. de Giers, the Russian Foreign
Minister, and with General Melikov, Minister of the Interior,
saying:
"In the course of the conversation I stated that while the object of the interview v/as to obtain proper recognition of the rights of American Jews, my government took a deep interest in the ameliora tion of the condition of the Jewish race in other nations, and I was satisfied that it would be highly gratified at the statement of the Minister that a commission was now considering the question of the modification in a liberal sense of the Russian laws regarding the Jews. The experience of the United States had amply shown the wisdom of removing all discriminations against them in the laws, and of placing this race upon an equal footing with all other citizens.
"Mr. de Giers said he sympathized fully in theory with the view taken by my government, as most in consonance with the spirit of the age. But in Russia the subject could not be tre.ated as an ab stract question. A long series of legislative acts and regulations, the strong prejudices of the masses of the Russian people, the bad chax*acter of great numbers of the Jewish race, and various other poli tical and social circumstances had to be taken into cons iderat ion.
"...I replied that I recognized the difficulty the Russian government had in treating the subject so long as the laws existed, but would not the'abroga tion of the 'laws proscribing the Jews as such be the easiest way of solving the.difficulty? By placing them on the same footing as other inhabitants, they would not then be a proscribed race, and they would be punishable as others for bad conduct. Such a course would be highly gratifying to the United States, and I hoped this government would at no distant day see its way clear to take such a step.
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' I v/as aware of no lav/ of the United States which limited the rights of its inhabitants on account of race or religion."
Mr. Foster described the Russian lav/s applying to the
entrance of foreigners in Russia and the arrangements pro
posed by the Russians in regard to American Jews who wanted
to visit Russia, which X’ead:
"Under Russian lav/ no foreigner can reside in this- . country longer than si:: months upon his national passport, as after that date he must obtain the consent of the Russian government, v/hich claims and exercises the right of refusing its consent at its will. Under the arrangement proposed as to American Jev/s, the only distinction in fact between them and other American residents is that a special application in their case would have to be made through the Legation, the object being, I infer, to have its indorsement of the legitimacy of their business as well as of their citizenship - a kind of guarantee of their good conduct, a matter v/hich it might be at times difficult to give."22)
A directive from Evarts to Foster 6n March 3, 1881,
instructed the Minister to intervene on behalf of Jews in
Russia not because they were Jews, no matter how deep his
sympathy might be with them, but because they were American
citizen.s and the aim of the American Government was to
protect its own citizens.33^
American representatives in Russia were successful in
bringing about an improvement in the. treatment of American
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Jews in 'individual dases, but had no success in amending
the Russian lav/s in order th solve the problem as a whole
and had little influence on the policies of the Russian
government towards the Russian Jews.
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.N 0 T E -S
1) U.S. Cong., 42nd Cong., 3rd Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 197. Message of President Grant, February 8, 1873. 6- pp.
2) /FR, 1866, pt. 17. Executive Documents. Printed by order of the House of Representatives during the second session of the 39th Congress, 1866-67 (Vfashington: 1867), pp. 391-92.
3) Termination, p. 105, citing Moore * s Digest, Vol. Ill, 453, p. 623.
4.) U.S. Cong., 47th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. No. 192 (May 2, 1882), Condition of Israelites in Russia, p. 16.
5) Ibid., PP . 8-9
6) Ibid., P. 9.
7 > Ibid., P. 8. 8) Ibid., P. 11.
9) Ibid., P. 16. Bearers of such certificates were required to pay higher taxes - a thousand roubles a year and up.
10) Ibid., pp. 17-19.
11) FR.' 1872, pp. 498-503.
12) Ibid., 1875, Vol. 2, p. 1054. Grigoriev was influenced by the "Book of Kahal" by Brafman.
About the Commission see: Dubnow, Russia, Vol. II, pp. 190-98.
13) Ibid., pp. 1054-57.
14) Ibid., 1879, p. 923.
15) NA, Instructions, Russia, 16: 285-86, 294, 310-11, 318-20, 329-30. .
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1G) Termination, p. 304, citing AJYB 5670, 1909-10, pp. 21-2211 (46th Cong., 1st Sess., II. Res. 77. June 11, 1879)
17) FR, 1880, p. 873.
18) Ibid., pp. 875-76.
19) Ibid., pp. 873-81.
20) Ibid., pp. 990-93, 1004-5.
21) NA, Instructions, Russia,16:166-67.
22) FR, 1881, pp. 996-1002. Another report on the same subject sent by Foster to Svarts on December 21, 1880. Ibid., pp. 1005-6.
23) Ibid., pp. 1007-8.
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CHAPTER II
1881-1892: Years of Pogroms, Expulsion and Mass Emigration
The Tsar Alexander II was assassinated by revolution
ists on March 1, 1881. The reaction which came with
Alexander III (1881-1894) had its effect on the attitude
toward the Jews. They were blamed for the assassination
of Alexander II, in which a Jewess played a minor role.
Spring 1881 v/as a time of pogroms in the southwest of
Russia. The U.S. Minister, Foster, reported on the pogroms
to the Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, on May 24, 1881.
Mr. Foster, influenced by the views of the Russian officials,
adopted their versions of the reasons for the pograms.
The report stated that the Russians viewed the pogroms
as an internal Russian problem, which v/as of no concern to
any foreign government, and that the Russian Government v/as
not guilty of them. On the contrary, the pogroms were
suppressed by the Imperial Army and the "participants in
the disorders" were arrested.^
A few persons were arrested after the pogroms for robbery
and murder, but they received slight punishment. Severe
punishment was given to Jews for defending themselves. As
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fo^the investigation of the causes for the pogroms, a
commission was appointed and instructed to find out which
activities of the Jews "were injurious- to the original
population."
As well as the pogroms were considered to be an
internal Russian problem, so were the lav/s that discrimin
ated against Jews, and the U.S. could protest only in cases
where American citizens were involved, However, in Foster’s
report to Blaine, July 14, 1881, he declared that the treaty
between the U.S. and Russia was more favorable to the U.S.
than Russia's treaties with other nations, and that American
Jews were treated better there than Jews of other nations.^
Secretary of State Blaine had access to other sources
for information about the situation in Russia. He did not
share the official Russian view and had less confidence in
the "good intentions" of the Russian government. On
July 29, 18S1, he wrote at length on it to Foster giving long
historical and analytical reviews on the attitude of the
Russian government to foreigners in general, and to American
Jews in particular, and on the history of the Jews in Russia.
He explained the U.S.-Russian Treaty of 1832 and the commer
cial privileges of the citizens or subjects of the countries
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v/hich were included in that treaty. According to Blaine,
obligations of a treaty could not be limited by operations
of domestic laws. The U.S. concluded treaties with foreign
states for the equal protection of all its citizens and any
discrimination against American citizens "would call for
our earnest remonstrance, whether a ti’eaty existed oi' not."
Mr. Blaine said that he looked more to the spirit of
the treaty with Russia than to its verbal text and that the
treaty should be interpreted in the broadwest way even if
technically there were no clear definitions about the rights
of American Jews. The U.S. could not accept any construction
of a treaty that discriminated against American citizens on
account of their faith.
Mr. Foster v/as absent from St. Petersburg and Mr. Hoffman
delivered this dispatch to Mr. de Giers. Mr. de Giers* reply
held that from the legal point' of view in the treaty of 1832,
the words "on condition of their submitting to the laws and
ordinances there prevailing" subjected American Jews to the
treatment of native Jews.-)
Mr. Michael Bartholomie, the Russian Minister in the
U.S. wrote to Secretary of State Blaine on May 16/28, 1881,
that it came* to -his knowledge that a Jewish deputation asked
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. him to intervene on behalf of the Jev/s in Russia and that
his reply was in accordance with' their wishes. Mr. Bartho-
lomie asked to be informed what steps would be taken on that
matter.5^
Mr. Blaine replied to Mr. Bartholomie in a lengthy
letter on July 20, 1881. He quoted a former instruction
which had been sent to Mr. Foster on April 14, 18S0.
American Jews were protected, he wrote, not because they
might or might not be Jev/s, but because they were Ameri
cans.5 )
On June 22, Mr. Blaine sent a confidential letter to
Mr. Foster, in which he enclosed copies of his correspondence
with Mr. Bartholomie. Mr. Blaine referred in his letter to
the Resolution of the U.S. House of Representatives on
June 11, 1879, in relation to the treatment of American Jev/s
in Russia. The Resolution read that if the existing treaties
be found to discriminate against American citizens, the
President v/as requested to take immediate action to have the
treaties so amended as to remedy that grievance. The
resolution did not pass the Senate but was "regarded as
formulating a national sentiment on -the matter, which the
President is well disposed to follow." Mr. Foster v/as asked
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to d'iscuss the matter with other foreign representatives
in Russia, and especially with the British Ambassador.^)
British Jews were also discriminated against in
Russia. Hr. Blaine projected a joint Anglo-American
action against discrimination and wrote, in part, as
follows to James Russel Lowell, the U.S. Minister in
London, November 22, 1881:
"It was perfectly clear to the late President that an amelioration of the treatment of American Israel ites in Russia could only result from a very decided betterment of the condition of the native Hebrews,- that any steps taken toward the relief of one would necessarily result in favor of the other,- and that, under all the peculiar and abnormal aspects of the case, it is competent and proper to urge upon Russia action in consonance with the spirit of the age. To his successor in the Chief Magistracy, these conclu sions are no less evident. And I am charged by the President to bring the subject to the formal attention of Her Brittanic Majesty's Government, in the firm belief that the community of interests between the United States and England in this great question of civil rights and equal tolerance of creed for their respective citizens in foreign parts, will lead to consideration of the matter, with a view to common action thereon. Should the views of the two govern ments be found to agree herein, it would seem, moreover, a propitious time to initiate a movement v/hich might also embrace other powers whose service in the work of progress is commensurate with our own, to the end that Russia may be beneficially influenced by their cummulative representations."®)
On December 15, 1881, Mr. Lowell reported to Mr. Blaine
on his "conversation with Lord Granville, the British Foreign
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Minister, with regard to the treatment of the Jev/s in Russia:
"He said that Her Majesty’s Government would always be most happy to act in consent with that of the United States on any question regarding religious liberty. As respected the particular case of the Jews in Russia, urged in your dispatch, it naturally embraced two topics for consideration: 1st the rights already obtained under treaty; and, 2nd, the further amelioration of the condition of the Jews in Russia that might be obtained by treaty or other methods. V/ith regard to the former, Her Majesty’s Government was still in consultation with the lav/ officers of the Crown. In respect to the latter, judicious action might be useful, but any measures taken without due consideration might have a con trary effect to that intended. On this subject he desired to have the fullest communication with the United States Government, and would carefully con sider the dispatch before giving formal answer.”9)
There v/as no British cooperation on the matter. Glad
stone's cabinet v/as interested in establishing friendly
relations betv/een Great Britain and Russia and did not find
it advisable to introduce a problem which would make the
establishment of such relations more difficult.
1S82
The pogroms spread from Southwest Russia to West Russia.
On February 1, 1882, Mr-. Rav/icz, the U.S. Consul at Warsaw,
sent to Mr. Hoffman, U.S. Charge* d*Affaires at St. Petersburg,
at the request of the latter, a "Brief Acoount of the Last
Riots at Warsaw." After a description of the events, in
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. which he tried to show the attempts.of the Catholic clergy
to avoid these riots, he said:
"It is the general conviction here, and there is not the least doubt in the truth of it, that this evil propensity was totally unknown here but... was brought over from the main source, but which, notwithstanding the antipathy towards the Jews, •fortunately did not take deep root."-*-®'
The "main source", of course, were the Russian authori
ties. The views of the Tsar Alexander III about these
pogroms could be exemplified by his remarks. When reading
the reports of the Governor-General of Warsaw, in which
reference v/as made to the suppression of the pogroms by
military force, Alexander III added the following note:
"This is the sad thing in all these Jewish disorders.
The report of the Consul at Warsaw was sent by Mr. Hoff
man to Secretary of State Frelinghuysen on February 14, 1882.
Mr. Hoffman commented about the Consul at Y/arsaw, saying:
"Mr. Rav/icz is a banker, and a gentleman of intelligence and experience, and I have much confidence in the soundness of his judgment and the accuracy of his statements-."12;
Mr. Rav/icz v/as a converted Jew and did not particularly
like Jews.
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A case which pointed up the ignorance of the Jewish
religion on the part of the Russian authorities, as well
as the American Charge d1Affaires, v/as reported by Hoffman
to Frelinghuysen.
James G. Moses, a resident of New York, born in Germany
and taken to the U.S. when a young child, received permission
to enter Russia because, as he said, he was not "one of those
Talmud Jews," but he belonged to "the American Reformed Church,
known in Russia as the Karaim J e w s . " - ^ )
Mr. Hoffman stated in his report that,
" It appears that the Karaim or Reformed Jews are of a superior class, and have never given the Russian Government any trouble or been found en rolled among the Nihilists."14)
Reports about pogroms in Russia were published in the
American press, and a resolution introduced in the House of
Representatives by Mr. 3. S. Cox of New York on January 26,
1382, asked the President of the United States to communicate
to the House all the correspondence between the Department of
State and the U.S. Minister at St. Petersburg, relating to
the expulsion of American Jews from Russia and to the per
secution of Jews t h e r e . I®) The resolution was reported back
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favorably by the Committee on Foreign Affairs and passed
on January 30, 1882.
In response to that resolution, President Arthur trans
mitted to the House of Representatives the diplomatic
correspondence with Russia concerning Jews.-^)
Similar resolutions asking the President of the United
States to report to the House of Representatives about the
treatment of Jews in Russia were introduced in the House of
18 *) Representatives by Mr. Cox on July 31, 1882, ' and on
February 19, 1883. The resolution of February 19 v/as
reported back favorably by the Committee on Foreign Affairs
and passed on February 23, 1883.-®-°)
The above-mentioned resolutions ai'oused the interest of
the State Department in the situation of the Jews in Russia.
Secretary of State Frelinghuysen instructed Mr. Hoffman on
the matter as follows on April 15, 1S82:
"This instruction devolves a delicate duty upon you, and a wide discretion is given you in its execution. Hov/ever, much this republic may disapprove of affairs in other nationalities, it does not conceive that it is its right or province officiously and offensively to intermeddle. If, however, it should come to your knowledge that any citizens of the United States are made victims of this persecution, you will feel it your duty to omit no effort to protect them, and to report such cases to this Department,"20'
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Mr. Hoffman reported to Mr. Frelinghuysen on April 29,
1882, giving in his letter a description of the pogrom in
Balta, South Russia, and about his conversation with Count
Ignatiev, who became Interior Minister in May 1881.
Mr. Hoffman wrote that he was satisfied that the Russian
government was "truly anxious to put a stop to these riots."
Count Ignatiev informed him that the provincial committees
unanimously recommended the expulsion of the Jews from
Russia.*" '
Pogroms were only one manner of making life for the
Jew in Russia difficult, if not appalling. Legal restric
tions were another no less effective way of achieving the
same. The already existing numerous restrictions were
added to by "Temporary Regulations" on May 3, 1882 (effect
ive to 1917). The new rules forbade new Jewish settlers to
live outside of towns and hamlets. Jews were forbidden to
own or purchase real estate, farms or merchandise outside 22) the towns and hamlets. '
The definition "v/ho was a new settler" v/as left to the
local authorities, and in some places even a lease renewal
v/as considered as a new settlement. Sometimes a Jew who went
to tov/n for the holidays was refused to continue to live in
his place of residence because he was considered a "nev/comer."
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Only small groups of Jews v/ere allowed to live outside the
Pale of Settlement.
Count Ignatiev v/as replaced in the Interior Ministry
by Count Tolstoi on May 30, 1832. Tolstoi, who v/as more
conservative, was opposed to disorders of any kind. Riots
against Jews might turn into riots against land owners and
the government itself. He preferred keeping strictly the
already existing laws which limited the rights of Jev/s,
closed to them various occupations, and restricted their
living outside the cities of the "Jewish Pale of Settlement."
Yfithout "permission" from the abov^ there v/ere no more
pogroms.
A circular from the new Minister of Interior to the
Governors and Police Chiefs was sent by Mr. Hoffman to
Mr, Frelinghuysen on July 1, 1882. The circular held
the local officials responsible for any riots. Mr. Hoffman
stated that the circular clarified the fact that the Russian
government wanted sincerely to stop all violence tov/ards
Jev/s .^3)
More and more refugees left Russia and came to the U.S.
Public opinion v/as aroused against the persecution of Jews
in Russia. President Chester A. Arthur mentioned the
situation of the Jev/s in Russia in his annual message to the
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Congress on December 4, 1882:
"It has prompted me to proffer the earnest counsels of this government that measures be adopted for suppressing the persecution which the Hebrew race in that country has lately suffered. It has not transpii’ed that any American citizen has been sub jected to arrest or injury, but our courteous remonstrance has nevertheless been courteously received. There is reason to believe that the time is not far distant when Russia will be able to secure toleration to all faiths within her borders...”24)
1883-1890
The 1880's saw the beginning of the great exodux of
Russian Jews to the U.S., the number of emigrants increasing
from year to year. Mr. William II. Hunt, who in April 18S2
became U.S. Minister to Russia, made an investigation of the
Jewish question and reported on it in detail to Secretary of
State Frelinghuysen on November 6, 1883 ("Conditions of Public
Affairs and Opinion in Russia and the Jev/s in the Empire.") ,25)
Mr. Alphonso Taft became U.S. Minister to Russia in
July 1884. On December 18, 1884, Secretary Frelinghuysen
v/rote to him that Representative Cox addressed the Depart
ment about an order by the Russian Minister of Interior to
expel from Odessa and other cities all the Jews who held
foreign passports, unless they also held "permits of residence."
Secretary "Frelinghuysen asked the Minister to request exemption
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of American Jev/s from that order.
Answering that instruction, Mr. Taft reported to
Secretary Frelinghuysen on January 17, 1885, that permits
of residence v/ere required of all foreigners but v/ere
generally refused to Jev/s. Mr. Taft gave examples of the
attitudes of Germany and England, which submitted to the
discrimination of their Jewish citizens.^7)
The reply from the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
on March 5/17, 1884, denied any orders of expulsion of
foreign Jev/s and refused to mahe any exemptions from the
9 ON general regulations in favor of American Jev/s.
The elections of 1884, after many years of a Republican
Administration, resulted in a Democratic Administx-ation when
Grovei’ Cleveland v/as elected President of the United States.
Mr. Lothrop, who became Minister to Russia in January 1886,
l’eported to Secretary of State Bayard about the status of
American Jev/s visiting Russia. He said that the laws of
Russia forbade them to enter into or dwell there, and that
all efforts to modify these laws in favor of American citizens
v/ere without success.
"There is now no probability of any such modification. Indeed, there seems now to be a revival of strictness
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in enforcing the restrictions. Strict orders have been issued to Russian officials abroad not to visa the passports of any persons recognized as foreign Jev/s. The object is to turn all such persons bad; at the frontier, and thus prevent their entering into the Empire. If, however, any get through, their passports are subjected to renewed scrutiny in all large cities, and if they are recognized they are forthwith ordered to leave. The papers announce that only a few days ago English Jews, one of them a member of Parliament, v/ere pei'emptorily expelled at Moscow.
"On August 29 a most respectable Hebrew merchant of New York...who was traveling in Russia as a tourist with his family...v/as ordered to leave the city that night. He came to me immediately and I...filed a protest.. .and the order of expulsion v/as revoked..."^9'
No action by the State Department v/as taken.
Another report on the treatment of Jews in Russia v/as
sent by Mr. Lothrop to Secretary of State Bayard on Novem
ber 29, 1387. The report stated that several naturalized
American citizens had been notified that they must leave
Russia by the end of the year. They appealed to Mr. Lothrop,
who replied that it v/as "a matter wholly within the domain
of Russian Lav/, so long as foreign Jews of all nationalities
were treated alike, and no discrimination made against
American citizens.”30)
Representative Cox submitted a House resolution on
January 8, 1884 asking the President of the U.S. to transmit
to the House of Representatives all communications betv/een
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the U.S. and Russia concerning conditions and treatment of
Jews in Russia, especially with reference to American Jews.
The resolution was referred to the Committee on Foreign O] \ Affairs, reported back and adopted on February 25, 1884.°
Another resolution v/as proposed by Representative Cox on
December 20, 1886.32^
A similar resolution, amended and modified after many
proposals, some of them extremely anti-Russian, was reported
by the Committee on Foreign Affairs on August 13, 1890.33)
The resolution passed the House of Representatives on
August 20, 1890.®^) In response to that resolution,
President Harrison transmitted to the House of Representa
tives a report of Secretary of State Blaine which included
the diplomatic correspondence on the subject up to that
date.35)
The Republicans returned to power in 1888, the situation
of Jews in Russia was still the same, news about it reached
the U.S. and numerous letters and telegrams of inquiry were
sent to the State Department. The reports sent by the
Legation in St. Petersburg endeavored to deny all the "rumors"
about expulsions or strict enforcement of existing restrictive
l a w s . 3 ® ) •
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Charles Emory Snith sewed as U.S. Minister to Russia
since February 1390. As did his predecessors, he denied
all "rumors" concernin'--; the situation of the Jev/s in Russia,
and adopted the official Russian view on the subject. This
was clearly reflected in his report to Secretary Dle.ine on
September 25, 1290, which, rea.d:
!! TrX_ou have been advised by previous dispatches from JUthis 1 Legation that the published rumors of new proscription nea.sures, .or the revival and oppressive a.pplica.tion of old arid obsolete edicts, aye.inst the Hebrew residents arid subjects of the Russian Empire are decla.red by the Russie.n Government to be entire ly groundless. Uotv/ithsta.ndiny the authoritative denial of these reports, they still crop up from time to time, and arc persistently repeated with a deyrec of circumsta.uce well calculated to crea.te the impression tha.t they have some foundation of fact."37)
Secretary Rlaine did not share these views. In a.
conference with Hr. Jacob II. Schiff on December 30, 1390, he
told hi::1, tha.t he hnew the reports submitted by Snith were
incorrect, "but the latter wa.s an honora.ble man who had simply
been deceived."The preva.iliny views about Russia yre.du
ally che.nyed. Stories by Russian Jev/s cominy to the U.S.
were published in the newspapers. A series of articles by
Georye Kennan in CEUTUEY Magazine dux-iny 1333-1890 describee!
the manner of ba.nishiny people to Siberia., a.nd of the situa.tion
prevailing in Russie.n- prisons and courts. These a.rticles,
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later published as a book,*^®^ stimulated anti-Russian feeling
in the U.S.
1891
The years 1883-1890 passed with little interest displayed
in the U.S. on the treatment of Jews in Russia. Strict en
forcement of discriminatory laws increased the emigration to
the U.S. butthis was not sensational material for the press. » In the absence of instructions on the question, the American
representatives in Russia, who did not themselves have any
particular interest in the matter, reported very little on it.
Mr. Smith, the U.S. Minister in St. Petersburg, who
had adopted the official Russian attitude, complained in his
report of January 7, 1891 to Secretary of State Blaine that he
was "misunderstood in some quarters," and that the reason for
this was the "inattentive reading" of his report of Septem
ber 25, 1890. He then quoted the report which stated that
all the "published rumors" about the Jews in Russia were
"entirely groundless." He quoted also the British Undersecre
tary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Ferguson, who stated
the same thing in the British Parliament on August 7, 1890.
Mr. Smith denied any new lav/s or measures taken against the
Jews in Russia.^®)
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Enforcement of the numerous existing restrictive lav/s
roused, concern in U.S. public opinion, where the views v/ere
quite different from those of Mr. Smith. Resolutions con
cerning the Jews in Russia were introduced in the House of
Representatives and referred to the Committee on Foreign
Affairs. The Committee did not report back all of them but
reported some in an amended form, or reported substitute
Resolutions. The resolutions said that the House had heard
with sorrow about the persecutions of the Jews in Russia and
suggested that the American Minister in St. Petersburg present 41} copies of the resolutions to the Russian government. '
As instructed, Mr. Smith had a conversation with the
Russian Foreign Minister de Giers about the Jev/s in Russia
and reported on it to Secretary of State Blaine on February 10,
1891.
Mr. de Giers asserted that the expulsion of Jev/s from the
villages v/as "a measure of self protection," because the Jews
"monopolised" the saloons and the mills there in such a manner
that all operations of production and sale must go through
their hands. He recognized that the Jev/s suffered hardships
and had much sympathy for them, but he v/as more interested in
protecting his own people. In that connection, he mentioned
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the restrictions on the proportion of Jews permitted to
enter schools and said that if they had unlimited access
to education they would absorb all the professions within
themselves. Another reason given by him for the restric
tions was that among the educated Jews were to be found 42) many of the Nihilists.
Secretary Blaine was not satisfied with Ur. Smith's
explanations and on February 18, 1891, wrote to him on the
effect of that situation on immigration to the U.S. No
new edicts affecting Jews had been promulgated, but there
were new interpretations and strict enforcement of existing
regulations. The forcing of Jews to leave villages, the
denial to certain classes of workers, formerly regarded as
artisans, of the right to live outside the Jewish Pale of
Settlement, the withdrawal of the right to pursue many
occupations, the denial of admission to schools and the
various actual expulsions, all contributed to the increase
in the emigration of Russian Jev/s to the U.S. The U.S. did
not dictate the internal policies of other nations, but being
interested in an efficiently controlled immigration, it had 43 } deep concern in the reason for it. J
The State Department v/as interested in information about
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the attitude and policy of Russia in respect to the Jewish
subjects of the Empire. Mr. Smith sent several dispatches
during the year 1891 on the matter.^)
On September 10, 1891, Baron Maurice de Hirsch founded
the Jewish Colonization Association (JCA) in Paris to promote
Jewish emigration from countries in which the Jews suffered
political and economic discrimination. Mr. Arnold Y/hite, his
representative, had visited Russia for a considerable length
of time in order to organize emigration to Argentina. Mr. Smith
had become interested in the colonization scheme, seeing in it
a partial solution to the problem of Russian Jews and a diver
sion of the emigration to countries other than the U.S.
Mr. Smith described his conversation with Mr. White in his
letter to Mr. Y/harton (State Department) of October 20, 1891.
Mr. Y/hite had informed him that the Jewish agricultural
communities in Russia presented successful results, and that
the Jev/ish farmers "attested their inclination and adaptability
to agricultural pursuits." This opinion was quite different
from those he had been getting. However, Mr. Smith was dis
appointed to learn that the project could take only 25,000 a
year, a small portion of the natural increase of the Russian
Jews.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54
Hr. Smith maintained his interest in the emigration
projects of Baron Hirsch and reported on them to Secretary
Hr. Y/urts’ (Secretary of the U.S. Legation in St. Peters-
burt) attitude toward the Jev/s in Russia v/as criticized in an
article by Harold Frederic in the NEW YORK TIMES of
September 14, 1891. The article described at length the
situation of the Jev/s in Russia, their legal restrictions
and persecution, and the views taken on the matter by some
of the American diplomats in Russia. It read:
"The Jewish case in Russia has been seriously prejudiced by the unfortunate attitude of the American representatives in St. Petersburg, and in at least one other Russian city. The present Secretary of Legation, Mr. YJurtz, and the Consul General Mr. Crawford, both enjoy the esteem of numerous polite circles in the Russian capital. Mr. Y/urtz is, indeed, in high request among the most fashionable people of St. Peters burg, and Mr. Crawford, who had translated the Finnish epic *Kalevala', was regarded with enthusiasm in Finland until the astounded Finns learned that he had joined the Slavonic Society, a political organization to whose intrigues Finland traces all her present troubles. But these two gentlemen have consistently sought to make their position pleasant in St. Petersburg by adopting an anti-Semitic tone, and, in cases which I could cite if necessary, by blackening the character of a distressed and harassed people who v/ere being driven wholesale from their homes in a town which neither had ever visited, or could even locate on a map.
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"Similarly, the United States Consul at Odessa, Dr. Ileenan, made the amazing statement in the WASHINGTON POST of July 25 that the English papers persistently misrepresented the case, and that ’there is no expulsion of native Hebrews; only foreign Jews are being expelled’, whereas I pledge myself that 12,000 Russian- born Jev/s have been expelled from the city of Moscow alone. That the great Republic of the New World should be served by men who range themselves thus lightly on the side of despotism when an issue is drawn'with ’life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness’, is one of the most melancholy features of this whole unhappy busi ness."
The article was sent by Wharton to Wurts,^®) and in
his reply, October 28, 1891, Wurts stated that the acts of
brutality on the part of'the Russian government had been
exaggerated.
A commission was sent to Europe by the Secretary of the
Treasury to investigate the causes for immigration to the
U.S. The commission's report dealt with the existing situa
tion of the Jews in Russia.
President Harrison v/as much impressed with the report
and requested that the Russian government be apprised of the
findings in the report. He also referred to this matter in
his annual message to Congress on December 9, 1891, and said:
"This Government has found occasion to express, in a friendly spirit, but with much earnestness,
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to the Government of the Czar, its serious concern because of the harsh measures now being enforced against the Hebrew in Russia, By the revival of anti-Semitic laws, long in abeyance, great numbers of those unfortunate people have been constrained to abandon their homes and leave the empire by reason of the impossibility of finding subsistence within the Pale to which it is sought to confine them. The immigration of those people to the United States - many other countries being closed to them - is largely increasing and is likely to assume proportions which may make it difficult to find homes and employment for them here and to seriously affect the labour market. It is estimated that over one million will be forced from Russia within a few years. The Hebrew is never a beggar; he has always kept the law - life by toil - often under severe and oppressive civil restrictions. It is also true that no race, sect or class has more fully cared for its own than the Hebrew race. But the sudden trans fer of such a multitude, under conditions that tend to strip them of their small accumulations and to depress their energies and courage, is neither good for them nor for us,
"The banishment, whether by direct decree or by not less certain indirect methods, of so large a number of men and women is not a local question, A decree to leave one’s country is, in the nature of things, an order to enter another - some other. This consideration, as well as the suggestions of humanity, furnishes amply ground for the remon strances which we have presented to Russia."^)
U.S. Congress and Jews in Russia (1892)
The situation of the Jews in Russia came up bdfore the
House of Representatives on January 5, 1892. Representa
tive Horse introduced "A Resolution of Sympathy with
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Persecuted Jews in .Russia" and called upon the government
to use its good offices to secure an amelioration of the
same.50)
1891-1892 were years of famine and pestilence in Russia.
The debate of January 6, 1892, in the House of Representatives
about "Relief of Suffering in Russia" concerned a proposal
to appropriate sums necessary for transportation to Russia of
foods contributed by people in the United States. The debate
mentioned the internal situation in Russia and particularly 51} that of the Russian Jev/s. '
The House of Representatives refused to appropriate the
necessary transportation funds and the conveyance of these
foods to Russia v/as made possible by private contributions.
Another resolution about conditions of the Jews in Russia
v/as introduced by Representative J. Logan Chipman of Michigan.
The Resolution asked the President to inform Congress whether
Russian laws and regulations concerning Jews subjected American
citizens to any restrictions v/hich violated the Treaty of 1832-
between the U.S. and Russia.3^) The resolution v/as referred
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and reported on April 6,
1892 (H. Rept. Ho. 1000).03)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. On June 10, 1892, Hr. Dungan of Ohio introduced a joint
resolution afreeting the President to sever diplomatic rela
tions with Russia until such time as that government should 54} cease discrimination against Jews because of their faith. 1
On June 21, 1892, House Resolution No. 8 "expressing
sympathy with the Russian Jews" was reported by the Committee
on Foreign Affairs. There was a debate on it but because of 55} the absence of a quorum no vote v/as taken. 1
The above-mentioned proposed resolutions and debates in
Congress were occasioned by the increase in number of Russian-
born Jews in the U.S. Some had acquired wealth and influence,
and because of this and their growth in numbers their opinions
became very important at election time. This v/as true in
1892 v/hen a Democratic Administration was again brought to
power. Host of the resolutions and addresses asked no more
than mere "expressions of sympathy." The State Department took
no action on them, but they were enough to make the Administra
tion realize that there was a public opinion which was interested
in this subject. The second Cleveland Administration took all
this into consideration and maintained interest in the issue.
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NOTES
1) FR, 1881, pp. 1019-21.
2) Ibid., pp. 1026-27.
3) Ibid., pp. 1030-36.
4) Ibid., p. 1037. (Hoffman to Blaine, October 8, 1881)
5) NA, Instructions, American Legation, London, 1881, p t . 2.
6) FR, 1880, p. 873.
7) NA, Instructions, Russia, Vol. 17. Also: FR 1880, p. 873.
8) HA, Instructions, London, part 2 (1881).
9) HA, Despatches, London, 2nd series, 26 (1881-83): 38-39.
About the British position, as officially stated by Lord Granville, see: Lucien Wolf, Notes on the Diplomatic His tory of the Jev/ish Question (London: 1919), p.5, 80-82.
See also: Alice F. Tyler, Foreign Policy of James G. Blaine (Minneapolis:1927), p. 276; Samuel F. Remis, editor, The American Secretaries of State and their Diplomacy (NY:Pageant Books, 1958), Vol. 7, p. 296.
10) FR, 1882, pp. 446-47.
11) Dubnow, Russia, II: 284 (Cited by permission of "The Jewish Publication Society of America.").
12) FR, 1882, p. 446.
13) Karaims or Karaim Jews. A Jewish sect that rejects the Jewish religion as expressed in the pQSt Biblical develop ment and claims to base its religion on the Bible (Old Testament) itself. Equal rights with the "main population" were given in Russia to the Karaims who as "non-Talmudic Jews" were "not guilty" for the crucifixion of Jesus. The Karaims, of course, had nothing to do with the Reformed Jev/s in the United States.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60
14) PR, 1882, p. 444.
15) U.S. Cong., 47th Cong., 1st Sess. Journal of the House of Representatives (Y/ashington: 1881), p. 396.
16) Ibid., p. 441
17) U.S. Cong., 47th Cong., 1st Sess. H. Ex. Doc. No. 192 (May 2, 1S82), "Condition of Israelites in Russia."
18) U.S. Cong., 47th Cong., 1st Sess. Journal of the House of Representatives (Washington: 1881), p. 1766.
19) Ibid., 2nd Sess. (Y/ashington: 1882), pp. 438, 471.
20) FR, 1882, p. 451.
21) Ibid., p. 452.
A report of Ignatiev to the Tsar on August 21, 1881 said that the pogroms "are only a method of self defense against economic exploitation. They are a traditional form of justice used by the masses." ("The Reaction of Moscow Businessmen to the anti-Semitic disturbances of 1881," Krasnyi Archiv, 14: 258).
About the pogrom at Balta see: Dubnow, Russia, II: 300-04. About the committees to inquire into the "injurious influence" of Jews upon Russia see: Ibid, II: 269-75.
22) U.S. Cong., 51st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. No. 470 (October 1, 1890), p. 129.
See also: NYT, August 24, 1890; Dubnow, Russia,II: 312.
23) FR, 1882, pp. 454-55.
The circular from Count Tolstoi was translated from the "Journal de St. Petersburg" of June 12/24, 1882.
24) FR, 1882, p. III.
25) NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 37.
Pages 5-13 of the (unpaged) despatch dealt with the situation of the Jews in Russia.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. G1
26) FR, 1835, p. 655..
27) Ibid.
23) Ibid., 1882, p. 657.
29) Ibid., 1836, p. 773.
30) FR, 18S8, pt. 2, pp. 1399-1400.
31) CR, 48th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 15, pt. 1, p. 279; pt. 2, p.T350.
32) U.S. Cong., 49th Cong., 2nd Sess. H, Mis. Doc, No. 42 (December 20, 1386), "Expulsion of Jews from Russia." (49th Cong., 2nd Sess., House Miscellaneous Documents, Vol. 1).
33) U.S. Cong., 51st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Rept. No.. 2961 (August 13, 1390), "Jews in Russia." (51st Cong., 1st Sess., The Reports of the Committees of the House of Representatives, Vol. 9).------—
34) U.S. Cong., 51st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. No. 470 (October 1, 1890), p. 1. (51st Cong., 1st Sess. House Executive Documents, Vol. 37).
35) Ibid., 142 pp.
36) NA, Instructions, Russia, 17: 665-66.
37) FR, 1890, pp. 701-2.
38) See: Cyrus Adler; Jacob LI. Schiff, His Life and Letters (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Co.,1929),. Vol. II, p. 114.
39) George Kennan, Siberia and the Exile System (H.Y.: 1391).
40) NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 42.
41) CR, 51st Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 22, pt; 1, p. 705.
See also: a) H. Rept., No. 3702, (February 5, 1891), "The Jews in Russia" (51st Cong., 2nd Sess., House Reports, Vol. 3).
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b) H. Mis. Doc. No. 103 /Report No. 37027 (February 5, 1891), "The Jev/s in Russia.1* (51st Cong., 2nd Sess., ' House Miscellaneous Documents, Vol. 1).
c) CR, 51st Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 22, pt. 3, p. 2219.
42) FR, 1891, pp. 734-737.
43) Ibid., p. 740.
44) Ibid., pp. 740; NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 42. F R , 1891, pp. 741-42.
45) Ibid., pp. 744-46; 1892, pp. 363-64, 379-80, 387-89; NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 42 (Smith to Blaine, December 17, 1891), Vol. 43 (Smith to Blaine, January 16, April 11 and 12, 1892; Wurts to Blaine, June 16 and July 17, 1892).
46) NA, Instructions, Russia, 17: 14-15 (October 15, 1891).
47) NA, Despatches, Russia-, Vol. 42.
48) U.S. Cong., 52nd Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 235, pts. 1-2, Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury Transmitting a Report of the Commissioners of Immigration tJpon the Causes v/hich Incite Immigration to the United States: Washington: 1892): Vol. 1. Reports of the Commissioners, 331 p. Vol. 2. Extracts from European Laws. Letters of U.S. Consuls, 111 p.
49) FR, 1891, p. XII - XIII.
50) CR 52nd Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 23, pt. 1, p. 130. The text oT the resolution given: Ibid., p. 172.
51) Ibid., pp. 158-77.
52) NA, Legislative Branch. Original House Resolutions 52nd Cong., 1st Sess., II. Res. No. 94 (February 29, 1892).
53) Ibid., H. Rept. Ho. 1000 (To accompany H. Res. 94), "Anti-Jewish Laws of Russia." (April 6, 1892).
54) Ibid., II. Res. No. 140.
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55) CR, 52nd Cong., 1st. Sess.', Vol. 23, pt. 7, p. 6533. See also_TThe accompanying House Report: U.S. Cong., 52nd Cong., 1st Sess., II. Rept. No. 1177. (52nd Cong., 1st Sess. The Reports of the Committees of the House of Representatives, Vol. 4).
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C H A P T E R III
The Passport Question (1893-1902)
1893
The number of Russian-born citizens in the United States
grew greater each year. In order to avoid an "invasion" of
foreign Jews, to whom they were required to extend more rights
than to their native Jews, the Russian authorities (because
this might "endanger" the restrictions imposed upon the Russian
Jews), instructed the Russian consulates in the U.S. to refuse
to vis£ the passports of Jews who wanted to visit Russia.
This became the principal issue of differences between the U.S.
and Russia, and the Russian-Jewish question came to be known as
the "Passport Question."
A certain Mrs. Minnie Lerin was refused a visa by the
Russian Consul General in New York because of her Jewish faith.
Secretary of State John W. Foster (the former Minister to
Russia) wrote about this on February 16, 1893,. to Prince Canta-
cuzene, the Russian Minister in Washington, D.C., who replied
that the action taken by the Russian Consul was in accordance
with instructions received by him."^
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Acting Secretary of State William Wharton wrote the
following about it to White, the Minister in St. Petersburg:
"It is to be inferred from Prince Cantacuz^ne's note that the declaration of Mrs. Lerin's religious profession was elicited from her by some interrogative process on the part of the Imperial consul-general.
"It is not constitutionally within the power of this government, or of any of its authorities, to apply a religious test in qualification of the equal rights of all citizens of the United States; and it is therefore impossible to acquiesce in the application of such a test, within the jurisdiction of the United States, by the agents of a foreign power, to the im pairment of the rights of any American citizen or in derogation of the certificate of this government to the fact of such citizenship.
"On several occasions in the past this government has made temperate but earnest remonstrance against the examination into the religious faith of American citizens by the Russian authorities in Russia, the asserted right of territorial sovereignty over all sojourners in the Empire has, to our deep regret, outweighed our friend ly protests.
"His Majesty's Government, howevex*, surely cannot expect the United States to acquiesce in the assumption of a religious inquisitorial function within our own borders, by a foreign agency, in a manner so repugnant to the national sense."2)
In 1892, the Democratic candidate, Grover Cleveland, was
elected President of the United States again.
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Secretary of State Y/alter Q. Gresham wrote the follow
ing to Mr. Yi'liite on May 17, 1893, concerning certain matters
that had come to his attention:
"Representations made here that Russian Government is about to enforce edict against Jews, which will result in ?. large emigration of destitute people of that class to the United States.
"If there is foundation for what we hear, you will please ascertain and report as speedily as possible the terms of the edict and. its probable effect."
Mr. Vfhite sent Secretary Gresham a long report on
July 6, 1893, describing the various legal restrictions
and repressive edicts against the Jews in Russia. He
saw in these restrictive laws the principal reason for A -) the current conditions.
Secretary Gresham v/rote to Y/ebb, the Charge d ’Affaires
ad interim, on August 2S, 1893, l'egarding the question,
saying:
"The subject is receiving the President’s earnest consideration. It has been for some time evident that the measures adopted by the Imperial Govern ment against the Jews, although professedly a domestic policy directly affecting the subjects of the Czar, were calculated to injuriously affect the American people by abruptly forcing upon our shores a numerous class of immigrants destitute
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of resources and unfitted in many important respects for absox-ption into our body politic."0'
The Legation at St. Petersburg responded with reports
about expulsion of Jews from various places in Russia.*^ A
report from Mr. White to Mr. Gresham alleged that emigration
of Jews was encouraged by the Russian Govex*nment
Mr. Gresham v/rote to Mr. White on the same matter on
December 22, 1893, and called his attention to a United
Press report from London of December 17, 1893, which said
that Jewish emigrants who v/ere at fi’ontier stations on their
way to America, if officially certified to be destitute,
would be provided by Russian consuls at the ports of depart-
ui’e with the sums necessary to insure their admission into
the United States. The Secretary of the Treasux-y, Mr. Car
lisle, requested the Department of State to verify that
report, and, should it be found to be true, to inform the
Russian Government that assisted immigrants would not be
permitted to enter the U.S.^
Charged d'Affaii'es Webb reported to Secretary Gresham
on December 31, 1893, about the expulsion of Jews from St.
Petersbui’g. The report said that the Russian authorities
extended the time of expulsion of those Jews who wex’e thei-e
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "in violation of the laws." The Russian authorities said
that the native Russian population could not compete with
the Jews and that the expulsions were based "on reasons of
social economy rather than of religious intolerance."®)
1894
Reports from Mr. White to Secretary Gresham continued
to deal with the emigi'ation of Russian Jews.
January 9, 1894. Decided to bring the facts regarding
assisted emigration of Jews to the Russian government.
February 13, 1894. Reported that "the alleged assist
ance" of Jewish emigrants to the U.S. was without foundation.
February 17, 1894. Quoted the Gorman "St. Petersburger
Zeitung" which, describing the colonization of Russian Jews
in Argentina, said that a considerable number of colonists
who were found incapable of labor were expelled from the
colonies, and the greatest number of them were sent to the
U.S., receiving travel expenses, and money to support them
selves after their arrival. Ur. Y/hite saw a danger of
"winnowing out the best" of the emigrants for the Argentine
"and forwarding those rejected as unfit" to the U.S.12^
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Rabbi Krauslcopf, a Reform Rabbi from. Philadelphia,
e.mplicd for permission to visit Pussia. Pamission wa.s
refused, a.nd, as a. result, entailed, loir correspondence
between St. Petersburg and. Washington during: April-August ton 1894.~
Chn.ryc" d ’Affaires Y/obb tried to crpla.in to Socrcta.ry
Gresham. in his report of Hap 2, 1894, that the visit of
Rabbi Kraushoof in Russia wa.s not desirable from the point
of view of American-Russian relations. It m.iyht a.lso encour
age an increase in Jewish oni°;rn.tion from. Russia to the U.S.,
which v/a.s iind.esirable a.lso.-"'"' Rabbi Kraushopf, however,
did not wait for permission to bo "ranted for his visit and
s i n p l ; ’’ stir nr is ed the American Legation in St. Petersburg by
his sudden arrival there.
Andrew D. White reported to Secretary Gresham at lenyth,
Auyust 9, 1894, about the Rabbi*s arrivn.l, and his presenta
tion by him to the Hinister of Pina.nce do Witte, by whom ho
was courteously received. Rabbi Kraushopf traveled in the
Jewish Pr.le of Settler.ent and, according to Y/hite, seemed
lihely to a.cquire valuable information about the Jews in
Russia, a.nd possibly to oncouraye some improvement in their
condition.15)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The difficulties imposed upon American Jews who wanted
to visit Russia resulted in the introduction of a resolution
in the House of Representatives "relating to the Russian
treaty" by Mr. Isidor Rayner of Maryland. The resolution
asked for a termination of all treaties between the U.S. and
Russia should Russia continue refusing American Jews per
mission to enter Russia.-^)
1895
Russian consular officers, under instructions from their
government, refused to visd' passports issued by the Depart
ment of State to American citizens of the Jewish faith.
On April 15, 1895, Secretary of State Gresham instructed
U.S. Minister Breckenridge in St. Petersburg to present the
vieY/s of the U.S. to the Russian government concerning this
matter.
Mr. Breckenridge pi’esented the matter to the Russian
Foreign Minister, Prince Lobanov, on May 5/17, 1895, and said
that it was impossible for the U.S. Government "to acquiesce
in any manner" in the application of religious tests v/ithin
its jurisdiction by agents of a foreign power.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71- .
/ On June 13, 1895, Charge d’Affaires ad interim Pierce
reported to Acting Secretary of State Uhl on his conversa
tion in the Russian Foreign Ministry on this matter. He
drew Prince Lobanov’s attention to the importance of the Jews
in the U.S., referring to their numbers, conditions and
influence in a country "governed, as is ours, by the will
of the people."
Mr. Pierce later described his conversations with Baron
Osten-Sacken who dealt in the Russian Foreign Ministry with
all the questions relating to Jews. Baron Osten-Sacken
said that Russia refused foreign Jews of any nationality to
enter her borders and inci’oase the population of those who
were already there. For that reason, all Russian consuls in
all countries were instructed to refuse to vise the passports
of foreign Jews. That was in order to prevent their settling
and engaging in trade within Russia, and not to prevent the
entrance of temporary residents, tourists oi- Jews, whose
purpose in coming there was not of "an objectional nature
to the government." Mr. Pierce said that American citizens
must be residents of the U.S. and it was therefore unlikely
that Jews bearing American passports Y/ould settle permanently
in Russia. Baron Osten-Sacken admitted that it was "a forcible
argument," and said that he hoped that it would be possible to
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effect a satisfactory revision of the practices of admission
of American Jews into Russia.
Baron Osten-Sacken stated that the reply to Mr. Breclcen-
ridge's note could not be favoidable because the Russian lav/s
v/ere framed v/ith regard to "her own views of her ov/n good."
Mr. Pierce replied that the purpose of the note was not to
criticize the Russian lav/s but to protest against applying
a religious test by agents of a foreign government in the
U.S. Mr. Pierce requested Baron Osten-Sacken "to hold the
note in abeyance for the present." The Baron agreed "to
hold it as a memorandum for the case."-^)
Acting Secretary of State Adee did not agree v/ith the
views of Charge d'Affaires Pierce not to press the problem
at that time. His views about the matter v/ere given in 20} his instruction to Pierce on July 5, 1395. '
Another instruction from Adee to Breckenridge on
August 22, 1S95 said that Russian discrimination against ✓ American Jews was not confined to the refusal to vise their
passports. The Department of State v/as informed by the
Russian Minister that Russian Consuls in the U.S. would
refuse authentication of legal documents for use in Russia
when presented by Jews.^-0
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A letter from Prince Lobanov to the Legation in St.
Petersburg on August 12/24, 1895 included "provisions of
the Russian law relative to the entry of foreign Israelites
and their establishment on the territory of the Empire, as
also their admission to Russian subjection." According to
these provisions certain categories of Jews were admitted
to enter Russia for temporary or permanent residence. These
were made up of bankers, agents of important commercial
houses, native Jews of Central Asia, merchants v/ho came to
Russia to buy Russian goods and to export them, Jews who
came for the purpose of building factories, and operators
brought by Jewish manufacturers to work in their factor
ies.22)
Charge'd’Affaires Pierce was not interested in present
ing that "unpleasant" matter to the Russian Government, and
in his report of October 4, 1895 to Secretary Olney he pro
posed delaying for some time addressing the Russians again
on the subject.2^)
Acting Secretary of State Uhl was not satisfied with
the ansv/ers of the Legation and of the Russians, In his
instruction to Pierce of October 23, 1895 he said that the
Russians did not answer the American complaints at all.2^)
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Mr. Breckenridge acted on the matter and v/rote to
Prince Lobanov on December 6, 1895 that the U.S. "never
can and never should" consent to such practices.25)
1896-1900
Russian treatment of American Jews was often mentioned
in the U.S. Congress. Resolutions were introduced about
the "Passport Question" but most of them were not reported
back by the committees. However, the resolutions came to
the attention of the Presidents and Secretaries of State
as representing the public opinion of the country which
brought about instructions to the American representatives
in Russia who, in most of the cases, px*eferred not to deal
v/ith the question at all.
A resolution about the "Passport Question" was intro
duced by Representative John F. Fitzgerald of Boston (grand
father of President John F. Kennedy) on March 31, 1897.
"Resolved, That the Secretary of State be l'equested to demand from the Russian Government that the same rights be given to Hebrew American citizens in the matter of passports as now are accorded to all other classes of American citizens, and also inform the House of Representatives whether any American citizens have been ordered to be expelled from Russia or forbidden the exercise of the ordinary privileges enjoyed by the inhabitants because of their religion."*•)
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The same resolution was submitted by Mr. Fitzgerald on
December 4, 1899.^°^
The Russian consulate refused to vise the passport of
Adolph Kutner, a California banker, for the reason that he
v/as a Jev/. Senator J. C. Perkins of California introduced
a Senate resolution on the matter explaining the resolution
and giving the story behind the refusal permitting Mr. Kut
ner to visit Russia.
To Senate Resolution 109 of May 25, 1897 came an
answer from the Russian Charge"d1Affaires in Washington, D.C.,
Mr. Gregoire de Wollant, in the form of a letter to the
WASHINGTON POST, May 31, 1897. The letter explained the
views of the Russian government about the "Passport Ques
tion." To his letter were enclosed "provisions of the
Russian laws relative to the entry of foreign Israelites"
as published in the U.S. "Foi'eign Relations," 1895.^9)
The "Passport Question" v/as not mentioned quite as much
in the diplomatic correspondence of 1896-1900. The elections
of 1896 brought back a Republican Administration, which
continued up to 1913. In 1898 came the Spanish-American
War. The U.S. became more involved in the Far East v/hich
introduced new approaches to the American-Russian relations.
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This brought about an involvement by the U.S. in current
international affairs and made the question of treatment
of American Jews in Russia relatively less important.
1901-1902
The State Department tried to restrict the number of
complaints about discrimination against Amei’ican Jews in
Russia by restricting the number of American Jews going
to Russia, and to diminish in that way the number of
"potential troubles."
The Department of State published a notice to American
citizens, former subjects of Russia v/ho wanted to visit
that country, on August 1, 1901, which said, among other
things:
"Naturalized Americans of Russian birth of the Jewish race are not allowed to enter Russia except by special permission. For this, they may apply to the minister of interior, but the Department cannot act as intermediary in making the application.
"There is no treaty between the United States and Russia defining the status of American citizens of Russian birth upon their return to Russia."^®)
A series of House resolutions v/ere introduced on the
subject in the U.S. House of Representatives by Represen
tative Goldfogle of New York. A resolution introduced
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by him on March 23, 1902, requested the Secretary of State
to furnish information to the House of Representatives as
to whether the Government of Russia had excluded or dis
criminated against American citizens of Jewish faith
entering Russia, or restricted their entrance into Russia.^-0
The resolution was amended, debated and agreed to on
April 30, 1902. A long address was given by Representative
Goldfogle on that occasion.32)
In response to the resolution, Secretary of State John
Hay wrote on May 5, 1902 to the House of Representatives.
He described in brief the Russian-Jewish question and the
different views of the Russian and U.S. Governments on the
matter.33^
A Senate resolution, submitted by Senator E. YI. Pettus
of Alabama on June 27, 1902, asked the President of the
United States to inform the Senate of the attitude of the
Russian government toward American citizens v/ho attempted
to enter Russia v/ith American passports. The resolution
v/as debated and passed.3^)
Nothing came out of it, however, anymore than the
previous one. The State Department ignored the question,
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and the American representatives in Russia tried not to
mention it at all in their repoi’ts. There v/ere almost no
"incidents" in Russia because permission was not granted
to American Jews to enter.
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NOTES
1) FR, 1S93, p. 547.
2) Ibid., pp. 536-37.
3) Ibid., 1894, p. 525.
4) Ibid., p. 525-35.
5) Ibid., d . 535. (Also: NA, Instructions, Russia, 17: 181-3277
6) HA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 45. No. 130, August 26,. 1893; No. 132, September 2, 1893; No. 133, September 3, 1893; No. 172, December 31, 1893.
FR, 1894, p. 536 (September 3 and December 15, 1893).
7) III, 1894, p. 536.
8) Ibid., p. 537.
9) Ibid.
10) NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 45.
11) FR, 1894, p. 538.
12) Ibid.
13) NA, Instructions, Russia, 17: 226-27 (April 30, 1894), 227 (May 4, 1894), 245-46 (June 9, 1894).
NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 45, May 1 and 2, 1894; Vol. 46, August 9, 1894.
14) NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 45.
15) Ibid., Vol. 46.
16) U.S. Cong., 52nd Cong., 2nd Sess., H. Res. 184 (May 28, 1894), (NA, Legislative Branch, Original Joint Resolutions).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80
17) FR, 1895, pt. 2, p. 1056.
iS) Ibid., pp. 1056-57.
19) Ibid., pp. 1058-59.
20) Ibid., pp. 1059-60.
21) Ibid., pp. 1067-68.
22) Ibid., pp. 1068-70.
23) NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 47.
24) FR, 1895, p t . 2, pp. 1070-71.
25) Ibid., pp. 1072-74.
26) U.S. Cong., 55th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Res. 25 (March 31, 1897). (NA, Legislative Branch, Original Joint Resolut ions.).
Mentioned: CR, 55th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 30, pt. 1, p. 558.
Cited: CR, 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 48, pt. 12, Appendix, p. 699~"TAugust 21, 1912).
27) U.S. Cong., 56th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Res. No. 4 (December 4, 1899). (NA, Legislative Branch, Original Joint Resolutions).
28) CR, 55th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 30, pt. 2, p. 1221. (S. Res.“109, May 25, 1897).
29) FR, 1895, pt. 2, p. 1069.
30) III, 1901, p. 453.
31) H. Res. 183 (March 28, 1902). CR, 57th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 35, pt. 4, pp. 3401-2.
32) CR, 57th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 35, pt. 5, p. 4892-94 (April 30, 1902).
33) Cited.by AJYB, 5665, 1904-5, p. 303.
34) S. Res. 284, CR, 57th Cong., 1st Sess. Vol. 35, pt. 8, p. 7407.
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C H A P T E R IV
The Russian-Jewish Question
During the Roosevelt Administration (1903-1909)
The Kishinev Pogrom (1903).
In April 1903, a pogrom took place at Kishinev, Bessa
rabia. The facts pertaining to it became known in the
United States, but the Department of State did not interfere
in v/hat was considered to be an internal Russian problem
where neither American citizens nor property were involved
or injured.
On April 29, 1903, Mr. Simon Wolf wrote to Secretary of
State John Hay on behalf of the Union of American Hebrew
Congregations and the Order of B'nai B ’rith and offered to
send supplies and money "to the wounded and unwounded
sufferers." Mr. Wolf asked Secretary Hay to request the
Ambassador in St. Petersburg to secure information about the
situation in Kishinev and to ask the Russian Government for
permission to send the needed aid.^
Secretary Hay sent this telegram to Ambassador McCormick
on the same day (April 29, 1903):
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"It is persistently reported, upon v/hat appears to be adequate authority, that there is great want and suffering among Jews in Kishinev. Friends in this country desire to know if fin ancial aid and supplies would be permitted to reach the sufferers. Please ascertain this without discussing political phase of the sit uation."^'
The answer from McCormick to Kay on May 9, 1903, said:
"Authoritatively denied that there is any want or suffering among Jews in South Western Russia and aid of any kind is unnecessary. Yfhile offer is appreciated in spirit made, it is grate fully declined.
A report from McCormick to Hay of May 13, 1903, re
ferred to the instruction "in the matter of alleged famine
conditions among the Jews in Kishinev" and transmitted
clippings from the LONDON STANDARD of May 1, 1903, which
described the pogrom and the situation in that city.*)
Public opinion in the U.S. was aroused against the
persecution of Jews in Russia, and particularly against the
Kishinev pogrom. Protest meetings v/ere organized in various
places by Jewish organizations. Especially active was the
Independent Oi’der of B*nai 3 ’rith. The Executive Com
mittee of that Order submitted to Secretary Hay on June 15,
1903 a memorandum concerning the matter. Members of the
committee were received by President Theodore Roosevelt,
to whom they presented an outline of the situation of the
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Jews in Russia. The President answered in a lengthy
address promising to consider the suggestions which had
been submitted to him. He compared the Kishinev pogrom
to thetlynching of Negroes in the southern states of the U.S.
and said that in both cases the governments had no respon
sibility regarding the behavior of their subjects or
cit izens.6)
A petition on the situation of the Jews in Russia,
addressed to the Tsai* of Russia, v/as presented to Px*esident
Roosevelt. Secretary Hay instructed Hr. Riddle on
July 15, 1903, to ask for an interview with the Russian
Foreign Minister and to communicate to him the petition
from a lai’ge number of American citizens of all faiths
"occupying the highest positions in public and private
life."6 )
Mr. Riddle reported to Secretary Hay on July 16, 1903
that the Minister for Foreign Affairs stated that "a Jewish
petition addressed to the Emperor of Russia" would not be
received. The Emperor "whose will is the sole law of this
land" did not need information from foreigners as to what
was taking place in his country and could not receive from
outside sources any petition relating to internal ma t t e r s .
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The publicity on the Russian Government's refusal to
receive the petition caused it, as well as the situation in
Russia in general (particularly at Kishinev) to become well
known. There v/ere various meetings, sermons, resolutions .
and newspaper articles on the subject. A book published
by Cyrus Adler at that time, "The Voice of America on Kishi-
neff", gave an account of 77 public meetings of protest held
in 50 towns situated in 27 states, 151 editorial articles
connected with the subject and the petition to the Tsar,
signed by 12,544 petitioners,S) There were also other
books published in the U.S. during 1903-1904 which dealt
with the events at Kishinev.
1903-1904
Kishinev was only the beginning. On August 29 and
September 1, 1903, there v/ere pogroms at Homel, White Russia.
There, unlike at Kishinev, the Jews defended themselves.
Nev/s about that pogrom reached the U.S. and the Department
of State queried the Embassy at St. Petersburg about it and
whether any American citizens or interests suffered there.
Riddle's reply on September 25, 1903, read:
"Eight Jev/s, five Christians killed in Homel. No foreign subjects or interests affected."^)
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Riddle replied at length on September 26, 1903. He
sent a description of the "disorders" in Homel, as detailed
by the visiting correspondent of the ASSOCIATED PRESS.
Russian consulates continued their refusal to vis^
passports of American Jev/s who wanted to visit Russia. Repre
sentative Goldfogle of New York introduced a House resolution
on January 4, 1904 with reference to the treatment of American
Jews in Russia and the refusal to permit American Jews to
enter Russia.The Committee on Foreign Affairs granted
a hearing on that resolution on February 18, 1904, and
reported a substitute resolution on April 16,'which was
unanimously adopted on April 21. The amended resolution
requested the President to renew negotiations with the govern
ments of countries where discrimination was practiced against
American citizens on the ground of religion, to secure by
treaty, or otherwise, uniformity of treatment and protection
to all American citizens to travel and sojourn in those
countries without regard to race or faith.
Secretary of State Hay instructed Ambassador McCormick
on July 1, 1904 to inform the Russian Foreign Minister,
Count Lamsdorf, of the text of that resolution.
Ambassador McCormick brought Count Lamsdorf the text
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of the House Resolution and a memorandum on the subject.15^
A report on that meeting was sent by McCormick to Hay on
August 27, 1904. Count Lamsdorf felt that the question
was an internal one and could not be negotiated with' any
foreign power, and that the Russian government could not
extend privileges to foreign Jews which v/ere denied to the
Russian Jews,16)
Count Lamsdorf v/rote McCormick on October 9, 1904,
informing him that "a special commission" had been
instituted "by supreme order" on December 17, 1903, with
the Ministry of Interior to revise the passport regulations,
and that he would bring the views of the U.S. Government to 1 7 the knowledge of that commission. '}
After* two years, in Ilay 1905, that commission made
its i*eport to the Ministry of the Interior recommending,
among other things, the universal recognition of foreign
passports. The report was submitted by the Minister to
the Council of the Empire v/ith the suggestion that, if
approved, it should go into force on January 1, 1906. The
Council of the Empire, however, took no action on the
proposal.
The appointment of Prince Sviatopolk-Uirslcy as
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successor to the assassinated reactionary von Plehve as
Minister of Interior brought some hopes of a tendency to
more liberal policies. Proposals were made to proclaim
civil libei'ties for all, fi'eedom of press, person, conscience
and association and the establishment of a national assembly.
On October 1, 1904, Ambassador McCoi'raick reported to
Secretary Hay concerning the text of an interview by
Mr. H. N. Thompson of the ASSOCIATED PRESS with Prince
Sviatopolk-Mirsky, the new Minister of the Interior. The
Minister* referred to the Jewish question, speaking about his
wishes to "give larger opportunities for their life v/orlc" to
the poorer classes of the Jews and about "liberty of con
science" in general, without offering anything definite.
Mr. McCormick mentioned the LONDON MORNING POST, which said
that the declaration of policy by Prince Sviatopolk-Mirsky
was made to secure loans in the U.S., and with the money once
in hand there would be a return to the old reactionary policy.
Mr. McCormick did not think so, and said that the declaration
should be accepted "at its face value" without criticizing it 181 before he had had an opportunity to prove his words by action. '
Ambassador McCormis’s reports led the State Department
to believe that the problem would be solved by the Russians
themselves and the Department had only to wait for the solution.
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During the electoral campaign of summer 1904, both the
Republican andDemocratic parties included the "Passport
Question" in their platforms, competing for their votes.
The Republican National Convention said:
"We commend the vigorous efforts made by the Administration to protect American citizens in foreign lands, and pledge ourselves to insist upon the just and equal protection of all our citizens abroad. It is the un questioned duty of the government to procure for all citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in friendly countries, and we declare ourselves in favor of all efforts tending to that end."19)
The Democratic Party, at its National Convention,
declared:
"We demand that all over the world a duly authenticated passport issued by the Government of the United States to an American citizen shall be proof of the fact that he is an American citizen and shall entitle him to the treatment due him as such."20)
President Theodore Roosevelt referred to the Russian-
Jev/ish question in his annual message to Congress on
December 6, 1904, and e::pi’essed his horror at the Kishinev
pogrom. He also spoke about the rights of American citi
zens abroad, and said:
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"Even where it is not possible to secure in other nations the observance of the principles which we accept as axiomatic, it is necessary for us firmly to insist upon the rights of our own citizens without regard to their creed or race; without regard to whether they were born here or born abroad. It has proved very difficult to secure from Russia the right for our Jewish fellow-citizens to receive passports and travel through Russian territory. Such conduct is not only unjust and irritating towards us, but it is difficult to see its wisdom from Russia’s standpoint.. .it is a v/rong against which we are entitled to protest to refuse him his passport without regard to his conduct and character, merely on racial and religious grounds."^ '
1905
In Russia, 1905 was a year of war and revolution,
growth and discontent at home, and military failui’es in
the Far East. The war with Japan ended in failure.
Port Arthur surx-endered, the land battle of Mukden and
the Sea battle of the Tsusima Straits ended in defeat.
Russia was exhausted and accepted the invitation to nego
tiate peace, as offered by President Roosevelt. The
negotiations took place at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where
a peace treaty was signed on September 5, 1905.
The war increased the discontent in Russia. "Bloody
Sunday", January 22, 1905, v/as the beginning of a series of
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demonstrations, strikes and activities of the revolutionary
and liberal organizations. The Tsar's Manifesto of
October 17/30, 1905, promised a constitution and the elec
tion of a State Duma.
Simultaneously with the organization and activity of
the liberal and revolutionary forces, a parallel reorgani
zation of the reactionary forces took place. Organizations
known as the "Black Hundreds," were supported by the police,
government officials and their funds. They tried to divert
the discontent against the Jews and series of pogroms were
organised. The pogrom at Zhitomir was reported by
Ambassador George L. von Meyer to Seci’etary Hay on May 12,
1905.22)
The summer of 1905 brought a new series of pogroms,
this time organized by the military. A report from Ambassador
Meyer to Secretary Hay of June 19, 1905, transmitted a report
from the U.S. consul at Warsaw, which stated:
"On the twelfth instant armed Jews attempted to prevent the departure of a regiment from Brest- Litowsl:, government Grodna, for the far east, which led to firing by both sides. The report states that the approach of peace made the departure futile.22'
That was all that the report to Washington included
about the pogrom at Brest-Litovslc.
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On June 28, 1905, Ambassador Meyer again reported to
Secretary Hay the official Russian views about the pogrom
at Zhitomir which occurred May 6-9, 1905, and said:
"It is believed that a general massacre was only prevented by the energetic action of the authorities. The latter attribute the excitement of Christians against the Hebrews to revolutionary agitators.
"There were greatly exaggerated reports at the time, but the real number of killed or wounded on both sides was about 12 killed and 50 wounded."24)
The number killed on "both sides" was again mentioned
in one figure - those who killed together with those who
defended themselves. The local authorities, who were be
hind the pogrom, were described as the defenders of the Jews.
During the Portsmouth peace negotiations between Russia
and Japan in September 1905, Count Sergius Witte, head of
the Russian delegation, met some of the representative Jews
of the U.S. with whom he conferred about the conditions of 25) Jews in Russia. '
At the conclusion of the Portsmouth negotiations,
President Theodore Roosevelt wrote to Count Witte on
September 10, 1905 about giving American Jews who wanted
to visit Russia permission to do so, saying:
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"In furtherance of our conversation of last evening I beg you to consider the question of granting passports to reputable American citizens of Jewish faith. I feel that if this could be done it would remove the last cause of irritation between the two nations whose historic friendship for one another* I wish to do my best to maintain. You could always refuse to give a passport to any American citizens, Jew or Gentile, unless you were thoroughly satisfied that no detriment would come to Russia in granting it. But if your government could only see its way clear to allowing reputable American citizens of Jewish faith, as to whose intentions they are satisfied, to come to Russia, just as you do reputable American Christians, I feel it would be from every standpoint most fortu nate."2 5 )
On October 17, 1905, the Tsar issued a manifesto
promising the inviolability of person, freedom of con
science, speech, assembly and union, and the convocation
of a State Duma. The next few days pogroms were organized
by the very same forces who preferred not to keep but to
abolish what had just been promised.
Charge d*Affaires Eddy reported to the Secretary of
State about the situation at Odessa on November 5, 1905.
The report read:
"The consul at Odessa reports that severe conflicts between Jews and Russians were begun by the Jews. The fighting is still going on and probably thousands of the Jews were killed. American interests at that place are not threatened."26)
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Secretary Root informed Ambassador Meyer on Novem
ber 22, 1905, that:
"Many influential Hebrews in this country are greatly distressed over reports of Jewish loss of life and suffering in recent outbreaks and are endeavoring to raise relief funds. Can you give accurate report of these occurrences, number killed, losses, number of sick, wounded and destitute?"^?)
In reply to that cable, Charge' Eddy reported as
follows on November 25, 1905:
"In Warsaw about 100 Jews killed and wounded. Great destitution among poorer classes. Bread and provisions to value of 10,000 rubles are being distributed daily. In Warsaw Jews have suffered no more than Christians. In Batoum district seven Jews killed and 25 wounded. There is little or no destitution. In Odessa 560 Jews killed and 2,000 still in hospitals.. Suffering and destitution in Odessa'are great. Further information later.28)
News about these pogroms in Russia reached the U.S.
President Roosevelt was asked to intervene on behalf of the
Russian Jews, but his view was that nothing could be done
by the U.S. Letters of protest to the Russian government
would not change the situation, because that government
anyway had no power to prevent the pogroms. The President
was ready to act only if he could change something, but he
did not believe that it was in his power or in the power of
the Russian government to halt the pogroms.
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The President explained his views to Jacob H, Schiff
on December 14, 1905, and said:
"You made a request for action on my part which if I took it would make the United States Gov ernment ridiculous, and so far from helping the condition of the Jews would have hurt them in Russia and would have tended to hurt them here. It is simply nonsense to suppose that when Russia is in the condition that she now is any kind of action on my part would accomplish nothing. Y/hen the governmental authorities in Russia are wholly unable to protect themselves - where there is revolt in every quarter of the empire among every class of the people, and the bounds of social order everywhere are relaxed - it is idle to suppose that anything can be done by diplomatic representation. The idea of a European coalition in which we should join is of course wholly chimerical. What would such a coalition, enforce liberty or order - restore the autocracy or install a republic? There fore it is evident we could do nothing, and where we can do nothing I have a horror of saying anything... I shall take no action until I know that any action I take will do good instead of harm, and I shall announce no position which I may have to abandon at the cost of putting the United States Government in a humiliating and ridiculous attitude. I thorough ly believe that in national affairs v/e should act in accordance with the plain adage when I was in the ranch business: ’Never to draw unless you mean to shoot’."
The President added a postscript to that letter which
read:
"P.S. I sympathize thoroughly with your feelings, wrought up as they are and ought to be by the dread ful outrages committed on the Jews in Russia; anything I can do I will do; but I will not threaten aimlessly and thereby do harm."29)
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President Roosevelt saw in Russian anti-Semitism a
popular prejudice, similar to that prevailing in the south
ern United States against the Negroes. The pogroms occurred
at times when the Russian regime was weak and unable to
defend itself against its own people. According to him,
the government was attacked on one hand by those who demanded
freedom and constitutional rights and those who attacked the
rich; on the other hand, were those who attacked the Jev/s.
The government was weak and was forced to make concessions
to both sides. But those were only speculations which were
far from reality. There were links between the revolution
of 1905 and the pogroms. One of the purposes of the anti-
Jewish movement was the diversion of the revolutionary and
liberal movement to another movement against the Jews. The
Tsar and his followers found in the Jev/s "a scapegoat" to
blame for all the wrongs and miseries of Russia.
1906
The revolution of 1905 proved that the population of
Russia did not accept the policies of the autocracy. The
October Manifesto gave hopes of change and improvement.
The pogroms which took place after these promises were the
beginning of retreat and reaction. The Duma was allowed
to meet, but was soon dissolved. The relatively liberal
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Count Witte v/as replaced in the Ministry of Interior by
the reactionary Stolypin.
Pogroms usually occurred at Easter and pretexts were
not difficult to find. Acting Secretary of State Bacon
wrote to Ambassador Meyer on April 7, 1906, saying that
there v/as much apprehension among Jews in the U.S. who had
relatives in Russia because they felt that attacks against
Jews were planned for Easter and they wanted to know what
precautions had been taken to prevent such events.**®)
Ambassador Meyer answered the Secretary of State on
April 9, 1906 that he had been assured by Count Witte that
there would not be any disturbances and that the Minister
of the Interior had sent a circular to all the governors
stating that they must hold the police responsible for any
disturbances.0-*-)
Mr. Oscar S. Straus wrote President Roosevelt on the
sane matter. The President replied on April 10, 1906,
mentioning Ambassador Meyer's report of April 9, 1906, his
conversation with the Russian Ambassador Baron Rosen, and
his own limited possiblities to act in the matter. He stated:
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"Nobody expects the United States to start a crusade for the Armenians, or to go to war v/ith Russia because of the massacre of the Jews or the sufferings of either the Poles or the Finns. Probably such a v/ar would totally fail of its object and would simply do damage all around; but as of course no such v/ar is contemplated by even the wildest enthus iasts, it is not necessary to discuss it. It is therefore necessary to remember how futile, undignified and mischievous it is to use lan guage or attempt interference v/hich would only be justified if, and could under no conceivable circumstances do good unless, there was intention to back up the words by an appeal to a r m s . "32)
Acting Secretary of State Bacon notified Ambassador
Meyer on July 31, 1908 that the President desired him to
report occasionally "any nev/s or indications of uprisings .
against Jev/s."33)
In accordance with that notification, the Embassy in
St. Petersburg sent further reports on the subject.3 -)
The report of Alfred W. Smith, the U.S. Vice Consul
at Odessa, to Ambassador Meyer, dated October 24, 1906
(transferred to Secretary of State Root on October 26, 1906),
included his views about the Jews in Odessa and described the
events of 1905 in that city. He said:
"In regard to the Jev/s I must say that Odessa is the tov/n in Russia where that race figures most conspicuously not merely in point of numbers (about half of the inhabitants are Jews),
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but principally in respect to wealth and consequent influence. Respecting the Jewish ’pogroms' the most striking feature and the one which deserves most attention is the fact that the victims were almost en tirely of the poorest classes living in the suburbs of the town, whereas the houses and the shops of the richest class - with a few exceptions - were not touched,..The reason of the 'pogroms* being brought to bear* against the Jews only is, I think, because of the opinion (whether correct or not I hesitate to say) that they were the leaders of the anti government movement, and certainly because of the fact that the Russians who have to come in contact with them in the South of Russia have no sympathy whatever v/ith the race...On the other hand, I must say that the Jews have a decided hatred for Russians, and I don't think I am much in the wrong when I say for all Christians. They were delighted at the defeat of the Russians by the Japanese. I believe that the losses of the Jews during the 'pogroms* have been exaggerated to an enormous extent and were certainly covered by the subscriptions from abroad and in this country."35)
The American consular district of Odessa included a
great part of the Jewish Pale of Settlement. The reports
about the Russian Jews from the man who represented the
U.S. in that area and wrote the above-mentioned report un
doubtedly influenced the views and actions of the Embassy
in St. Petersburg, and the State Department in Washington.
The Pogrom in Bialystolc (1906)
A pogrom v/as organized in Bialystok on June 1, 1906
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by the police and troops. An investigation of the Duma
charged the government with responsibility for that pogrom.
The situation also came up before the U.S. Congress. A
Senate Resolution of sympathy for the Jews in Russia was
introduced, reported and passed on June 22, 1906.
The resolution was also considered in the House the
same day and passed. An address was given on that occasion
by Representative Goldfoglo.*^)
The pogrom in Bialystok was reported by Ambassador
Meyer to the Secretary of State on June 16, 1906. The
report gave the official Russian explanation of the events.^7)
A different description of the same events was given
by Ambassador1 Meyer to the Secretary of State on June 23,
1906. He described the riots at Bialystok as seen by a
group that had just returned from an investigation there.
He said that the evidence pointed to the work of the lower
local military and police officials, who acted without in
structions from St. Peters burg.
A directive from Secretary Root to Ambassador Meyer
on June 23, 1903 asked the Ambassador to inquire about the
attitude of the Russian government to the organization of
the pogrom at Bialystok by the local authorities.®®)
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Ambassador Meyer x'eplied to that directive on
June 25, 1906, saying that the Minister for Foreign
Affairs refused to discuss the events in Bialystok and
said he could only refer to an official communication of
the Minister of the Interior on the matter.^0)
Secretary of State Root’s remarks on that reply
read:
"Russia appears to have treated our message about Byalostok very much as we would have treated a proposition from Russia to discuss lynching.^1)
Ambassador Meyer continued to report to the State
Department about the events at Bialystok.
The Senate Resolution of June 22, 1906, expressing
sympathy with the Jews in Russia, was approved by the
President on June 26, 1906. Mr. Joseph Jacobs, the editor
of "The American Hebrew" in New York, asked the Secretary
of State in his letter of July 30, 1906 what action, if any,
had been taken on that resolution.
Acting Secretary of State Alvey A. Adee replied on
August 17, 1906, saying:
"No action has been taken upon the resolution, as the Executive is not called upon to take any action. The resolution is an impressive mani festation of the public sentiment Of the nation,
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through its legislators, but it is not an international a c t . ”43)
1907-1908
The first Duma v/as dissolved and the second Duma met
on March 2, 1907, but v/as soon dissolved also (June 16,
1907). A nev/ electoral lav/ v/as published giving mox-e voting
pov/er to the nobility and the propertied classes in the tov/ns
and less to the peasants, workers and national minorities.
A third Duma met in October 1907. It was more conservative
and more cooperative with the government. In foreign rela
tions, the Triple Alliance v/as concluded. France and
Great Britain became allies of Russia and v/ere less interested
in intervening in such a "purely inteimal question" as the
situation of the Jews in Russia. So v/as the U.S. The policy
of Secretary of State Root v/as, in general, pro-Russian and
he tried to avoid "unimportant" frictions, which interest in
the Russian-Jewish question might cause.
There were almost no cases of discrimination against
American Jews in Russia because there v/ere only a few Ameri
can Jews in that country. Visas to visit Russia v/ere given
to Jcv/s only on rare occasions. .•.nothex- unsolved problem
was Russia’s not l’ecognizing Amei'ican naturalization of Russian-
born American citizens, most of whom v/ere Jews. A‘ new
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naturalization law v/as issued in the U.S. and the Depart
ment of State was interested in concluding a naturalization
treaty between the U.S. and Russia. Instructions about it
were given by Acting Secretary of State Adee to Ambassador
Riddle on March 23, 1907.
There were prolonged negotiations betv/een Ambassador
Riddle and Foreign Minister Iswolsky about concluding such
a naturalization treaty, but there v/ere no results.
Ambassador Riddle reported on it to Secretary Root on
July 15, 1908. Iswolsky had told him that he could not
consider a naturalization treaty, because it would bring
up the whole Jewish question. The report stated that
greater liberalism on the matter v/as scarcely to be ezpected.
Secretary Root v/as interested in friendly relations
betv/een the U.S. and Russia. He could not force the Russians
to give visas to American Jews v/ho wanted to visit Russia,
but he could restrict the number of applicants to the Russian
Consulates for such visas. A circular to former subjects of
Russia who contemplated visiting that country was issued by
the State Department on May 28, 1907. The circular said,
among othex- things, that American passports would not be
issued to Jews who intended visiting Russia unless they had
assurance fi’om the Russian government that permission to visit
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there would be given to them. Instead of the Russian Con
sulates refusing to vis
State Department refused to issue passpoi’ts to American Jews
who were "suspected" of going to visit Russia. The circular
is quoted below.“ '
"Notice to American Citizens Formerly Subjects of Russia Who Contemplate Returning to That Country?
"A Russian subject who becomes a citizen of an other country without the consent of the Russian government, commits an offense against Russian law, for which he is liable to arrest and punish ment if he returns without previously obtaining the permission of the Russian government.
"This government dissents from this provision of Russian law, but an American citizen formerly a subject of Russia who returns to that country places himself within the jurisdiction of Russian law and cannot expect immunity from its operations.
"Jews, whether they were formerly Russian subjects or not, are not admitted to Russia unless they ob tain special permission in advance from the Russian government, and this department will not issue pass ports to former Russian subjects or to Jews who intend going to Russian territory, unless it has assurance that the Russian government will consent to their admission.
"No one is admitted to Russia without a passport, which must be visded, or indorsed, by a Russian diplomatic or consular representative."
A letter from Louis Marshall and Edward Lauterbach to
Secretary Root on February 1, 1908 protested against that
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circular and aslced its withdrawal.^) Representative
Goldfogle of New York presented the matter before the
House of Representatives in February 1908, The House
Resolution proposed by him asked the Secretary of State
to communicate to the House all the correspondence relating
to negotiations with the Russian gover-nment concerning "Ameri
can passports" and for a copy of the above-mentioned circu
lar.48)
The resolution v/as referred to the Committee on Foreign
Affairs and referred by that Committee to the State Department.
The reply from the Department was that it v/as not compatible
with the best interests at that time to communicate about the
matter to the House of Representatives, because the State
Department v/as in the midst of negotiations which has not
yet been completed. The resolution was reported by the Com
mittee on February 11, 1908. There was a discussion in which
Representative Harrison of New York gave a long address in
favor of the proposed resolution and against the circular by
the State Department. By a vote of 120 to 101 the resolution
v/as delayed until a later period.48)
Criticism of the above-mentioned circular brought about
the withdrawal of the objectionable parts and to its replace
ment by a new circular.88)
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The American Jev/ish Committee concluded that since
the Russian government could not be persuaded to alter its
attitude, there remained no other course but to terminate
the .existing treaties betv/een the U.S. and Russia. These
viev/s v/ere presented in a letter from Judge Sulzberger of
Philadelphia, President of the American Jev/ish Committee,
to President Roosevelt, on L!ay IS, 1908.
The letter from Sulzberger to the President v/as trans
ferred to Secretary Root. The reply from Root on Juno 4,
190S, said that the letter would receive attentive considera
tion.^) Other letters on the same matter v/ere sent by
Judge Sulzberger to Secretary Root on June 17, 1908,^) and
to President Roosevelt on June 30, 1908.5~) No further
response came from President Roosevelt or from the Dep?.rtment
of State.
The Russian-Jev/ish Question and the 1908 Elections.
The Russian-Jewish question did not seem important to
the State Department, but the politicians held a different
view and included the issue in the election campaign.
The Republican National Convention adopted the follov/ing
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plank on June 19, 1908:
"Yfe commend the vigorous efforts made by the Administx’ation to px’otcct American citizens in fox’eign lands, and pledge ourselves to insist upon the just and equal protection of all our citizens abroad. It is the unques tioned duty of the government to procure for all our citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in friendly coun tries, and we declare ourselves in £ayor of all proper efforts tending to that end."^°)
The Democratic Party on July 4, 1908, adopted the
following platform:
' "Yfe pledge ourselves to insist upon the just and lawful protection of our citizens at home and abroad, and to use all proper methods to secure for them, whether native-born or naturalized, and without distinction of race or creed, the equal pi’otection of lav/ and the enjoyment of all rights and privileges open to then under our treaty; and if, under existing treaties, the right of travel and sojourn is denied to American citizens, or recognition is withheld from American passports by any countries on the ground of race or creed, vie favor prompt negotiations with the governments of such countries to secure the removal of these unjust discriminations. Yfe demand that all over the world a duly authorized passport issued by the Government of the United States to American citizens shall be proof of the fact that he is an American citizen and shall entitle him to the treatment due him as such."^°)
The "passport question" v/as frequently referred to by
Mr. Taft during the Pi’esident ial campaign - in his acceptance
speech delivex-ed in Cincinnati, Ohio, July 28, 1908,^^ in a
speech in Brooklyn, New York, October 2G, 1908, in anothei'
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speech in New York, October 28, 1908,5S) and on several
other occasions.
Secretax-y of State Root wi*ote to Jacob H. Schiff on
October 19, 1908, saying:
"This administration has repeatedly brought the mattei' to the attention of the Russian government and urged the making of a new treaty for the pui’- pose of regulating the subject.
"We have but recently received an unfavorable i*eply to this pi’oposal and we have now communicated to Russia an expression of the desii'e of this govern- ment for a complete revision and amendment of the treaty of 1832, which pro\fides for reciprocal rights of residence and travel on the part of the citizens of the two counti'ies. We have expi'essed our views that such a course would be preferable to the complete termination of the ti’eaty, sub jecting both countries to the possibility of being left without any reciprocal x'ights whatever owing to the delay in the making of a new treaty.
"The course v/hich the administration is following in this respect is the one which appeal's to us to be best calculated to attain the end desii’ed, an end as to which I beg to assure j^ou the adminis tration is in full and sympathetic agi-eement with you."0®)
All these letters, speeches, platforms and assurances
were only pre-election pi-omises. Some achievement on the
Russian-Jev/ish question before the elections could increase
the number of votes for the Republican Party, especially in
New York, where Russian-born Jews, who v/ere under Democratic
influence, v/ere concentrated. An official Russian agreement
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to conclude a new, more modern treaty v/hich would replace
the 1832 treaty, even without agreement on the details,
would be considered as an achievement of the outgoing ad
ministration and would help much in the elections. On
October 6, 1908, Secretary Root instructed Ambassador Riadle
to bring a proposal for a new modern treaty of commerce and
navigation before the Russian Foreign Ministry.6®)
Ambassador Riddle wrote to Secretary Root on this on
November 6, 1908. He described his conversation with the
Russian Foreign Minister, to whom he proposed concluding a
new treaty of commerce and navigation. The Minister did
not object to open negotiation for a new treaty, but before
that was done he wanted to have reports from the heads of
various departments in his Ministry on more detailed pro
posals.
Ambassador Riddle asked the Department of State to
send him a draft of a treaty v/hich would satisfy the U.S.
Government so that he could negotiate every clause of the
draft with the Russians and find out which parts of it were
favorable or unfavorable to them. The Ambassador saw no
chance of changing the views of the Russian government,
as far as the rights of American Jews v/ere concerned. As
other nations would protest against special privileges being
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awarded to American Jews, full rights of travel could not
be accorded to them unless the exclusion act against foreign
Jews was wholly repealed. The Russian government had no
intention of doing this.®-*-)
Ambassador Riddle's report did not promise any change
in the Russian attitude towards the Jewish question. The
elections resulted in a Republican victory, and after they
v/ere over there was no longer urgency concerning the question.
Mr. William Woodville Rockhill was appointed U.S. Ambassador
to Russia in place of Ur. Riddle. The Secretary of State
preferred therefore not to send Ambassador Riddle the draft
of a proposed new treaty of commerce and navigation which he
had asked for. The Secretai’y waited for Rockhill*s arrival
in Russia, and for a study and report to be made by him on
the Russian-Jewish question, recommending what, if anything,
could be done about it. (19 ^
A House resolution about the Russian-Jewish question
v/as introduced in Congress on January 18, 1909 by Represen-
C* O ^ tative Goldfogle of New York,J^' reported back by the
Committee on Foreign Affairs with amendments on February 20,
1909,^*^ and passed the House on March 1, 1909, in the last
days of the Roosevelt Administration.
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The resolution requested the President to renew nego
tiations with Russia to secure uniformity of treatment to
American citisens and equal freedom of travel and sojourn
in Russia to all American citisens without regard to race
or faith.
The resolution was discussed by Representatives
Goldfogle, Harrison and Parsons of New York and Hitchcock
of Nebraska. Representative Goldfogle explained his resolu
tion in a.long address, mentioned former congressional
x’esolutions and the published diplomatic correspondence on
the subject.
Representative Harrison gave the views of a majority
of the Committee on Foreign Affairs against abrogating the
commercial treaty with Russia. He said:
11... In the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the discussion of this matter it was unanimously agreed that our country should secure a revision of the treaty, if possible, looking to a correc tion of the abuse by Russia of the American passport. There wore a number of members of the committee who thought it advisable to direct or to request the President of the United States to denounce the present treaty with Russia as outworn, and yet it was decided by a majority of that committee, in view of the fact that a new administration was incoming, that it vreuld be in discreet, at the present time for us to request a denunciation of the treaty. It is evident to all of us, however, that some more vigorous step must be taken by America to secure the elimination of this abuse.”
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Representat ivo Saba.th stated that the adninistrnt ion
had done nothin" on the sub j cct. A few days before the
President in! election, a letter written by Secretary hoot
to a certain yentlonan in. ITew Yorh (Hr. Schiff) v/as printed
in one of the newspapers.
MThis letter a.opca.red shortly before the election, a.nd v/as, of course, neatly published in a3.1 the papers, statin." that progress wa.s beiny made in the negotiations v/ith Russia.. I sincerely hope tha.t the department has not boon na.hiny a. political tool of so vital a.nd important a ciucstion a.s this.”65)
The resolution v/as referred to the Sena.te Cornu it toe on
Foreiyn Relations a.nd referred to the Senate v/ith amendments.
The House concurred v/ith the Sena.te amendments, and the
President siyncd the resolution on Ha.rch <1, 1909.
The Roosevelt Administrat ion brouyht no solution to or
chanye in the Russian-Jev/ish question. Duriny that adminis
tration, pr.rticuln.rly in 1903-1906, internal disorders and
poyroms occurred in Russia. Fev/ American Jev/s visited Russia,
as no visas v/ere "ranted to Jev/s to visit there. The efforts
of American-Jewish oryanimations were concentrated more on
requestiny some action on behalf of Russia.:: Jev/s and less in
den.liny v/ith individual cases of sccuriny n.dnission into
Russia, for Ancrica.n Jev/s. They did not believe more in
solviny the question by diplomatic a.ction in every case of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112
refusal to admit American Jews into Russia and discrim
ination against those who wore admitted. Amex’ican-Jewish
organisations, and particularly the American Jewish Committee,
asked for a general solution or the abrogation of all the
treaties with Russia, or at least the Treaty of Commerce and
Navigation. President Roosevelt made some pre-election
promises and some notes were sent to the Russians asking
mainly for information on the pogroms. The notes and
addi'esses were made mox-e fox* publicity and political effects
in the U.S. than for achievement in improving the tx’eatment
of the Jews by Russia.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113
N 0 T E S
1) Wolf, pp. 1S7-88,
2) FR, 1903, p. 712.
3) Ibid.
4) Ibid., pp. 712-15.
5) Text of President T. Roosevelt’s address: Wolf, pp. 191-208. See also: Isidore Singer, Russia at the Bar of the American People (N.Y.: Funk £: Wagnalls, 1904), )KXl, 296 pp.
Oscar S. Straus, Under Four Administrations, From Cleveland to Taft (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1922), pp. T7TPT3'.------
Louis Marshall, Champion of Liberty (Philadelphia: The Jev/ish Publication Society of America, 1957), Vol. I., pp. 49-107.
Different views from those of President Roosevelt on the Tsar’s attitude concerning the pogroms were given by A. N. Kuropatkin, the Russian Minister of War and Commander of the Russian fox’ces during the Russian-Japanese Wax*. He wrote in his diary on April 14, 1903, that in, a conversation with the Interior Minister von Plehve" "Plehve expressed the same opinion that I have also heard from the Tsar, that the Jev/s should be taught a lesson" because of their participa tion in the revolutionary movement, ("The Diary of A. N. Kuropatkin", Krasnyi Archiv, 2:43).
G) rIA, Instructions, Russia, 19:432-64.
About Secretary of State Hay’s views on the petition re the Kishinev pogrom and Jews in Russia, see: Tyler Dennett, John Hay (II.Y.: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1934), p. 395-400. Hay’s view v/as that intervention on behalf of Russian Jews would be of no advantage to the U.S. nor to the Russian Jews (Hay to Schiff, Ibid, p. 398). Secretax*y Hay had been struggling with the Px’esidcnt "to prevent some rash gesture in the interest of winning the nomination in June 1904" (Ibid., p. 400). Hay contx'ibuted $500. to a
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. New York Jewish relief committee, but was against writing any protest to Russia, and against the petition to the Tsar on the Kishinev pogrom.
7) HA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. GO.
8) Cyrus Adler, The Voice of America on ICishineff (Philadelphia: 1904), pp. XVII, 470-77.
9) Adce to Riddle, Sept. 22, 1903. HA, Instructions, Russia, 18:476.
10) Ibid., Despatches, Russia, Vol. 60.
11) Ibid.
The Minister of Interior, in January 190G, requested a member of the Council of Ministers to investigate the pogrom at Homel. According to his report, during a period of two days a group of ten or fifteen armed men burned Jewish houses, smashed stores and killed Jews. They were supplied with arms by a Cavalx'y Captain, Count Podgorichani. The Council of Ministers asked permission of the Tsar to inquire into the activities of that Captain. The Tsar answered in a marginal note, saying "I see no interest in this matter.” (M. Kanstan- tinov, "Nicholas II and the Revolution of 1905," Rrasnyi Archiv, 11-12:438-439).
See also: Witte, pp. 190-32, 274.
12) Termination, p. 309, citing AJYB, 5670, 1909-10, pp. 30-31.
13) Ibid.
See also: CR, 53th Cong., 2nd Scss., Vol. 38, pt. 1, p. 453; pt. 5, p. 49o 14) 1904, pp. 790-01. 15) Ibid., p. 794. 16) HA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 61. 17) PR, 1904, p. 794. CO HA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 62. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 19) Cited by CR, 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 43, pt. 320. 20) Ibid., p. 321. 21) FR, 1904, p. XLIII. 22) HA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 63. 23) Ibid. 24) Ibid. See: Oscar S. Straus, Under Four Administrations From Cleveland to Taft (Boston: Houghton Llixi'lin Co., 1922), P. 199. Witte, pp. 1G3-G4. 25) TRP, 22:103-4. 26) FR, 1905, p. 779. 27) Ibid., p. 331. 23) Ibid. 29) TRP,.30 ; 44-45. Published in: The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, edited by Biting E. Llorison (Cambridge, Mass.: harvard University Press, 1952), Vol. 5, pp. 112-13. 30) FR, 1906, pt. 2, p. 1296. 31) Ibid. 32) TRP, 32:466-67. Published in: The Letters of Theo dore Roosevelt...Op. Cit., p. 207-3. 33) HA, Despatches, Piussia, Vol. 66. 34) NA.nf, 115:317, 317/1-817/3, S15/5-7, 817/14-16 FR, 1906, pt. 2, pp. 1300-14. 35) ITA, 79/57. 36) CR, 59th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 40, pt. 9, p. 8919, (S. Res. BIT), 9004. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 37) FR, 1906, pt. 2, pp. 1296-97. 38) Ibid., p. 1297. Count Witte described, in his memoirs, a special section of the Police Department which was engaged in printing and distributing proclamations inciting pogroms (Witte, pp. 331-333). 39) NA, Instructions, Russia, 19:126. 40) NA, Despatches, Russia, Vol. 66. 41) Ibid. 42) Ibid.; "Communicpie Officel Sur Los Desordres de Bi^lostok," St. Petersburg, 1906, 8 pp/ 43) NA nf, case 248. 44) NA nf, 5577. 45) Ibid., 5577/9. 46) Cited by CR, 60th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 42, pt. 2, p. 1838, 47) AJYB, 5672, 1911-12, pp. 23-24. 48) CR, 60th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 42, pt. 2, p. 1337 (H. Res, US'S); see also: Ibid., p. 1570. 49) Ibid., pp. 1337-42.. 50) AJYB, 5672, 1911-12, p. 25-27. 51) NA, 711.612. See also: NA nf, 115:317/40. 52) Ibid. 53) Ibid., 711.612. 54) 1IA nf, 115:817/46. 55) Cited by Representative Michael Donohoe. CR, 63rd Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 48, pt. 12, Appendi::, p. 16. 56) Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I 117 57) Cited by Representn.tive Legare (December 13, 1911). Ibid., pt. 1, p. 319, Given also in: Presidential Addresses and State Papers of William Howard Taft (N.Y.'r Doubleday, Page & Co., 1910), vol. 1, p. 35. 58) AJYB 5670, 1909-10, p. 41. 59) The American Hebrew (H.Y.), Vol. 33, No. 25 (No. 1510), October 23^ 1908. also: Termination, pp. 249-50. According to Philip C. Jessup (Elihu Root, N.Y.: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1938, vol. 2, pp. 65-66) Secretary Root sympathised v/ith the Russian Jews and tried to help them but was against just making publicity for political effect in the U.S. as was done by President Roosevelt. 60) NA, 15994/1. 61) Ibid., 15994/2. 62) Ibid., 861.4016/79 (Rockhill to Kno;:, April 20, 1910). 63) CR, 60th Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 43, p t . 2, p. 1070, (II.J. Res. 235) 64) Ibid., pt. 3, p. 2S25 (II. R. Report 2212). 65) Ibid., pt. 4,.pp. 3505-9. 66) Ibid., p. 3638, 3741, 3811, 3822, 3831, 3833. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 CHAPTER V The Russian-Jewish Question During the Taft Administration_____ (1909-1911). March 1909-March 1910 The Taft Administi-atior. dealt more v/ith the Hussian- Jev/ish question than all the previous administrations rogether did. There were already in the United States many Russian-born American Jews who had acquired sufficient voting power, wealth and influence to be able to press this issue. The subject was an issue in the Presidential cam paign and the administration v/as ashed to keep its pre election promises. President Taft mentioned the "passport question" in his inaugural address on March 4, 1909: "The policy of the United States...should be constantly exerted to securing for its bona fide citizens, whether native or naturalized, respect for them as such in foreign countries. We should make every effort to pi’event humiliat ing and degrading prohibition against any of our citizens wishing temporarily to sojourn in foreign countries because of race or religion."1' This v/as still a continuation of election promises. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 But nothing more was done than to promise* On May 6, 1909, the Senate ratified and made public an agreement between the U.S. and Russia, concluded and signed in St. Petersburg on June 25, 1904, to regulate the position of corporations, stock companies and other commercial associations, industrial or financial.^) On May 11, 1909, Judge Sulzberger wrote to Secretary of State Philander C. Kno:: on behalf of the American Jewish n \ Committee against that agreement.0' A letter from the American Jewish Committee to the President on Febimary 24, 1910, again asked for the abrogation of all the treaties with Russia and to conclude one new treaty that would cover all American relations with Russia. The Committee attached to that letter excerpts from Russian treaties with Germany, Austria and France concerning Jews and a repoi’t of a debate in the French Chamber of Deputies on December 27, 1909, concerning the treatment of French Jews in Russia. Accoi’ding to the American Jewish Committee, the Russian treaties with the above-mentioned countries e::tended more rights in Russia to the Jews of those countries than those granted to American Jews.") The answer from Secretary Knox to the American Jewish Committee on March 8, 1910, said that American Jews were Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. treated no worse by Russia than were those of France, Germany and Austria.5^ Mr. William W. Rockhill was appointed U.S. Ambassador to Russia. On December G, 1909, Secretary of State Kno;: instructed him to take advantage of every occasion to induce the Russian government to solve the Russian-Jewish question. No reports were forthcoming from St. Petersburg about any negotiations with the Russian Government on the matter, so the following telegram was sent by Kno;: to Rockhill on March 3, 1910: "Department is awaiting your report on status of negotiations for the recognition by Russian Gov ernment of American Passports for Jewish citizens. It is understood that under present organization of Russian Administration on constitutional bases certain measures have been suggested looking to the amelioration of I'cstrictions imposed on Jews in Russia and the appointment of an Imperial Com mission to revise the passport regulations. "You are instructed to take all possible advantage of this situation and to press with renewed earnest ness for such treatment of American passports as will respond to the dictates of modern sentiment and international law and treaty."?) The reply from Rockhill to Kno:: on March 7, 1910, read: I cannot learn that a commission to l’evise the passport regulations is even contemplated."^' Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 Hr. Huntington Wilson wrote (for Knox) to Rockhill on the subject on L’arch 19, 1910. He stated that the in formation about a Russian Passport Commission (the "Durnovo Commission") came from Ilr. I.leycr's report of September 7, 1905, and subsequent reports. As the Embassy had not re ported the dissolution of that Commission, the Department presumed that the Commission still existed. Ambassador Rockhill reported to Secx-etary Knox on April 20, 1910, concerning the Jewish question in Russia. His conclusion was that it seemed "out of the question" to expect the abrogation of the special laws against Jews in Russia or the adoption of any lav/ facilitating the sojourn of foreign Jews. It was a.lso hopeless to expect any nego tiations for a Naturalization Treaty ox* a new Treaty of Commex'ce and Navigation more favorable to American citizens than the Treaty of 1S32. There was a possibility of a more libei'al interpretation of the regulations concerning American Jews wishing to visit or to reside temporarily in Russia. -*-0) The Taft Administration promised to solve the Russian- Jewish question. The first year of that Administration saw no changes. The agreement to regulate the position of cor porations and other commercial associations between the U.S. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 and Russia seemed more important and there v/as much anxiety that an involvement in the Jewish question might endanger that agreement. Against the interests of American Jews to change the situation of the Jews in Russia grew other more influential interests of persons interested and involved in investments and trade within Russia, I.Ir, Herman Bernstein’s Criticism of American Diplomats in Russia. The attitude of the State Department and of American diplomats in Russia to Jews in Russia and the Russian-Jewish question v/as criticised by I.Ir. Herman Bernstein in the "New York Times" of July 2, 1911.1:L) Mr. Bernstein described his correspondence with the President and Secretary of State on the "Passport Question," and mentioned a letter from Secretary Kno:: to President Taft about the Russian Government’s announcement that a commission to revise the passport regulations had been created. After that, I,Ir. Bernstein wrote to the President and stated that he felt that Mr. Knox must have been misinformed concerning the announced measures to improve the condition of the Jews in Russia. Russia v/as determined not to change her policies regarding the "Passport Question" It v/as believed in Russian Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 official cii'cles that the American government was not seriously interested in the question which, from time to time, v/as revived only fox' pre-elect ion purposes. President Taft l’eplied to that on March 26, 1910, and said that he ventured to thinl: that the Secretary of State "knows what he is talking about." Mr. Bernstein received a letter from the State Department on April 2, 1910 which stated that the passport commission refei'red to in a published lettei' fi’om Kno:: to Taft v/as the Durnovo Commission which v/as created several years ago. Mr. Bei'nstein visited St. Petersburg where he asked members of the Duma and Council of State about the Durnovo Commission. But none of the Russian statesmen or jurists knew anything about the existence of such a commission. Hr. Bei'nstein presumed that the commission referred to might have been the one mentioned by Count Lamsdoi'f to Ambassador McCoi'mick on October 4, 1904. That commission concluded its work years ago and decided against any l'eforms in the Russian Passport system. It had nothing to da with the American Passpoi’t question. Mr. Bei'nstein said that lie had had the privilege of meeting some of the Amei'ican Ambassadors and Consuls in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 Russia, and stated in his article, "While they are men of unusual intelligence and broadmindedness, they showed a surpi-ising lacl: of familiarity with the situation in Russia. But upon a closer considei’ation it is quite clear than an American, unacquainted with the Russian language, Russian literature and Russian life cannot get a fair knowledge of Russia if all his information is drawn from the bureaucrats with whom he must come in contact." The article went on to say that that was true also about representa.tives of other countries in Russia. Any Ambassador, who wanted to be acquainted with "the other side of Russia," would have to leave that count l-y. Hr. Bernstein cited an e::ample of a French Ambassador in Russia who had had lunch several times with a distinguished Liberal at St. Petersburg. That occurrence became known to the Russian government and the Ambassador was recalled. The article advised Americans who wanted to be informed about Russia not to rely only upon the views and reports of the American representatives in that country but to look in addition to that for other sources of inf oi’mation. Ur. Bei’nstein had a long convei'sation with Ambassador1 Rockhill on Hay 23, 1911, A ti'anscript of that interview v/as presented by Ur. Jacob H. Schiff to Secretai'y of State 12 Kno:: on November’ 20, 1911. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 Mr. Rockhill presented his views about the conditions in Russia in general and about the "Passport Question" in particular during that conversation. According to Mr. Bern stein his description of the situation in Russia "showed beyond doubt that he v/as very poorly informed" about the real situation in that country. Mr. Rockhill stated that the Passport Question was not an American question, but that all great nations of Europe had the same problem. The European nations came to the con clusion that nothing could be done about that natter at that time. Besides that, the Jews of Galicia and Rumania would immigrate to Russia if foreign Jews were permitted to enter. That would make the economic condition of the Russian Jews worse than it v/as. I.Ir. Rockhill learned in his conversations with Premier Stolypin and other high officials that if the Jewish Pale of Settlement would be abolished there would occur widespread massacres of Jews. Some addresses made in the Duma and the Council of Empire by representatives of the anti- Semitic parties caused Mr. Rockhill to believe that such things might really happen. Ambassador Rockhill declared that there v/as really no discrimination against Jews in Russia. Ho was told at the Ministry of the Interior that the Russian govci’nment had no Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12G objections to any respectable American Jew coming to Russia. All that he had to do was to communicate with American Emb assy in St. Petersburg. He stated that it was not true that Mr. Oscar Straus v/as not admitted into Russia, and that he did not know anything about it. He knew that the Russian Government would be glad to receive Mr. Straus or any other prominent American Jew. It was bad policy to force the Pass port Question on Russia. In time, with the improvement of her internal affairs, Russia would settle that question by hei'self. The U.S. needed Russia more than Russia needed the U.S. Mr. Rockhill referred to the American interests in Russia which seemed to be more important than the Passport Question. Mr. Rockhill said that American Jews themselves did not want an influ:: of Jews from Russia to the U.S.: "My friend, Dr. Cyrus Adler, Judge Sulzberger and Mr.. Schiff told me that they were eager that the Jewish question be solved in Russia so that the Russian Jews should not come to America. I under stood distinctly from my conversations with Judge Sulzberger and Mr. Schiff that they did not want the Jewish question raised in America and therefore feared an influx of Russian Jews to the U.S." Mr. Jacob II. Schiff added a few remarks to the Secre tary of State, to whom he transmitted that transcript. He stated that Mr, Rockhill's statements were in conflict with the repeated assurances of the President that the Ambassador Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 had been instructed to use every effort to bring about a solution of the Passport Question. The letter from Jacob LI. Schiff was transferred to the Division of Near Eastern Affairs and fi'om there was sent to Mr. Adee on November 22, 1911, with the following comment: "I attach herewith a rathei’ awkward letter from Mr. Schiff. Its evident purpose is to present to the Department a dilemma — either to avow belief in the transcendent urgency of the 'pass port question,' or to admit the charge of double- dealing brought actually against the Administration although nominally against Mr. Rockhill. It assumes that his recognition of the superior importance of other American interests belies the President's assurances. As no issue of fact is raised (at least in the letter itself), it seems to me that we might properly content ourselves with a mere acknowledgement of the 'letter of Nov. 20 enclosing a memorandum furnished by Mr. H. Bernstein, of a conversation with Mr. Rockhill'."13) American Diplomats in Russia and Russian Jews. (I9l0-19ll) With the growth of the number of Russian-born Jev/s in the U.S., there v/as increased interest in the U.S. in the situation of the Jews in Russia. Upon reading the reports of the American representatives in Russia about the Russian Jews one might get the impression that there was a gradual Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 v/orsening of that situation and that the situation during the year 1911 was worse than ever befoi’e, But that was not the real situation. That showed only a growing in terest in the situation in the U.S. which forced its representatives in Russia to report on that subject more than they had previously; e.g., the case of expulsion of Jews from Kiev. News about the expulsion of Jews from Kiev reached the U.S., inquiries were made of the Secretary of State, and the State Department requested information on it from the Consul in- Odessa. Consul Graut’s reply to Secretary Knox read: "At first it was decided to expel all those entitled to reside in the city. The committee appointed to consider not likely take action against them all."^5' Ambassador Rockhill in his reports of March 9 and April 19, 1910, v/rote about the enforcement of existing lav/s restricting the residence of Jev/s. Jews who were permitted to live outside the "Pale of Settlement" during the years 1905-1906 v/ere not longer allowed to live there. Rockhill enclosed with his report an article from "Retch" of April 2/15, 1910, which described the measures to expel 1200 Jewish families from Kiev.^-®) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 A series of letters were sent to the Pi'esident asking for information about the treatment of Jews in Kiev which, as one person wrote, "is much worse than Spain ever did to the Cubans." (Spain’s attitude toward the Cubans was one of the reasons for the Spanish-American War of 1S9S.) The replies to this series of letters were almost all alike: that the Department had received no confirmation of the newspaper reports upon which those letters were based.1^) A communication from Assistant Secretary of State Wilson to the Embassy in St. Petersburg on May 7, 1910 asked for a report about the "alleged expulsion and massacre of Jews at Kief."18) Charge* d’Affaires Wheeler wrote the Secretary of State on May 8, 1910, as follows: "The rumor of massacre of Jews at Kief without foundation. The order of expulsion was not carried out but is to be held in abeyance pend ing further study of the situation by the Government."1®) Inquiries about the expulsion of Jews from Kiev were sent by Judge Sulzberger and Mr. Wolf to Charg<£ d’Affaires Wheeler. Mr. Wheeler answered these letters on May 31, 1910, informing the writers that the expulsions were carried out, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 but that there was Mno excitement or disorder." Kiev had a population of about half a million, of which more than 70,000 were Jews. The proportion of those finally expelled, compared with the Jewish population, was not as large "as foreign accounts would seem to have implied." I.!r. Wheeler wrote also to Judge Sulzberger, saying: "It may be mentioned pax-enthetically that the Retch (St. Petersburg) to whose columns the x’ecent rumors of imminent disorders at Kieff seem to be traceable, is strongly pro-Jewish, that many of its staff- writers ai’e Jews, and that it cannot always be depended upon in its treatment of events effecting the Jewish situation."20) Only anti-Semitic papers could be depended upon to des cribe events affecting Jews, not the liberal "Retch." Such was the line of thought of Charge'’ d*Affaires Wheeler. A report from Chai-ge d'Affaires Wheeler to the Secretary of State on July 1, 1910, stated that all reports in the press about the expulsion of jews from Kiev were exaggerated, that only about 350 families had been expelled, and that the number of the expelled v/as not, comparatively, great enough "to cause local excitement."21) Many letters of protest concerning the situation of the Jews in Russia were received by the President, the Secretary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 of State and Congressmen. Such letters came from private persons, local and national organizations, clubs, congrega tions and others.22) An article in "The Jev/ish Independent" (Cleveland, Ohio, October 14, 1910) together with an accompanying letter was sent to Congressman Cassidy and Howland. Mr. Cassidy wrote about it to Secx-etary of State Knox on October 15, 1910. The article in "The Jewish Independent" read: "An eminent American citizen, Oscar S. Straus, United States Ambassador to Turkey, has recently been subjected to gross insult and humiliation by the Government of Russia and through him the Government of the United States, by the issuing of a special permit to 'one Straus, a Jew* to travel in Russia. The passport was returned by Ambassador Straus." Secretary of State Knox wrote to Mr. Cassidy on Octobex- 24, 1910, saying: "The Department has not yet l’eceived any official report of the incident mentioned.,.The Department is much concerned over this whole question of the restrictions placed by the Government of Russia upon Araei-ican as well as other alien Jews who attempt to travel in that country."23) The Secretary of State transmitted to the President, on December 14, 1910, lettei’s fi*om Representative Herbert Parsons, New York (dated November 24, 1910), and from Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 Mr. Harry Cutler, Providence, Rhode Island, "in the matter of affording greater protection to the rights and property of American Jews travelling in Russia." Messrs. Parsons and Cutler described the development of the U.S.-Russian x’elations. They proposed a termination of the treaties of 1832 and 1887 and the conclusion of a new treaty which would ensure to American Jews "rights now denied to them," Secretary of State Knox wrote to the President opposing the proposals to terminate the treaties with Russia. He did not believe that such termination "would assist in bring ing about the object contemplated by those who had proposed it." On the other hand, such action would occasion straining of political and commercial relations with Russia. From time to time, American repi’esentatives in Russia had to act on behalf of American citizens who were discrimin ated against in Russia. During the summer of 1911 there was the case of Leopold Jacob, an American Jew, not of Russian origin, a representative of several American commercial houses, who was refused permission to remain in Tiumen, Province of Tobolsk, Siberia, on the ground that Jews were not permitted to enter Siberia.There v/as much cori'espondence between the State Department and the Embassy in St. Petersburg, and between the Embassy and the Russian Foreign Office on it. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 3 Ur. Snodyrass, tho U.S. Consul General in Moscow, h.ad different views t'inn the St. Pot was more r.cour.intod with Russin. and it s rj.ooolo, !io had contacts * n commercin 1 and Industrin.l circles which ha.d liberal views, and ho h:i ew hov: iso 1st ex! was the yovcrniny bureaucracy :h’o:’. tho vest o" the populat ion. In his reports to tho St p . to Department ho quo bod not only nnti- Son5.tic "Hovoo Vrorrn." but also the liberal errors, usual!" t"iono thr.t represented tin c o m vcrci.nl and industrial views .and interests. Hr. Snodqrass did not nhe.ro the ant i-Ser.ii ic viowh of tho huso inn !vuronucrrcy and in his "i ^ *1^ **'■■j*:'"? *• ° ' “'"i” i 'cT*1 s'i '■ j r * jc*7 *3 0 ""*P p ■'“C q -> rj ~ *7 -r f} “'j1 ^ 3 C O ^ *1 '' O V • The now U.S. Ambassador to Russia, Curtis Guild, describee is report of July 37, 1311, his conversation with the A r»-f-;iny w *e Russian Minister tor Joreiyr. A.rdr.irs Uorr.tof f, at the time he presented his credentials. Mr. Guild said that he would lilze to tahe up various qxiestions with him, such as the Jewish question, in which the U.S. was espcciall2r interested. Mr. Neratoff replied that the Jewish question v/as, from the Russian point of view, a question of interne.1 a.dministration. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 Mr. Guild replied that he agreed with him as far as local regulations wore concerned, but would hope to crrchange opinions "on those points wherein tho question touched his Government *s external relations with my own nationals."26) .. Ambassador Guild reported to the Secretary of State on September 12, 1911 about his meeting with Mr. Bahhnetieff, v/ho was appointed Mussian Ambp.ssador to tho U.S. After a long conversation about the situation in the Far East, Mr. Guild referred as follov/s to tho Jev/ish question: "Mo /Mr. Bahhmetiefi/stated that ho already understood the-political nature of the agitation in the United States, and showed considerable hnowledgc of the con ditions of the political parties and the possible underlying reason for which this agitation centering around certain Jewish banhors in Hew York may be the prete::t. I urged upon him the wisdom of certain con cessions by Russia to Jewish citizens of the United States seehing to do business in this country. He reminded me that many concessions of that nature have recently been given. I urged upon him the abolition of the religious test insisted upon by Russia in issu ing visaes through their consuls. I suggested to him as a first step that what information was desired could be ascertained by following the practice of the United Sta.tes v/ithout the necessity of the use of a question repugnant alike to the feelings of the American people and contrary to the principles of our Constitution. A ter considerable conversation he stated that he thoughl-b rt- that night be accomplished, and that if I could plan out roughly some such scheme in detail he would take it up confidentially with his own Government before his de parture for the United Sta.tes."27) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 3 5 Tho reactionary Premier Stolypin v/as assassinated. The place of assassination v/as Kiev, a city where sonic Jews were permitted to live, and tho assassin v/as of Jev/ish oriyin. This v/as used, as a preterit to errpel more Jev/s from the city. Ambassador Guild reported that Stolypin*s assass ination v/as a Jewish plot, that the population v/as, because of that, ayainst the Jev/s, and only suppression of the popular riots ayainst then by the Government saved then from the vonyea.nce of the p e o p l e . ^8) Stolypin’s assassination v/as more complicated; he v/as no lonyer a favorite of the Court. The Tsar v/as jealous of his yrov/iny pov/er and of the possibility that his position miyht become lihe that of a British Prime Minister, leaviny the Tsa.r merely a fiyurehead. The man who assassinated Stolypin v/as of Jev/ish oriyin, but ha.d nothiny to do with Jev/s. He v/as a. Socia,! Hevolut iona.ry and e„lso a police ayent. An official commission conclxtded that some hiyh police officia.ls were responsible for the assassination, but nobody v/as punished. No evidence v/as left as to whether the assassin acted on behalf of the revolutionaries or of the police. Ambassr.dor Guild promised to study the Jev/ish question Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 nnon his nr rival in Russia and to report about it, v/hich he did in great detail to the Secretary of State on December 5,. 1911.^^ Until 1905, Russia., according to Guild, v/as slov/ly pro gressing tov/ards general liberalise.tion of the passport question a.nd removal of all religious distinctions. Previous reports from American Ambassadors in St. Petersburg were mentioned as the source of this view. The Revolution occurred in 1905, as well as the creation of the Duma, v/hich v/as, according to him, more hostile to Jev/s than the executive branch of the government. There v/as, in Russia., "a genuine race prejudice" and old stories aga.inst the, Jev/s in Europe, told centuries ago, were still being told and believed in by even educated people. Mr. Guild said: "A government official high in office expressed sur prise that I had never even hoard of the suggestion of what he advanced as a serious fact, tha.t there e::ists ’a universn.1 Jewry* v/ith a secret governing centra.l bod;* by v/hich a.ll Jev/s arc bound to act poli tically first and alv/r.ys as Jev/s, utilising this nation and that as their tools, malting and preventing v/ars through politics, press and the power of money often to the direct detriment of the nation involved, but p.lways to the advancement of the Jew and his desire to control and crush Christianity." Mr. Guild described tho restrictions aga.inst Jev/s in Russia which restrict their freedom "though not threaten ing; their lives." He found that all statements about the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 Jev/ish question were exaggerated and made it difficult to find the exact truth about them. This was all about the Russian Jews, whose situation v/as an internal Russian question, but as far as American Jews were concerned, Mr. Guild admitted that he had to act on their behalf. The Russian interpretation of the treaty of 1332 was different fx’om the American interpretation. Russian officials asked to know the x'eligion of each applicant to enter Russia, whereas the U.S. asked for the race of each applicant to enter the U.S., - among others, the Hebrew race. Mr. Guild saw only a difference in the definition, not in the substance. The abrogation of tho treaty of 1332 would be detrimental to the U.S., but much less so to Russia. The U.S. and Russia had common interests in the Far East. Russia was a friendly power to the U.S. and had shown her friendship by her more liberal attitude towards American Jews v/ho were no longer en tirely excluded from Russia. Jewish Endeavors Towards the Abrogation of the Treaty (H-Jll) Leading Jev/ish organizations in the U.S. tried for years to achieve a solution to the Russian-Jewish question. An Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 interview of members of the American Jewish Committee with President Taft (v/ho was accompanied by Secretary of State Kno:: and Ambassador Rockhill) brought no results.^0). Simultaneously with the presentation of that question before the Administration, an appeal v/as also made by these organizations to American public opinion. An address by Mr. Louis Marshall, "Russia and the American Pa.ssport," which he delivered before tho 22nd Council of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations at Nov/ York on January 19, 1911, brought the question before American public opinion. The address v/as printed in many editions, distributed in many areas and con tributed much to the creation of an opinion which wn.s favorable towards the abrogation of the treaty. Mr. Marshall regarded the "Passport Question" not as a Jev/ish question but as an American one. Jev/s night suffer in silence, as had their ancestors for centui'ies, but they were also American citizens and as Americans they must find a remedy for this American question. The Anerican-Russian treaty required Russia to make no distinction between American citizens. But Russia had broken its compact and ignored a series of continued protests made by every President of the U.S. since the Administration of Pi-esident Hayes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 Mr. Marshall cited examples of how the U.S. had observed the obligations of that treaty and how Russia had broken them. Russia introduced the practice of inquir ing its consuls in the U.S. to interrogate American citizens about their race and faith, and it denied to Jews the authentication of passports or legal documents for use in Russia. Russia offered an American Ambassador "by a special act of grace" the opportunity to enter Russia, "notv/ithstand- ing that he was one of the Jewish persuasion." But the experienced diplomat did not accept this "special j.avor." Every four years, when the national conventions of the great parties took place, planks were placed in their plat forms giving assurances on the matter. Such declarations v/ere made by the Republicans and the Democrats in 1904 and 1903. During the previous tv/o years there had been an abundance of efforts to achieve by ordinary diplomatic negotiations the obligations of that contract. But all methods of diplomacy had failed. Mr. Marshall concluded his paper saying that American citizens insisted on complete abrogation of all the existing treaties betv/een the U.S. and Russia. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 After the n.bove-mentioned addi’ess v/as delivered, the following l'esolution was adopted by the Council of the Union of American Hebi'ew Congregations, and v/as presented to President Taft on January 27, 1911: "Resolved, That it is the sense of this council, speaking not as a repi'esentative of Jews, but as a body of cit Lzcns having at heart the pi'esei’vation of the honor of the Nation, joining in generous emulation with all other citizens to elevate its moral and political standards and to stimulate an abiding consciousness of its ideal mission among the nations of the earth, that the President of the United States, the Department of State, and Congress be l’espectfully and earnestly urged to take immediate measures, in conformity with the egress tei’ms of the treaties now existing between the United States and Russia, and in accordance with the law of nations, to terminate such treaties, to the end that if treaty violations are to exist between the two nations it shall be upon such conditions and guarantees only as shall be consonant with the dignity of the American people."32) Instances of x'efusing American Jews pei'mission to visit Russia continued. One of the Jews to whom a visa to entei* Russia v/as l'efused v/as Rabbi Joseph Jasin of Hiagai’a Falls, New Yoi'k. The Russian Consulate in New York refused to vise his passpoi't, issued by the Department of State, on the ground that he v/as a Jew. The attorney fox* Rabbi Jasin, Nicholas Klein of Cincinnati, Ohio, pi'otested the refusal in a letter to President Taft on April 7, 1911, v/hei-ein lie said that he intended taking formal action on behalf of his client "to test his legal and constitutional rights in the mattei'." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 Secretai'y of State Kno::, on April 13, 1911, proposed to Mr. Klein that he present the question of Rabbi Jasin to the Russian Embassy, Washington, D.C., and call the Embassy’s attention to his client’s "social standing and reputation" and the purpose of his proposed visit to Russia. Mr. Klein replied to Secretary of State Kno:: on April 15, 1911, and insisted that the State Department take formal action immediately on the matter. Unless that was done, he said, he v/as ready to present the matter before the Federal Courts to acquire the rights which were guaranteed to his client under the treaty with Russia. Mr. Klein asked the Secretary to ab rogate the 1332 treaty with Russia. On April 19, 1911, the Secretary of State replied to Klein’s letter in the same tone as he had the previous one. Mr. Klein also wrote to President Taft on April 15, 1911, on the subject, reminded him of the platform on which he had been elected, and asked him to give notice of abrogation of the treaty with Russia. On May 25, 1911, Mr. Klein again wrote to Secretary of State Knox. He said that he had followed the Seci’etary’s advice and had written to the Russian Embassy in Washington asking for a visa for his client to visit Russia, but the Embassy had refused to vis<^ his client’s passport.33) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 Ilr. Kamaika, the editor of the "Hew York Jewish Daily Hews" was interested in visiting Russia for personal reasons, and he was also interested in having President Taft appoint him to an unsalaried position to do some research on the emi gration from Russia to the U.S. Hr. Kamaika was appointed to such a position by the President, but since he was a former Russian subject he v/as refused a visa by the Russians On February 15, 1911, President Taft invited representa tives of the .American Jewish Committee, B'nai B ’l-ith and/ the Union of American Congregations to a conference at the White House. The subject of the Conference was the Russian-Jewish question, and what should be done by the U.S. about it. Both 3 5 ) sides came to no common conclusion. 1 The American Jewish representatives decided that they had nothing to await from the Administration on the natter. They began a series of conferences with Congressmen in their districts and took steps to organise the already existing anti-Russian public opinion to abrogate the 1C32 treaty with Russia. Actions of Congressmen for the Abi’ogation of the ‘Treaty and of the State Department Against such Abrogation (l9ll). The number of Jews in the J.S., and their concentration in electorally important states like New York, made their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 votes important in tines of elections. For then the abroga tion of the treaty v/as an issue - there v/as no other group for v/hon the friendship v/ith Russia would be an issue too. During the electoral campaign, promises were made on the matter, but nothing was done on it. Politicians from both parties began to criticise the Administration. There v/as at that time no chance of solving the Russian- Jev/ish question. The State Depp.rtment v/as satisfied with finding a temporary solution which would improve the treatment of specific cases. Representative Parsons’(Chairman of the Republican New York County Committee) "Ilcmorandum for the President" of January 16, 1911, v/as opposed to that view. He said that the U.S. could not be satisfied v/ith the treatment of specific cases but must bring Russia to agree to a general policy, or stand for a general policy by itself, and stated, "While some hope is held out by Ambassador Rockhill that the regulation will be modified, nothing defi nite is promised, and that mere hope is no compliance with our platform promises." Ropi'esentative Parsons enclosed a copy of a Joint Resolu tion which he intended to introduce. The resolution aiid that the treaty of 1G32 "ought to be terminated at the earliest possible time and be no longer in force."37) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 Secretary Kno:: ashed Ambassador Rockhill his’"well considex’cd opinion" on January 17, 1911 about the possible effects of a termination of the 1843 treaty v/ith Russia upon American policies in the Far East, American intei’ests and relations with Russia, and upon the intcx'ests of American Jews in Russia. Ambassadox’ Rochhill replied on January 19, and wrote again on Januai-y 30, 1911, pointing out that, 1. Russian friendliness and coopex'ation in the Far East seemed highly important and the value of such cooperation would increase steadily with Japanese ernpansion. 2. Tx*ade v/ith Russia and investments of American capital in that country had great advantages to the U.S. and needed legal protection of a ti'eaty. 3. The few American Jev/s in Russia v/ould not be sei'iously affected by the termination of the treaty but the Russian Jev/s in the U.S. v/ould suffer because of the loss of Article Ten of the Treaty (propex-ty rights). 4. Severance of noxrial relations v/ith Russia would identify American interests with the "Germanic Group" against the "Triple Alliance." He concluded that the annulment of the tx-eaty or treaties v/ith Russia v/ould not accomplish the purposes in view and v/ould affect American interests far more injux'ious- .... QON ly than Russian intex’ests. UJ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 American public opinion was not persuaded by these arguments. Trade and investments in Russia concerned only a very small number of people and seemed small compared with other countries. The prevailing view was not to be involved in the European system of alliances. As far as the treatment of Jews was concerned, there was a belief that the situation was already bad enough, that an improvement was possible, and that there v/as no place for a still worse situation than the existing one. Mr. Louis Marshall wrote to Representative Parsons on January 28, 1911, and said: "I speak to you as a Republican who has never swerved from party loyalty, and as a Republican I assure you that I feel ortremely an::ious as to the political effect of further delay with l-egard to the carrying out of the party pledges on this point. As it is we will have abundance of difficulty in regaining our lost ground in the State. If, however, a large body of voters shall realise, as they must soon, that they have a real grievance, resulting from the failure of the Republican Party to observe its solemn pledges, we might as well give up the hope of restoring the State of New York to the ranks of Republicanism. You will of course understand that I am writing as I do, not by way of threat, but as a warning; not as a foe, but as an active friend of the Administration.’' Mr. Marshall concluded that in his opinion the U.S. should abrogate the treaties of 1332 and 1837 with Russia.*^) On February 10, 1911, Representative Parsons introduced a joint resolution in the House of Representatives "Providing Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14G for the Termination of the Treaty Between the United States of America and Russia Concluded at St. Petersburg, Decem ber IS, 1832. ,,4°) On February IS and 22, 1911, hearings took place before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on that resolution, at which Representatives Parsons, Harrison and Graham and Ilr. Ilarshall asked for the abrogation of the 1832 Treaty with Russia, and Representative Goldfogle mentioned his previous resolution on the subject.--*•) Ho report was made by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs because of the lateness of the session. Resolutions similar to those mentioned above were introduced during the ne;:t session of the U.S. Congi’ess. On February 26, 1911, Senatoi* Culberson of Tercas intro duced a Senate Resolution asking for the abrogation of the treaty of 1832 between the U.S. and Russia "because of the discrimination by Russia between American citizens in the administration of the treaty."-2) Senator Culberson reintroduced his resolution of February 26, 1911 to abrogate the 1832 treaty with Russia on April 10, 1911.. He wrote about the resolution to the Chairman .of the Committee on Foreign Relations, clG king Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 to bo hoard when the matter cano up before the committee. Ho stated that in the Senate up to June 28, 1911, nothing had been done and if this v/cre to continue he v/ould refer the matter directly to the Senate.--) Several I’esolutions to abrogate the 1832 Treaty v/erc introduced in the House of Representatives and referred to the Committee on foreign Affairs.'^) II.J. Res. 181 by Representative Harrison of ITew York on May 30, 1911, asked the Secretary of State to advise the House of Representatives of the diplomatic correspondence A.Q) concerning the Russian-Jewish question." The Department of State tried to counter the anti-Russian current and to persuade Congressmen who inquired about the Russian-Jewish question that the continuation of existing relations and trca.ties served the interests of the U.S. in the best possible way." ' But even in the Department of State there were predictions that sooner or later a Congressional majority might bring about the abroga.tion of the treaty. The Second Assistant Secretary advised the Secretary of State on March 31, 1911 that the Parsons Resolution for the abrogation of the treaty v/ith Russia v/ould pass Congress "sooner or later,"^u) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 Resolutions asking the President, or recommendations to the U.S. Congress, to abrogate the treaty of 1832 v/ith Russia passed in the legislatures of California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Massachusetts, Montana, Washington and Wiscons-' .. On July 2G, 1911, Senator Culberson v/rotc to Secretary Kno:: ashing v/hother efforts had been made to carry out the joint resolution approved on March 4, 1909, requesting that the President renew negotiations- v/ith the Government of Russia to secure uniformity of treatment and protection to American citizens and v/hat the probabilities were v/ith reference to the success of such negotiations Mr. Huntington Wilson replied for the Secretary of State to Senator Culberson on July 27, 1911, and said: "In reply to those inquiries I hasten to inform you that this department has been and still is urging upon the Russian Government the views which actuated the joint resolution in question. The Russian Government has shown a disposition to adjust amicably and satisfactorily to us whenever possible under its lav/s such cases as have been brought to its attention by the repre sentatives of this Government, although it lias not yet been possible to secure by treaty or otherwise, the amendments of the Russian lav/ necessary to obviate the conflict betv/een it and the construction placed by the .joint resolution upon the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation of 1832. I regret that the negotiations and informal discussions with the Russian authorities v/ith this end in view could not well be made public without detriment to their chances of success."51) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 Secretary Knox still believed in some Russian "coop- eration" in making minor changes in the treatment of American Jev/s. Such "concessions" by the Russians v/ould minimise the criticism of the administration and prevent JI the passage of a Congressional resolution for the abrogation of the treaty. Sccretai’y Knox instructed the Embassy at St. Petersburg on November 10, 1911, to again try to discuss v/ith the Russians the possibilities of some ameliorations in their treatment of American Jev/s. Ambassador Guild brought the matter before Hr. Neratoff, Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, and had an interviev/ v/ith Russian Premier Kokovtsov, about v/hich he reported: "Kokovtsov in general confirms Neratoff but says frankly no nev/ lav/ can even be taken up at present helping Jev/s owing to strong excitement of people against Jev/s caused by S-fcolypine's murder by a Jew as a result of Jew conspiracy in a Jew city. Gov ernment has difficulty in preventing pogroms... Russia will be forced to say abrogate the treaty and take the consequences."°2) Such answers could not persuade those who viewed the situation in Russia differently. A joint resolution demanding the abrogation of the 1832 treaty v/ith Russia was introduced in the House of Representatives/by Representative Sulzer. Secretary Knox wrote to President Taft on November 28, 1911 opposing it. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 He quoted opinions of the Supreme Court and Senate resolu tions which gave the U.S. the right to exclude from its territory at its own discretion, p.nd in accordance with its own judgment as to the politicn.1, socin.1 and economic needs- of the U.S. persons of any category that were con sidered undesirable on the ground of race, as in the case of the limitations upon orionta.1 immigration, on the ground of political doctrines as in the case of anarchists, or on the gi'ound of religious or social beliefs, like the practice of polygamy, or on the ground of various other industrial or police considerations like assisted immigrants, contract laborers, or persons likely to become public charges. He said: "If then, v/e make this drastic protest against the e::ercise by Russia of the very principle which v/e assert against other nations as fundamental right incident to our sovereignty and independence, v/e must answer to the charge that we demand more than v/e v/ill grant...and if v/e were to give effect to this Joint Resolution, which is tantamount to a declaration that v/e v/ill not sustain normal relations with a country which, for reasons affecting its domestic economy, excludes the members of any race which is represented in the citizenship of the United States, v/e would thereby stultify our traditional policy in the matter of the control of immigration, and v/ould discredit the sincerity of our motives and of our ideals of justice among the nations."53) Secretary Kno:: wrote again to President Taft on the question on December 14, 1911, and said: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 "The following reasons why it would not be advisable to abrogate the Commercial Treaty of 1832 with Russia are submitted for your consideration. "1. It would impede rather than aid the Depart ment in the negotiation of a more satisfactory treaty, on account of the ill v/ill and irritation which would be excited in Russia... "2. It v/ould not benefit American Jews, and might result indirectly in increasing hardships of Jews in Russia, by bringing up a fresh agita tion of the Jewish matter in general. "3. It v/ould embarass this Government in carrying out its policy of excluding certain classes of aliens. "4. It v/ould be detrimental to American commercial interests in Russia.,, and in other countries as well, ospocia.lly in the far Hast a.nd the Rear East. "5. The Department has been informed by the Ambassador at St. Petersburg that, in his opinion, there is good ground for hoping that the present restrictions against alien Jev/s may be removed or rela::ed through ministerial action... "6. It is extremely doubtful whether...the Russian Government v/ould consent to the insertion in a new treaty of an article giving to the citizens and subjects of both countries the right to dispose of their personal and real property within the jurisdiction of the other, by will, power of attorney, etc. This right is now enjoyed by Amei'ican Jewish citizens under Article X of the present Treaty. "7. It is Ambassador Rocl:hill*s opinion that if the resolution should be passed Russia might at once denounce the Corporation Convention of 1904, which regulates the position of corporations and other commercial associations in the respective countries. "8. The Department is not convinced that the exclusion of American Hebrews from Russia is a violation of the Commercial Treaty of 1832."5-0 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 Secretary Kno:c could do nothin" against the tide of anti-Russian public opinion, or, more particularly, against^ that part of the public v/hicli v/as alert and attentive to the issue. Congressmen influenced by pressures from their constituents had already decided to vote for abrogation of the Treaty of. Commerce and Navigation v/ith Russia. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 IT 0 T E S 1) CP., Gist Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 44, pt. 1, p. 3 (Senate, TTarcii 4, 1909). 2) For the te:;t ox the agreement see above (Intro- duction, p. 5). 3) Termination, pp. 250-51, citing AJYB, 5G72, 1911-12, pp. 43-44. 4) HA, SGI. 401G/6G. AJYS, 5670, 1911-12, pp. 49-50. About the British position on treatment of British Jews by Russia sec: Lucien Wolf. Notes on the Diplomatic History of the Jev/ish People (London: 1919), pp. 69, 32-33. Cei-man views and attitude, see: Allgemeine Zeitung dcs Judentums, 69 (Feb. 17, 1905): 73-74. French views: Journal Officiel, December 23, 1909, also: Tcrnination, p. 201-16. 6) HA, 15994/9-10. 7) Ibid., 317/66A /SG1.4016/6GA7. S) Ibid., 361.4016/63. 9) Ibid. 10) Ibid., 361.4016/79. See also: 711.612/13 (used as a "Memorandum for the President on the Protection of American Citisens in Russia."). 11) HA, 361.111/65. (NYT, July 2, 1911, Magazine Sec. (Pt. Five), pp. 1,7). 12) IIA, 361.111/94. 13) Ibid. 14) Ibid., 361.4016/74. (American Jewish Committee, April 27, 1910); 361.4016/75, (Mr. Simon Wolf on behalf of the Union of American Hebrev; Congregations, April 29, 1910), Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 15) NA, 361.4016/76 (May 2, 1910). 16) Ibid. 361.4016/70, 361.4016/77. 17) Ibid. 361.4016/30, 361.4016/31 ff. . 13) Ibid. 317/S1A, /TT61.4016/81A7. .19) Ibid. 317/32, /ESI.4016/327. 20) Ibid. 317/94, /ESI.4016/947. 21) Ibid. 317/107. 22) Ibid. 317/95, 317/103, 317/110, 317/112, 23) Ibid. 831.4016/115. 24) Ibid. 711.612/13. 25) Ibid. 861.111/71. 26) Ibid. 711.6112/3. . 27) Ibid. 361.111/84. 23) Ibid. 361.4016/141. 29) Ibid. 331.111/116. 30) Ibid. 361.111/43. 31) U.S. Cong., 61st Cong., 3rd Sess., S. Doc jouis Marshall, Russia and the American Passport, on: 1911), 10 pp. 32) AJYB, 5672, 1911-12, pp. 54-55. 33) NA, 361.Hl/4S-50, 52. 34) Tho subject v;as summarised in the St. Petersburg M?LUSsl:oe Slovo" of December 23, 1911/January 5, 1912. Ibid., 711.612/92. See also: President Wm. II. Taft Papers, Presidential Series 2, Pile 1735 (Loon Kamaiky), Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 35) Wolf, pp. 294-310. About other meetings of Jewish representatives v/ith President Taft on Nov. 16 and Dec. G, 1911, see: AJYB, 5573 (1912-13), pp. 198, 204-. 36) NA, 711.612/25. 37) Ibid., 711.612/20. 33) Ibid., 711.612/21-22. of 39) Louis liars hall, Champ ion/TIborty, selected papers and addresses. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1957), Vol. 1, pp. 73-77 (Cited by permission of the Jewish Publication Society ofAmerica), 40) Termination, pp. 256-67, citing AJYB, 5672, 1911-12, pp. 55-56. See also: CR, 61st Cong., 3rd Sess., Vol. 46, pt. 3, p. 2321 (II.J.“Ties. 284). 41) Termination, p. 257, citing AJYB, 5672, 1911-12, p. 56. 42) CR, Gist Cong., 3rd Sess., Vol. 46, p t . 4, p. 3252 ( S. Res. 868). 43) Ibid., 62nd Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 47, pt. 1, p. 125 (S. Res. 13). 44) Ibid., pt. 3, pp. 2531-82. 45) Ibid., pt. 1, p. 23 (Rep. Caldcr, II. J. Res. 21 and Representatives Harrison and Goldfogle of N.Y., H.J. Res. 5, Anril 4, 1911), p. 113; (Rep. Sulsor, II.J. Res. 40, April 6, 1911), p. 148; (Rep. Allen, H.J. Res. 46, April 10, 1911), p. 561; (Rep. Byrns of Tennessee, H.J. Res. 73, April 21, 1911), 46) Ibid., pt. 2, p. 1647. Te;:t given in NA, 861.111/69. 47) NA, 711.612/23, 711.612/43. (Sec. Kno:: to Senators Chilton and Cullon, and others.). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 43) HA, 711.G12/23. 49) AJYB, 5672, 1911-12, p. 211-14. See also: Connecticut. IIA, 711.612/26 (January 1911). Massachusetts. CR, 62nd Cong., 1st Sess., vol. 47, pt. 3, p. 2791 (July 11, 1911, Senate), p. 2333 (July 12, 1911,.- House), p. 2946 (July 15, 1911, House). Montana. IIA, 711.612/23. CR, S2nd Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 47, pt. 1, p. 97 (April 6, 191T7 Senate), p. G57 (April 26, 1911, IIousc). Illinois. CH, 62nd Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 47, pt. 2, p. 1067 (Hay 3, 1911, Senate). Hew York. Ibid., pt. 4, p. 3233 (July 27, 1911, House), p. 3790 (August 10, 1911, Senate), p. 3353 (August 11, 1911, IIousc). Wisconsin. Ibid., pt. 2, p. 1373, (June 12, 1911, Senate); p. 1948 (Juno 12, 1911, House); p. 2000 (June 13, 1911, House); pt. 3, p. 2274 (Juno 17, 1911, House); p. 2492 (June 24, 1911, House). 50) Ibid., vol. 43, pt. 1, p. 371. 51) Ibid., p. 372. 52) Ibid., 3G1.111/94A,9G (Guild to Kno::, Nov. 21, 1911), 93 (Nov. 23, 1911). 53) Ibid., 711.612/6lb. 54) Ibid., 711.612/35. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 CHAPTER VI Abrogation of the 1832 Treaty with Russia (December 1911-1912) Abrogation of the Treaty by Congress The anti-Russian agitation in the United States re sulted in increased pressure to abrogate the U.S.-Russian Treaty of Commerce and Navigation of 1832. The Adminis tration had to do something to lessen the pressure. The successful way, up to that time, was to declare that the U.S. was in the midst of negotiations with Russia and that there were hopes for successful results of these negotia tions. The question was not solved by such assurances, but it served to delay it until a later time. This was done by President Taft on December 7, 1911, v/ho mentioned the question in his annual message to Congi-ess. He said, in part: "By direction of the State Department, our Ambassador to Russia has recently been having a series of con ferences with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Russia, with a view to securing clearer understanding and construction of the treaty of 1832 between Russia and the United States and the modification of any existing Russian regulations which may be found to interfere in any way with the full recognition of the rights of American citizens under this treaty. I Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 believe that the Government of Russia is ad dressing itself seriously to the need of changing the present practice under the treaty and that sufficient progress has been made to warrant the continuance of these conferences in the hope that there may soon be removed any justification of the complaints of treaty violation nOw prevalent in this country. "I expect that immediately after the Christmas re cess I shall be able to make a further communication to Congress on this subject An anti-Russian National Citizens Committee organized a mass meeting at Carnegie Hall, New York, on December 6, 1911, at v/hich addresses were given asking that the discrim inations by Russia be ended. Some of the speakers demanded the abrogation of the 1832 treaty with Russia, Addresses were given by Mr. William G. McAdoo (Chairman of the Comm ittee), former Ambassador to Russia Andrew D. White (President of the Committee), Governor Woodrow Wilson of Nev/ Jersey (who later became President of the U.S.), Mr. William Randolph Hearst, senators, representatives, educators, clergymen and others. The resolution of that meeting requested Congress to adopt a resolution to abrogate the treaty of 1832 betv/een the U.S. and Russia, by giving one year*s notice of its termination.2) Various resolutions and petitions adopted and signed by State legislatures, organizations, congregations and leading Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 personalities were presented almost ever^r day before the Senate and House of Representatives, Some of them were printed in the "Congressional Record," but in most cases the "Record" only mentioned these resolutions, ' Resolutions asking the House of Representatives to abrogate the 1832 treaty with Russia were introduced by Representatives Garner‘Ind Goldfogle^). A resolution by Representative Foster asked the "providing for a commission to secure uniformity of treatment by the Government of Russia of American passports presented by American citizens."®) A resolution by Representative Berger asked for the termination of the 1887 extradition treaty between the U.S. andRussia.^) A joint resolution (H.J, Res. 166) "providing for the termination of the treaty of 1832 between the U.S. and Russia" was introduced by Representative Sulzer of New York, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. The resolution v/as sub mitted on December 4, 1911, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.®) A similar resolution (S.J. Res. 60) v/as introduced in the Senate by Senator Culberson, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.®) H.J. Res. 166 read as follows: "Resolved, etc., That the people of the United States assert as fundamental principle that the rights of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 its citizens shall not be impaii'ed at home or abroad because of race or religion; that the Government of the United States concludes its treaties for the equal protection of all classes of its citizens, -without regard to race or reli gion; that the Government of the United States will not be a party to any treaty which discriminates, or which be one of the thereto is so construed as to discriminate, between American citizens on the ground of race or religion; that the Government of Russia has violated the treaty between the United States and Russia, concluded at St. Petersburg December 18, 1832, refusing to honor American pass ports duly issued to American citizens, on account of race and religion; that in the judgment of the Congress the said treaty, for the reasons aforesaid, ought to be terminated at the earliest possible date; that for the aforesaid reasons the said treaty is hereby declared to be terminated and of no further force and effect from the expiration of one year after the date of notification to the Government of Russia of the terms of this resolution, and that to this end the President is hereby charged with the duty of communicating such notice to the Government of Russia."10) Hearings on H.J. Res. 166 were held before the Commi ttee on Foreign Affairs on December 11, 1911. Statements were made by members of the "National Citizens Committee," Congressmen, clergymen and representatives of Jewish organi zations. Similar hearings were conducted before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on S.J. Res. 60, December 13, 1911. Statements were made by !,Ir. Louis Marshall, Judge Mayer Sulzberger and Mr. Oscar S. Strauss. All the state ments asked for the termination of the 1832 treaty v/ith Russia. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 The House Committee on Foreign Affairs reported back the H.J. Res, 166 without amendments, and accompanied it v/ith a report (H. Kept. ITo. 179) on December 12, 1911, The resolution v/as debated in the House of Representatives and passed on December 13, 1911. The vote showed 301 yea, 1 nay and 37 not voting.-*--^ The debates in the House of Representatives were con centrated around two main points: 1) The U.S. could not be a party to a treaty which contradicted its own Constitution and permitted a foreign government to make distinctions between American citizens on account of their religion or race. 2) The U.S. should not be a party to a treaty which recognized indefeasible allegiance, a principle which was abandoned a long time ago b2/ the U.S. The resolution to abrogate the 1832 treaty v/ith Russia v/as debated in the Senate and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations on December 14, 1 9 1 1 . There was every reason to anticipate that the vote in the Republican-controlled Senate v/ould be the sane as in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives, and the Senate would pass the resolution immediately after its being reported. A veto by the President could only prolong the agitation against the treatj' but could Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 not prevent its being presented again before the Congress. The Administration decided that rather than permit the p.brogation to be forced by action of Congress, and upon grounds which seemed to be insulting to Russia, the President should himself, in advance of the anticipated action of the Senate upon the House Resolution, abrogate the treaty in • accordance v/ith its provisions and upon grounds which would not offend Russia. The President instructed the Secretary of State to transmit to the Ambassador at St. Petersburg a notification to the Russian Government terminating the 1832 Treaty of Commerce and Navigation as contemplated by Article XII of the treat j', without giving all the reasons mentioned in the House Resolution. An executive message about the Presidents action was read before the Senate on December 18, 1911. The President asked the Senate to ratify andapprove his action.^6) After the Presidents message was read, Senator Lodge reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations on a Joint Resolution as a substitute for the House Resolution. The resolution did not mention any political reasons for the abrogation of the treaty, and omitted the charge that Russia had violated the treaty. It stated: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representa tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the notice thus given by the President of the United States to the Government of the Empire of Russia to terminate said treaty in accordance v/ith the terms of the treaty is hereby adopted and ratified."17' A debate in the Senate on the abrogation of the treaty of 1832 with Russia took place the next day, December 19, 1911. During the debate the ai’gunents for the abrogation of the treaty mentioned in the House of Representatives v/e re repeated again. Some senators echoed the arguments given in the paper by Mr. Louis Marshall on the question, and many of the speakers referred to the correspondence betv/een the Department of State and the U.S. Legation in Russia, as published in the "Foreign Relations" series.1*^ Senator Lodge reported the matter from the Committee on Foreign Relations. He mentioned the resolution offered by Senator Culberson at the previous session, to v/hich the Committee gave "very careful consideration," but took no action, hoping that the desired results might be attained by negotiations. The President, in his message on the 7th of December stated that conferences v/cre being carried on in regard to the matter, and that after the holidays he v/ould communicate further with Congress on it. The President hoped that in the meantime renewed conferences with the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 Russians might produce some results. The House did not wait for the time asked by the President and passed a joint resolution asking for abrogation of the treaty. The President in his message to the Senate disregarded the House, as they had disregarded his request in his earlier message. The President had given notice to Russia of the abrogation of the treaty and asked the Senate to approve his action in giving the notice. The Committee on Foreign Relations had reported a joint resolution ratifying the President*s action. Senator Lodge reviewed all the former cases of abrogation of treaties by the U.S. and concluded that in cases where treaties had involved no legislation, the power of the President and Senate to terminate a treaty by notice was absolute, because in making such a treaty the Senate and the President represented "the high contracting party." Senator Lodge wanted to abrogate the treaty and it made little difference to him in what language the termination was made, as long as he secured the substance. He remarked, however, that the official language of a note from one govern ment to another could not be the same as the language of an individual or a newspaper. The abrogation of the treaty was proposed in order to put an end to the Russian discriminations Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 against American citizens on the ground of race or religion. That end could be achieved more by resolutions made "in the calm language of diplomacy" than by "words that will inflame, that will anger." The debate in the Senate dealt more with precedents, 11 the addresses v/ere less anti-Russian than in the House of Representatives, and many Senators stressed the desirability of not offending Russia. The discussion was about some addition al issues: Should the Senate disregard the Presidents action the same as the President had disregarded the House Resolution, or should the Senate disregard the House as the House had disregarded the President*s message of December 7th? Should the Senate in its resolution give reasons for the abrogation of the treat}' or just approve the action of the President? Should the Senate give reasons for that action, would it be the reasons given in the House Resolution, or some other one? The resolution of the Committee on Foreign Relations was adopted by a vote of 72 for, none against and 19 not voting. An additional reason for the adoption of the resolution of the Committee was the adjournment which had to take place the nerrfc day, the Senators rush to finish with the question and pass a resolution, as well as getting the Presidents signature. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 The Senate amendments were concurred in by the House on December 20, 1911, presented to the President and signed by him the ne::t dp.y, December 21, 1911.^^ Abrogation of the Treaty, Diplomat ic Correspondence. On December 13, 1911, the House of Representatives adopted a resolution asking the abrogation of the 1332 Treaty v/ith Russia. The Department of State tried to avoid the passage of a similar resolution by the Senate and, therefore, notice was given the President, as provided by Article XII of the Treaty, about the termination of the treaty and about the desire of the U.S. to conclude a more modern treaty with Russia. Secretary Kno:: instructed Ambassador Guild on December 15, 1911, to seek an immediate interview v/ith the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs and to present to him the following official notification of the abrogation of the U.S.-Russian Treaty of Commei’ce and Navigation: "Under instructions from my Government and in pursuance of conversations held by the Secretary of State with the Russian Ambassador at Washing ton, I have now the honor to give to the Imperial Russian Government on behalf of the United States the official notification contemplated by Article XII of the treaty of 1832, v/hereby the operation Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1G7 of the said treaty will terminate in accord ance v/ith its terms on January 1, 1913. "Your Excellency v/ill recall that pourparlers between the tv/o Governments during the last three years have fully recognised the fact that this ancient treaty, as is quite natural, is no longer fully responsive in various respects to the needs of the political and material relations of the two countries, which grow constantly more important. The treaty has also given rise from time to time to certain controversies equally regretted by both Governments. 11 In conveying the present formal notification to Your Excellency, I am instructed to express the desire of my Government, meanwhile, to renew the effort to negotiate a modern treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, upon bases more perfect ly responsive to the interests of both Govern ments. I am directed bjr the President at the same time to emphasize the great value attached by the Government of the United States to the historic relations between the tv/o countries, and the desire of my Government to spare no effort to make the out come of the proposed negotiations contribute still further to the strength and cordiality of these relations."20) An additional instruction sent by Secretary Knox to Ambassador Guild on the same day (December 15, 1911) said that to forestall passage by the Senate of the resolution abrogating the treaty already passed by the House of Repre sentatives would necessitate making a public announcement, reading: "It having been mutually agreed between the two Governments that the Treaty of 1832 was imperfect in various respects and had given rise to occasional misunderstandings, the question of negotiating a new Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 treaty has, for the last three years, been under consideration. As a result of recent pourparlers, the Government of the United States has given the formal diplomatic notice of termination, in accord ance with the terms of the treaty, upon an under standing betv/een the tv/o governments that between now and January 1, 1913, every effort will be made to negotiate a more modern treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation which shall be more responsive to the interests of the two Governments and adequate to the needs of their important relations."^) There was, however, no Russian agreement to such an announcement. Ambassador Guild sent reports on his conversations v/ith Foreign Minister Sazanov^\ and instructions from Knox to Guild on the matter^) were also sent. Sazanov’s official reply to the note on the abrogation of the treaty was sent by Guild to Knox on December 18, 1911. No comments or remarks were contained in the reply. Reactions to the Abrogation of the Treaty: By American Diplomats in Russia; 3y the Russians. The official Russian view on the abrogation of the treaty was that the American Jews who were exceptionally influential in the U.S. succeeded in deceiving Congress, forced the President to abrogate the treaty, and were guilty of all the "plots" against Russia. These views were expressed Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 bjr the "Novoe Vremya" and other semi-official or government- supported Russian papers. An editorial in the official government organ "Rossiya" of November 25th/December 8th, 1911, dealt v/ith the abroga tion of the Treaty of 1832. The editorial described the Russian laws concerning the entry of foreign Jews into Russia, and said that their admission v/as a Russian internal affair. The U.S. abrogated a treaty of commerce v/hich v/as more advantageous to the U.S. The article asked if the U.S. wanted to repeat the mistake of England v/hich almost discon nected its trade with Russia after the Crimean War. Germany then replaced England in its trade with Russia. The abroga tion of the treaty might be of some interest to American Jews but not to the American nation.^5) The "Novoe Vremya" of December 9/22, 1911, published a declaration of the Octobrist Party v/hich proposed applying the following rules in regard to custom tariffs and dues on products and vessels of countries that did not grant rights of a most favored nation to Russian commerce and navigation: "a) On goods constituting the produce of agricul ture and industry of such countries duties are levied in accordance with the oi’dinary tai’iffs (Code of Laws Vol. VI, ed. 1906) with the addition of 100 percent of the amount of such duties; on goods which pass with this tariff free Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 of duty, a customs tax will bo applied , amounting to 100 percent of the cost of such goods. "b) Goods imported from abroad and goods ex ported abroad on vessels under the flag of any of the abovesaid countries will be taxed per pood at a rate double to that established by the law of June 8, 1901. "c) Ships-dues on the abovesaid vessels will be collected in double proportion, v/ith the provision that should be the ports of the said countries subject Russian vessels to higher ships-dues, the dues for vessels of such countries will bo correspondingly raised. ^6) The declaration of the more consez’vative Nationalists ashing the levy of higher duties on American goods v/as sent by Ambassador Guild to Secretary Knox on December 29, 1911. The Ambassador remarked that the Octobrists had 135 members in the Duma and tno Nationalists 89 members, and that these tv/o groups usually a.cted together. The total number of Duma members was 440. The declaration of the Ha.tionalists ashed that, "1) All Jews who are considered citizens of the United States shall not be admitted into Russia independent of their position or occupation. ”2) Goods v/hich represent the products of industry and agriculture of the United States shall be taxed: a) with a double customs tariff as compared v/ith that generally charged on dutiable goods, b) v/ith a duty corresponding to that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 levied by the United States on similar goods, in all eases v/hon the duty figured out according to points a. and b. on such goods inported into Russia should be lower than that charged by the United States. "3) The per pood tariff, established June 8, 1901, for goods imported from abroad and exported abroad on ships under the flag of the United States shall be doubled. "4) Shipping dues on the abovesaid vessels will be collected in double proportion, with the provision that should the ports of the said country subject Russian vessels to higher shipping dues, the dues for vessels of said country will be correspondingly raised."27) Hr. John H. Snodgrass, the U.S. Consul General in Moscow did not share the official Russian views. In a report to the Secretary of State, December 30, 1911, he said that the great majority of Russia was not in sympathy with the Nationalistic Part;/ and that "any movement with a view to waging a commercial war with the United States will receive limited support." Mr. Snodgrass reported that the Marchants* Association of Moscow and other important cities had met and "have denounced in strong measures the policy outlined by the Nationalistic Party." He believed that such organizations supported by a liberal press would have sufficient influence to prevent a tariff war against the United States. According to Mr. Snodgrass, the Jewish question in Russia v/as not a religious one but an economic one. He said: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 "Out of the 160,000 people of the Russian Empire, 500,000 have control of the domestic and foreign trade. This small number is opposed to the Jews for the reason that they find themselves unable to compete with them in business, and in order to accomplish their designs, they are v/orking with the Government for the purpose of compelling them to leave the country. The other 159,000,000 people cai’e little who control the industry of this country, whether it be Jew or Gentile, Russian or foreigner. While the ruling class have unlimited power, they are in such a minority, that they will be unable to stem the tide of popular feeling against them. It is my impression that the average Russian is not prejudiced against the Jews. Therefore the attitude of the United States is not accepted to them as a hostile one. It would appear that the endeavors of the Nationalists to boycott American goods, and to organize lectures for the purpose of prejudicing the masses against America will fall flat."2o) Mr. Snodgrass reported on the meeting of the Nationalists in St. Petersburg who protested against the policy of the U.S. towards Russia in abrogating the Treaty of 1332, and remarked that that was the first meeting of protest ever held in Russia v/ith the consent of the Government. Another report from Mr. Snodgrass about the effect of the abrogation of the treaty stated that the U.S. had not been injured; there had been a number of demonstrations against the U.S., but with no effect.29) Mr. Snodgrass reported on June 6, 1912, on a proposed boycott of some of the Zemstvos (local self-governments) on American merchandise* The proposed boycott v/as inspired by people "v/ho are closely identified with the Government." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 R e f e r r i n g to the meeting of protest held by the extreme right parties against the. U.S., he stated: "The v/hole of Russia is practically under one or another foi'm of Exceptional laws’, from martial to re-inforced lav/, and, all meetings of whatsoever peaceful nature are prohibited, and all offenders are summarily dispersed, placed under arrest and frequentlj' punished without the right of trial or hearing, yet, this ’meeting of protest* v/as per mitted... In Russia where the press is muzzled; where every liberal expression, that might be construed to reflect even remotely upon the Government, is punished by fine and imprisonment of the Editor, there v/as joy that at last the Ministers, acting in concert, had permitted a ’meeting of protest’ but, their criticisms were carefully guarded. The Provincial Editors, quoting articles from the press of Moscow and St. Petersburg on the subject in v/hich the United States were more or less favorable, had their issues confiscated and suppressed before they appeared for sale or had been mailed to subscribers."^) That was the explanation of the "almost unanimous" anti- American Russian press, as reported by Ambassador Guild. Anti-American views only were permitted, and the papers could write only what v/as permitted to be published. The reports by Mr. Snodgrass and Mr. Guild complimented each other. Mr. Snodgrass gave the viev/s of the middle class, the industrialists, merchants, professionals-, the liberal and progressive groups and pai'ties. Mr. Guild reported on the viev/s of the reactionaries, nationalists and the a.nti- Semitic court and beaurocracy. This was true of- Guild’s Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 reports of February 12 1 and of March 2, 1911-. The report of March 2, among other natters, referred to the refusal of the Russian Consul in ITcw York to permit an American journal ist, H. Bernstein, to visit Russia. It sn.icl: "This II. Bernstein, though refused a visa on the technical ground of the Russian lav/ in regard to Jev/ish exclusion, v/as really, I ha\re every reason to know, excluded not on the ground that he is a Jev/, but that he is an anarchist and the enemy of lav/ and order... "Mr. Bernstein in the ITew York Times, shortly before I left the United States, published a signed article in v/hich he clearly stated that all Jev/s v/ere ex cluded from Russia absolutely, regardless of the fact that he himself had been admitted there. "Another article of his, v/hich I an told was pub lished in the Boston Herald, made a vicious attack on the Emperor of Russia, stating that he v/as not the ruler of Russia, but that the real ruler was a mad priest who had wormed his v/a;r into the Emperor*s confidence and dictated the policy of the Empire."32) Mr. Bernstein referred to Rasputin and his role in the Russian Imperial Court. Ambassador Guild was at least sup posed to have known about it. Mr. Herman Bernstein*s passport v/as vise'ed by the Russian Consul General in Paris, but he v/as turned back at the Russian frontier and not permitted to enter Riissia. He complained to the U.S. Embass3r at Berlin and the Embassy referred the incident to the Embassy at St. Petersburg. Charg£ Wilson replied as follows to the Embassy in Berlin Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 on June 4, 1912: "Understand that Bernstein is a Jew. He has been notorious for the violence of his attacks on Russian Government for its treatment of Jews going so far, I am informed, in one magazine article as to justify and praise assassination of Stolypine. Have received no request from him and have taken no stops to secure permission for him to enter Russia and should hesitate to do so unless specially instructed by the Department on account of the present delicate situation between the United States and Russia."33) There was a lengthy correspondence between Hr. Bernstein, the State Department and the Embassj7 at St. Petersburg about the incident. Mr. Bernstein made his case public in the New York Sun of Jul3T 7, 1912. Another article by him appeared in the New York Sun of October 24, 1912, in which he accused the State Department of taking sides v/ith Russia. He criticized the State Department’s treatment of his case and described the correspondence between his attorney and the State Depart ment concerning his exclusion from Russia.^4) Ambassador Guild, in his report to the Secretary of State on March 16, 1912, referred again to the "international Jewry" which acted in its own interests and not in the interests of the countries in which Jews live. He declared: "The Department of Foreign Affairs regards the attempts just made manifest by the Jews ofEngland, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 France and Germany to force those countries to demand universal admission of Jews into Russia as proof of their attitude expressed in my report (Nr0 122, Dec. 5, 1911) that there is an international Jewry with headquarters in New Yorh and London from v/hich all Jews take their orders as Jev/s for political action, re gardless of oaths of allegiance of the interests of the countries in which they happen to live."35) The American Consul in St. Petersburg, Jacob E. Connor, shared the same views. In his report to the Secretary of State on the Jewish question, written during his visit to Washington, D.C., February 7, 1912, he said that he had the same ideas about this matter as Ambassador Guild. He stated that Russian actions had not been in violation of the treaty and that Russia declared that she had the right to exclude Jews from her territories for the same reasons as the U.S. had the right to exclude certain Russian subjects. Jews v/ere not liked in Russia, but they v/ere not liked in other countries as well. It was felt more in Russia, how-- ever, because there were more Jev/s there than in other countries. Mr. Connor said that it v/as a mistake to abrogate the treaty with Russia and an3' new commercial treaty would be less advantageous to the U.S. than that of 1332.^^ Ambassador Guild, in his report to the Secretary of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 State on May 3, 1912, described his conversation with Mr. Kokovtsev, the Russian Prime Minister, who recognized that the President had done everything in his power to keep the discussion in regard to the treaty within limits of friendly intercourse but had to yield to pressure from Jews. Mr. Kokovtsev was, according to Guild, surprised that four months had passed without a suggestion or proposal having been made in regard to a new treaty. The report included a list of new restrictions against Jews and of accusations against them quoted from extreme anti-Semitic 3 7 } addresses in the Duma. ' Ambassador Guild continued his accusations against the abrogation of the treaty. He sent the Secretary of State a barrage of letters describing restrictions against Jev/s in Turkey, Morocco and Roumania, and restrictions against Negroes, American citizens, in Australia. In each letter he asked the question: Why did the U.S. intervene only in Russia and not in the above-mentioned countries?88^ Negotiations for a "modus vivendi" between the U.S. and Russia^ The Department of State prepared various drafts of a "modus vivendi," to safeguard the continuation of the exist ing relations between the U.S. and Russia to be made by Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 negotiation and executive action, and which did not need approval by Congress. (This body was, they believed, in fluenced by the Jewish anti-Russian views.) The drafts proposed dealing with commercial and other matters on which agreement could be reached, leaving the Jewish question open for further negotiations. Ambassador Guild too pressed the State Department to reach such an agreement and, on June 17, 1912, sent the Department of State the following "Proposed Public Statement to be Made in Connection v/ith the Proposed Modus Vivendi:" "The difficulties always encountered in the construction of anj' treaty are enormously increased by the fact that Russia under her treaties with other nations cannot change her treatment of American citizens of Jewish faith without making similar changes at the same time for the benefit of the Jews from all other nations. Moreover if absolute and unlimited freedom of access and residence should be allowed by Russia to all foreign Jews, it could not be v/ithheld from her own." After his description of the difficulties in negotiat ing a new treaty v/ith Russia because of the different viev/s on the Jev/ish question, Ambassador Guild refei'red to the treaties of Russia with other countries, whose citizens of Jewish faith were restricted by Russia no less than the American Jews. While various meetings, petitions and reso lutions transpired in other countries, no action similar Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 to that taken by the U.S. had taken place in any other nation.^®) A gap might be created betv/een the old treaty and the nev/ treaty, in the event negotiations betv/een the tv/o countries v/ere prolonged beyond January 1, 1913. That gap had to be provided for b3>- some arrangement which would regulate the relations between the tv/o countries. In this connection, Ambassador Guild stated: "Accordingly a modus vivendi has been prepared to cover that possible gap of time. The modus vivendi means that pending the arrangement of a new treaty Russia will accord to the United States and the United States will accord to Russia the best treat ment accorded by either to any other nation." Ambassador Guild mentioned as an example of the good intentions of Russia that the diplomatic and consular agents of the U.S. in Russia had been quite successful in securing admission and even an extension of permits of residence in individual cases of American Jews.-®) There were prolonged negotiations in Washington, D.C. between the State Department and the Russian Ambassador, George Bakhm^teff, about reaching a modus vivendi in the relations between the U.S. and Russia. Ambassador Balchm^teff handed over to the State Depart ment on December 28, 1912, an unsigned copy of a note which Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ISO he was instructed to deliver. It read: "I am instructed to inform Your Excellency that the Imperial Government takes note of the communication of the Federal Government to the effect that the status quo which has existed until January 1, 1913 (0eco 19, 1912) in the United States in regard to customs duties, com merce, industry, navigation, and the rights of Russian subjects will be maintained also after that date. The Russian Government, for its part, declares that, so long as the above-mentioned regime shall be applied in the United States, the Imperial Government will maintain, on the condition of strict reciprocity, the regime now existing in Russia in regard to customs duties, commerce, industry, navigation, and the rights of American citizens There was no formal exchange of notes, but the situa tion continued. Both governments recognized the existence of a de facto situation without any discrimination or conmercial reprisals between the U.S. and Russia. The Election Campaign of 1912. The Russian-Jewish question became an issue again in the election campaign of summer 1912. The election v/as predicted to be a close one and the results in states like New York, v/here there we re many Jewish voters, seemed to be of much impoz'tance. On June 22, 1912, the Republican National Convention at Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 Chicago adopted the following plank: "Y/e approve the action taken by the President and Congress, to secure with Russia, as with other countries, a treaty that will recognise the abso- . lute right of erepatriation, and that will prevent all discrimination of whatever kind betv/een American citizens, whether native born or alien, and regard less of race, religion or previous political allegiance. The right of asyluin is a precious possession of the people of the United States and is to be neither surrendered nor restrictedi"42) On July 3, 1912, the Democratic National Convention at Baltimore adopted the following plank: "We commend the patriotism of the Democratic members of the Senate and House of Representa tives, which compelled the termination of the Russian Treaty of 1832, and we pledge ourselves anew to preserve the sacred rights of American citizenship at home and abroad. No treaty should receive the sanction of our Government v/hich does not recognize that equality of all our citizens, irrespective of race or creed, and which does not expressly guarantee the fundamental right of expa triation. .."-3) News of the negotiations for reaching a modus vivendi in the relations v/ith Russia came out in the press. Messrs. Simon Wolf and Louis Marshall wrote about it to President Taft.44) The President replied to these letters on November 26, 1912, saying: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 " I be^ to assure you that wc expect to make no agreement ox ;this kind, or of any kind. What we have been doing is examining the existing treaties and statutes and international law applicable to a situation like that v/hich will occur after our treaty v/ith Russia of 1832 will cease to be. We do not expect to change by any agreement, or so-called modus vivendi, the status quo, v/hich the abrogation of the treaty v/ill leave on the first og January next by its ceasing to have effect." The State Department proposed concluding a new modern treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation with Russia. But no such treaty could be concluded without first solving the questions of right of access and sojourn of American Jev/s in Russia, and of the status of naturalized American citizens of Russian birth. Any treatj' v/hich v/ould ignore these issues v/ould not be acceptable to the U.S. There v/as therefore no urgency on either side to negotiate a new treaty because such negotiations v/ould again bring up the various viev/s on the tv/o issues. On the practical level, there v/as 110 real change in the relations betv/een the U.S. and Russia. Relations between the U.S. Embassy and the official circles at St. Petersburg did not change, nor did the relations betv/een the Russian » representatives and the State Department at Washington, D.C. They all saw the abi’ogation of the treaty as something' forced upon them against their wishes and tried to overcome the "obstacle" as far as it v/as in their power. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 NOTES 1) FR, 1911, pp. XXI - XXII. also: CR, 62nd Con"., 2nd Sess., Vol. 4S, pt. 1, p. 73. 2) "Report of the Proceedings of the Mass Meeting Held at Carnegie Hall, New York City, Wednesday evening, December 6, 1911," Termination, pp. 5-31. 3) CR, 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 48, pt. 1, Senate, d p , 181-3IT-(December 11, 1911), 467-69 (December 19, 1911), 534 ff. 4) Ibid., p. 13 (H. Res. 316, Dec. 4, 1911). 5) Ibid., p. 45 (II. J . Res. 167, Dec. 5, 1911). 6 ) Ibid. (T-I.J. Res. 168, Dec. 5, 1911). 7) Ibid., p. 500 (II. J. Res. 192, Dec. 20, 1911). 8) Ibid., p. 13. 9) Ibid., p. 190 (Dec. 11, 1911). 10) Ibid., p. 311. 11) Termination, pp. 3-104. 12) U.S. Cong., 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., Treaty of 1832 v/ith Russia. Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations United States Senate Si::ty-Socond Congress on S.J. Res. 60... Dec. 13, 1911 (Washington: 1911). 13) CR, 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 48, pt. 1, p. 286. Ibid., pp. 311-54. 15) Ibid., pp. 369-73. 16) Ibid., p. 453 (S. Doc. No, 161). 17) Ibid. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 IS) Ibid., pp. 453-55, 457, 473-507. 19) Ibid., pp. 552-59, 575, 600. 20) NA, 711.612/62A. Also: PR, 1911, pp. 695-96. 21) Ibid., 711.612/62B. 22) Ibid., 711.612/62. Also FR, 1911, op. 696-97 (Doc. 16, 1911); NA, 711.612/64. “ Also FR, 1911, pp. 697-93. (Dec. 17, 1911); NA, 711.612/66 (Dec. 137~1911). 23) IIA, 711.612/64 (Dec. 17, 1911). 24) Ibid., 711.012/69. Also FR, 1911, p. 099. 25) Ibid., 711.612/78. 26) Ibid., 711.612/33. 27) Ibid., 711.612/35. 28) Ibid., 711.612/37. 29) Ibid., 711.612/104 (Fob. 24, 1912). 711.612/107 (I.Iarch 3, 1912). 30) Ibid., 711.612/126. 31) NA, 711.612/101. 32) Ibid., 711.612/105. 33) Ibid., 861.111/146. 34) "How the Russian Government Barred out a Writer who Criticised It," Ney; York Sun, July 7, 1912. "Says State Department Holds Brief for Russia." "Bernstein Feels Outraged Our Treatment by Acting Secretary Wilson." Ney; Yorl: Sun, October 24, 1912. also: NA, 361.111/173. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 35) Ibid., 711.612/110. Ambassador Guild became influenced by the viev/s expressed in the "Protocols of the Y/ise Men of Zion," thr.t v/ere first oublishod in Russia in 1905. 36) Ibid., 8611.111/125. 37) Ibid., 711.612/119. 38) Ibid., 711.612/162, 166, 168, 171. Reply from Knox to Guild (Dec. 5, 1912). Ibid., 711.612/171. Other reports from Guild to Kno:: about the effects of the abrogation of the treaty and Jev/s in Russia, see: Ibid., 711.612/113, 149, 159, 187; 361.111/193. 39) The 3ritish Foreign • Minister Sir Edvzard Grey declined the suggestion of British Jev/s to follow the U.S. example in the abrogation of the Treaty v/ith Russia (Lucien Wolf. Notes on the Diplomatic Historv of the Jewish Question (London! 1919), p T T ^ s = 40) NA, 711.612/134. 41) Ibid., 711.612/202. 42) AJYB, 5674, 1913-14, p. 442. 43) Extension of Remarks of John J. Fitxgerald of New York, CR, 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 48, nt. 12, Aooendix, p. 693^August 2 1 ," 1912) . 44) NA, 711.612/175 (Marshall to Taft, Nov. 15, 1912); Wolf, pp. 326-27 '(Wolf to Taft, Nov. 22, 1912). 45) NA, 711.612/130 c (Taft to Marshall), 711.612/175 (Taft to Wolf). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C 71 A P T E R VII The Prussian-Jewish Question During the Wilson Acini n 1st rat ion (1913-1917) The Beilis Trial (1913) Mendel Beilis, a Jewish worlnnan in Kiev, v/as arrested, on a charge of ritual murder of a Christian child. The trial v/as organised by the Russian Justice Ministry to demonstrate that Jews used blood of Christian children for Passover bread. There was no evidence against Beilis but "evidence can always be found when the Csar v/ants it and the govern ment loohs for it."-*-) Ambassador Guild mentioned the Belis trial in his report to the Secretary of State on February 23, 1913.^) On October 12, 1913, it v/as reported by Char.g^ d ’Affaires Charles S. Wilson, who presented the official Russian version of the accusation and gave an account of the anti-Semitic agitation connected v/ith it. He stated: "I have been much surprised to find that every Russian v/ith whom I have talhed, of every class of society, firmly believes Beylis guilty of the crime v/ith v/hich he is charged, and what lias sur prised me even more, that apparent 1;/ all American Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 and Other foreign residents of Russia are strongly of the sane opinion. Even before the trial his guilt seemed to be taken so as an accepted fact, that when Beylis was arrested nearly tv/o years ago, the Minister of Justice informed the Emperor that the murderer had been arrested and v/as guilty of ritual murder.3' Nev/s of the Beilis trial reached the U.S. Meetings of protest were organised, articles were written against Russia, and a petition to the Tsar signed by representatives of various Christian denominations v/as forwarded to the Russian Ambassador, in Washington, D.C.^^ Representative Sabath introduced a House of Representatives Resolution demanding withdrawal of the charges that Mendel Beilis had committed a ritual murder.3) A Senate resolution, introduced b;r Senator Lev/is asked "the proper officers" of the U.S. Government "to use the good offices" of the U.S. v/ith the Government of Russia to withdraw the ritual charges against the Jev/ish people at large and against Mendel Beilis in partxcular. 6)' Both resolutions were referred to the Committees, but were not reported back to Congress. The Russian Foreign Minister referred to these resolu tions in his conversation v/ith Charge’d*Affaires Wilson. He stated that the U.S. had no reason to intervene in this Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 purely internal matter, mentioning that Russia had more reason to question the actions of the U.S. in Mexico. (The U.S. intervened at that time in the Civil War in Mexico, suppoi’ting one side against the othei'.) Mr. Yfilson reported on that convei’sation, adding his remarks against any Amci’ican intei*ference on the Beilis trial.7 ) Seci’etary of State Bryan replied to Chargt^ Wilson on Octobei' 29, 1913, saj'ing: "Some resolutions have been introduced in Congress but no action has been taken on them."8) That was what Wilson wanted to know. He wrote to the Seci*etary of State on October 31, 1913, v/az-ning against any Amei'ican intervention not only on the trial but also on anti- Jewish massacres which might occur in connection with it< He even warned against any discussion or* ci’iticism in Congress about the treatment of Jews in Russia, and hoped that no action v/ould be taken on the z'csolutions- "concerning the Jewish trial in Kiev." Even the mere fact that the trial v/as being dis cussed in the U.S. Congress cn.used "intense resentment" and., was considered by the Russians as "unjustifiable foreign meddling v/ith an internal question." The report said that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 whatever the final decision of the trial might be, it would be a signal for anti-Semitic disturbances, in spite of the precautions the government had taken to prevent such occurrences. Hr. Wilson warned that .the U.S. might lose all Russian support if there were any official American notice about such disturbances, or oven if there should be any discussion or criticism made in Congress of such massacres.®) Mr. Graut, the U.S. Consul in Odessa, reported at length on November 13, 1913, about "what is ordinarily known as the 'Ritualistic murder'." The report included the official Russian version of the trial which accused Jews of using Christian blood for Passover bread, tried "to explain" the reasons for that "secret and cabalistic process" and added remarks about the exploitation of Jews by Russia. Belis was found not guilty because "combined efforts" of Jews "obliterated all traces" of that crime. Mr. Graut stated that he had made an effort to keep his report "within the bounds of justice,"-*-®) Another report about the Beilis Trial was sent by Charge* d*Affaires Wilson on November 1<1-,' 1913. The report mentioned, among other things, rumors of the Russian Govern ment's having informed the U.S. Government that no foreign protests in regard to the trial would be received. He did not know whether there was any truth in these rumors, but Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 he was sure that the Russian Government would have refused to receive any petition from the Embassj' on the subject. Such petitions, he said, "would have had a most unfortunate effect upon the relations between the two countries."H) The above-mentioned reports did not tell much about the trial itself nor what really happened in Russia. They told more about the people who wrote the reports, about their views and- prejudices, and about their sources of information. The reports from American representatives in Russia showed ignorance not only about the Beilis trial and the Jewish question, but also on more decisive political events. 1913-1917 The abrogation of the 1332 Treaty of Commerce and Navigation between the U.S. and Russia brought no real gz'eat change in the relations between these two'countries. Trade between the U.S. and Russia continued as before; there v/as even an increase since the beginning of World War I, when the U.S. substituted Germany in importing various products into Russia. The Jewish question no longer played an important part in the relr.tions between these countries, American diplomats preferred not to mention it, nor did the Russians. The question could hot be solved, nor could it be mentioned - it v/as as if it did not e;:ist at all. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 American diplomats reported from time to time about the situation of the Jews in Russia. There v/as interest in the U.S. in such information. There v/crc some negotiations to conclude a nev/ treaty of friendship, commerce and navi gation betv/een the U.S. and Russia. 3ut there v'as no rush about it on either side. A treaty had to define things enactly and no side v/antod to surrender its points. A modus vivendi, without a written agreement, v/as more convenient to both sides, at least tempora.rily. Ambassador Guild complained in his report to the Secretary of State on April 11, 1913 about the "inaccurate information" given to the American public in regard to the Jev/s in Russia. That v/as because "practically every news a.gency out of Russia is controlled by persons of that faith," he said, and therefore the information given in the American press was "particularly unreliable." Referring to his conversation with the Russian Premier Kokovtsov about the passport question, the Ambassador said: "The Premier does favor a revision of the pass port regulations and a modernisation of. the whole system, but, as he told me personally, he does not favor any change in the restrictions on Jews. His last expression on the matter v/as that v/e may bring the entire United States ITavy, capture Russia and take possession of the Government, but that in no other way could outside pressure bring about a change in laws which Russia regards as her Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 own business and in which she docs not propose to tolerate foreign interference." Mr. Guild quoted "the noted Jewish editor and writer- Gospodin THr^/Uahim Sokolov...an intimate friend of Louis D. Brandeis of Boston" who said that Americans who interfered in the intorna.1 affairs of Russia could not much help the Jews in Russia and that the solution for- them was "to escape from Russia" and settle in a home and a country of their own, perhaps in Palestine.1^) The Russian Ambassador in Washington, D.C. asked Secretary of State Bryan what the U.S. desired to do in regard to the negotiation of a new treaty. ■ Secretary Bryan wrote about it to President Wilson on June 4, 1913, remarking that he supposed that there should be no hurry about it. It would be desirable to negotiate a treaty, although it would be difficult to come to some understanding upon that part of it which related to the rights of the J e w s . 13) There were some negotiations, but both sides were slow about it and nothing came from their negotiations. Mr. Jacob E. Conner, the U.S. Consul in St. Petersburg, shared Mr. Guild*s views about Jews and the Jewish question,!-) and Mr. Louis Marshall, President of the American Jewish Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 Committee, wrote to President Wilson, November 2G, 1913, about the personal views of Mr. Conner on the Jewish question. The letter said that Rabbi Ma:: J. Meritt of Evansville, Indiana, had informed him that while he was in Greece ho happened to meet Mr. Conner, who v/as there on vacation. Among the subjects discussed, Mr. Conner told him that, "I hate Jews more than anything else in the world. In St. Petersburg wo call New Yorl: *Jew York*. The Jews are unutterably slimy and bad. They form the v/orst element in America. The Jew is always the same. He is always a crook. He is a Somite and a Oriental. He does not change. There is no good in the Semite, and he only needs the oppor tunity to take advantage of you. I never met a Jew in my life who would not do you if he could. I do not trust a Jew. I hate the race root and branch. I tell you there must come a change in America. We shall be compelled one day to repeal the constitutional guarantees giving the right of asylum to refugees fleeing from political and religious persecution. We shall have to keep out the Russian Jew. Russia knows how to deal with an element it does not want contaminating the whole country. She confines them to one section...The Jew is a parasite. Just note what ho is doing in America. He has no patriotism. Has he not put race above patriotism in the matter of the Russian treaty? See how he has acquired newspapers to push the racial Cause at the erpense of the country, and see how Congress fell over itself to vote for the abrogation. If evci* there v/as a backboneless Congress this was one. And the Taft Administration, could anything be more flabby?" The ne::t day Rabbi Meritt infox’med Mr. Conner that he v/as a Jew. There was a discussion between them in which Mr. Conner repeated his anti-Semitic allegations and stated Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 that he hoped American Jews "would be disfranchised," and when he v/as asked if the pogroms in Russia were justified, he replied: "They got what they deserve." Hr. Liarshall asked President Tfilson if "such a man" 15V could continue in the service of the U.d. ' It seems that Ur. Conner had problems getting along with the other American consuls in Russia, with whom he had many disagreements, as well as with.Jews. Inspector Gottschalk, who had come on an official inspection visit to his office, reported his impressions of I.Ir. Conner* to the Secretary of State, August 21, 1913, as follows: "The entire impression made upon me was such as to throw some doubt upon the consul’s complete mental balance...in discussing.. .with L!r. TTilson, our present Chargif d’Affaires ad interim at Ct. Petersburg, I found that this gentleman seemed fully to concur with me that Ur. Conner was apparently not quite normal mentally."16) Porla war I brought a relative decline in importance to the subject of the treatment of Jews in Russia. Russian Jews supported the Russian war efforts, but that brought no change in the official Russian attitude toward them. Secretary of State Lansing instructed the Rmbassy at Petrograd (formerly 3t. Petersburg) on June 19, 1915, to enter into negotiations for a new commercial treaty. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 passport question was to be discussed "in a way which will be satisfactory to both parties."-7) Ambassador Harye replied to secretary Lansing on June 23, 1215, that the Russian foreign minister Sasanov had. given a positive answer to initiate negotiations for a new commercial treaty and proposed, to leave the passport question to be discussed and settled "in a manner satisfactory to both parties as the negotiations progressed."-2 ) LIr. David, a. franc is, who was appointed U.3. Ambassador to Prussia in Ilarch 1916, wrote to President Wilson on April 8 , 191G concerning his views on the Russian-Jewish question, and said: "At a luncheon given me on Sunday last ny son Perry and myself were the only Gentiles present - there were twelve Jews who represented the anti-Russian feeling. They ashed me how they could aid in my mission. After ashing them if they wished me to be candid in my reply, and receiving an affirmative answer, I told them ’by not talking so much’. I explained that their antagonism to Russia had been looked upon as attributable more to pro-German sentiment than to any feeling of resentment for the persecution of their race. Hr. Schiff, who is the leader of the pro-Gcrnan and anti-Russian sentiment in ilew York, was not present as he v/as sojourning in the South. I have known him for many years and he has always been critremely cour teous to me. A day or two later I saw Dr. Gottheil who represents the more conservative and more reasonable • Jewish sentiment of Hew York, - a sentiment which is inclined to rebel against the domination of J.Ir, Schiff and a few others who have assumed to speak for the Jev/s of the United States."19) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. There v/ere prolonged negotiations bctv/een Ambassador Traneis a.nd Sasanoif to conclude a new U.S.-dussian commercial treaty. The negotiations did not hr ins Torth any results and the revolution o£ February 1917 brought the v/holo cuestion to an end. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 9 7 N O T 3 S 1) George Kennan, "The Ritual Murder Case in Kiev," OUT, 105:531, Hovember 8 , 1913. Tor a description of the trial and its background see: • Ibid., pp. 529-35. ■Alexander B. Tager, The Decay of Csarisn, The Beil- iss Trial, (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of"- America, 1935) 297 pp. "The Bills Case in the -Estimation of the Police Department," Krasnyi Archiv, 44:05-125. "The Tsarist Government and the Beilis Trial," Ibid., 54-55:162-204. The documents presented ill the "Krasnyi Archiv" made clear that the organisers of the trial knew well that the murder v/as committed by a criminal gang and that the ritual accusation v/as their invention. The documents x'evealed that the accusation v/as well paid for by the Department of Police, and that that payment v/as made according to a personal order of the Minister of Interior, based on permission by the Tsar. 2) HA, 711.612/197. 3) Ibid., 061.4016/153. 4) About the petition see: AJYB, 5675, 1914-15, pp. 79-02. 5) CR, G3rd Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 50, ot. 6 , p. 5692, (PI.J. ResT~141, Oct. 17, 1913). 6 ) Ibid., p. 5375 (S. Res. 198, Oct. 22, 1913). 7)- HA, 061.4016/157 (Wilson'to Bryan, Oct. 27, 1913). 8 ) Ibid. 9) Ibid., 861.4016/160. 10) Ibid., 861.4016/163. 11) Ibid., 861.4016/164. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 12) HA, 861.111/201. 13) Ibid., 711.G12/210a. 14) Sec above report of Mr. Conner of February 7, 1912, •d., 8611.111/125). 15) Ibid., 123 c 7G/58. 16) Ibicl., 123 c 76. S-\ r-lt> Ibid., 711.G12/240a. 13) Ibid., 711.G12/242. 19) Ibid., 711.312/247. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CONCLUSION The "Jewish question" in .'merican-Russian relations started v/ith modest demands for equality of treatment for the fev/ American Jews visiting Russia v/ith the privileged groups of Russian Jews who were permitted to reside and conduct business outside the Jewish Pale of Settlement. The next step v/as a demand for equality of rights and treat ment for American Jews v/ith Americans of other faiths. It commenced v/ith the handling of single cases o.f discriminated- against American Jews by Russia and pi'ogressed to demands for a general solution to the question, and to organised pressure for the abrogation of the U.S.-Russian Treaty of Commerce and Navigation. As time passed, different views took shape on the question itself and the methods for its solution. To the State Department the Russian-Jewish question bore no. relation to the situation of Jev/s in Russia. The question concerned the possibility of obtaining from Russia rights of free access and unrestricted sojourn there for all Americans, regardless of race or religion. Their pre ference was to have a general agreement with Russia on the subject, but the absence of such an agreement was of little concern to them. The State Department agreed v/ith the Russians that their treatment of American Jews did not violate Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 any treaty with Russia. The U.S. had more pressing problems for which it needed Russia’s friendship and felt, therefore, that it was not wise to get involved in this relatively un important question. The treatment of the few American Jews ‘who wanted to visit Russia could be agreed upon "unofficially" with the Russian officials who dealt with the matter. The situation of the Russian Jews v/as of no more concern to them than that of the Armenians, Finns, Irish, Poles, etc., with whom they might sympathise - but that v/as all. Their con cern, therefore, v/as with the criticism of them in the U.S. more than with the actions of "friendly" Russia. To Congressmen, this v/as an American question, no 1'ess important than intervention in China on behalf of missionaries, interest in a certain country for the purpose of acquiring a railroad or mining concession, or intervention in another country to secure American property rights. Their view was that the aim of a government v/as to protect not only abstract interests of a country but also the concrete interests of its people, who must decide by themselves wlion and by whom their interests are threatened, and what to do against it. Representatives of the people in a democratic society are channels through which the views of the people are expressed and which translate these views into demands for action. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 The Congressmen ".ho voted for the abrogation of the commercial trer.ty v/ith llussia represented the prevailing; ant i-huss inn public opinion r.nd v/ere ‘ influenced by it. "Public opinion" did not necessarily mcr.n general American interest in the matter because most Amei*icans l:ncw nothing about the issue, and not many had even an opinion on it. This meant that there v/as a small and organised group that v/as interested in the subject a.nd eriercised pressure for its solution, and that there v;as no other group that would act aga.inst that pressure, escept, sometimes, the State Depart ment. There v/as nothing unusual about this and considerable legislation passed by Congress was usually brought about in this way. Congressmen arc influenced by the effects of their • bills and votes v/ith regard to their forthcoming elections and by the hordes of mail from their districts. They were also influenced by the opinions empresscd in the press which, for its part, was, to an errtont, influenced by the same pressure‘groups that influenced Congress. editorial comment: ‘in home town papers and the numerous letters they received on the subject made the anti-dussian opinion appear as a "grass roots" movement emanating from "the people." I.Iembors of Congress may introduce bills or publish in the "Congressional T.ecord" on any subject ashed of them, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 many Conyressn.cn rarely refuse to do so. The yrcat number of bills and rcsolv.tions introduced on the "Russian-Jev/ish question" only meant therefore that there v/as always some club, organisation, conyreyation or individual Wh o asked for such a-bill. It is modern application of the first amend ment to the Constitution "to petition the yove?.-nnent for a redress of yrievances," a riyht that yrp.nts to every minority a v/ay to empress their demands and to obtain some kind of jitstice. All the above-mentioned bills and resolutions v/cre no more than an erpression of some action by a personality, yroup or oryanisatipn, but their influence v/as, in many cases, far—reachiny. The Executive branch of the yovernment and the political parties v/erc sensitive to such resolutions and could not iynoro then. They too v/ere beiny pressured from various sources. The Russian-Jev/ish question was yenerally a bi-partisan one, but could not escape becominy a political question in pre-election campaiyns. Democrats used the issue to attack Republican administrations, Republicans from the State of ITev/ York v/ho Wanted to reyain that state from the-Democrats introduced Conyressional resolutions on the subject ayainst the actions of the Republican Administration. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The "Pansnort Question" was included in the pre election nlatfoms of the political parties. Such platforms tried to appeal to the.greatest possible"number of voters but had little real value. They were no guide for the party nominees or-the parties in Congress, and were mentioned mostly by the opposing party as something that could be attached. If for politicians- the Russian-Jev/ish question just required some lip service, "expressions of sympathy" and a few pre-election promises, it v/as far more important to those American Jewish leaders who were interested in secur ing oqun.1 rights for Jews in every place where such rights wore denied to them. Por them it v/as a major question, because a treaty v/ith another power v/as a lav/ of the land - as v/as an internal lav/ - and denial of rights by a treaty or in the manner of execution of a treaty meant denial of rights by the lav/s of a country in which the Constitution forbade making any distinction between citizens on account of their religious faith. The situation of Russian Jews v/as of much concern to American Jews, many of whom came from Russia-them selves, and still had family, /.’datives and friends there. They v/ere interested in an improvement of -the .situation of • the Russian Jev/s. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 204 An agreement with Russia about equal treatment of American Jews v/ith other American citizens would bring demands for such agreements by other powers, and that would make the keeping of the various legal restrictions against Russian Jews ineffective, or even possible. European international relations and .alliances of the- pre- World War I years prevented other powers from joining the U.S. to act on the matter. The Russian government did not consider seriously all the American interventions and did' not believe that American demands would be followed '0 3' some serious action. They- wore surprised by the abrogation of the Treaty' of Commerce e,nd Navigation in which they' saw a "cunning Jewish plot" to "deceive" the U.S. Congress' into forcing a "friendly" administration to act against Russia. What the Russians did not realise was that the'U.S. Congress was not like the Russian Duma, a tool of an autocracy, but a representative "of the people, by the people and for the people." The question whether a citizen could divest himself of citizenship fi’om one country and acquire citizenship .in another country was closely related, if not part of the Russian-Jev/ish question. The greatest number of American Jews who visited Russia or wanted to visit were'born in Russia, were considered by Russia, to be their subjects and, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 P.r, such, refused to rrant then nore rights than to the Russian Jov/s. When the U.S.-Russian Treaty of Connorce and naviga tion v/as concluded, the viev/s of both the U 0S. and Russia vie re that no person could chanyc his allegiance v/ithout the consent of his yovernnont. The U.S. and nost of the European countries repudiated that theory, v/hilo Russia continued to hold to it. They made at least a part of the treaty obsolete as far as the U.S. v/as concerned, and added additional argu ment for those v/ho ashed for the abrogation of the treaty v/ith Russia. The abrogation of the Treaty of Commerce and ITaviyat ion. v/as a demonstrative act but neither accomplished nor altered anything. Both the "off icial" Russia and the "official" United States, the Taft, as v/cll a.s the Wilson Administrations, did not v/ant the abrogation of the treaty and did everything in their pov/er to hcep the status quo, just as if the treaty remained in force. World War I brouyht an increase in the trade relations betv/een the tv/o countries, and the severance of relations later on v/as for quite different reasons. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 206 BIBLIOGRAPHY Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 207 RUG3IAH HISTORY General Clarkson, Jesse.D. A History of Russia. N.Y.: Ran dom House, 1961. 667 p. A general introduction to Russian history. Paros, Barnard. The Pall of the Russian Ilonarchy. IT.Y.: Vintage Books, 1961. 510 p. A history of Tsarist Russia in the twentieth century. Kennan, George. Siberia and the H::ile System. London: J. R. Csgood, 1891. 2 Vo Is. X, 409, o'/o p. Also published in Century, 13SS-90. Life of prisoners and e::ilcs in ‘Tsarist Russia. Krasnyi Archiv (The Red Archive), A Historical Journal of the Central Archive Department of the R.3.F.S.R. (later U.3.3.R.), Hoscow: Gospolitisdat, Vols. 1-105, 1922-1941. Documentary sources from the Tsarist Archives published after the Bolshevist Revolution (Russian). 3eton-'.7atson, Hugh. The Decline of imperial Russia, 1855-1914. N.Y.: F.A. Praeger, 1952, 406 p. A history of the last si;:ty years of Imperial Russia. l.IHI.:0IRS Fisher, II.H. Out of LIy Past. The Llemoirs of Count Kokovtsov. Stanford, California: * Stanford University Press, 1985. 61b pi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 Count Kokovtsov v/as Russian Minister of Finance, 1904-1914, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, 1911-1914. Pobyedonostseff, K.P. Reflections of a Russian Statesman. London: G. Richards, 1398', Ml, 271 p. Memoirs of one of the leading Russian reaction aries. Procurator of the Holy Synod, 1330-1905. Tutor and Advisor of the Tsars Alexander III and Uicholai II. Rosen /TTonan Romanovicli/, Baron. Forty Years of Diplomacy, Tols. 1-2. London: Allen C: Unwin, II.Y., A .A . Knopf, 1922. 315, 309 p. Baron Rosen was Russian Ambassador at T/ashington", B.C. Urussov, Sergei Dmitrievich, Prince. Mapiski Guberna.tora; Kishinev, 1903-1904 (Memoirs of a Governor)" Berlin, J. Lady- schnikov, 1907. 377 p. Prince Urussov was Governor of Bessarabia during the Kishinev pogrom and was later Assistant Minister of Interior. Revealed the role played by the Russian Adminis tration, and particularly by the Interior Minister von Plehve, behind the Kishinev pogrom. Y/itte, Sergei. The Memoirs of Count YRLtte. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1921. KI, 445 pp. Russian Minister of Finance 1392-1903. Prime Minister 1905-1906, lead the Russian Delegation at the Portsmouth Peace Conference 1905. Gave, among other things, the background of the anti-Jewish policies of the Tsarist Government and the personal anti-Semitic views of iiicholai II. HISTORY AMD SITUATIGII OF JDY/3 III RUSSIA Bnglish Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 209 . Boyarsky,- Joseph. The Life and Suffering of the Jew in Russia; a Historical Review...a Description' of the Special Laws Enacted Against the Jews..., Los-Angeles, Cal.: /Citizen Print uihop, 1912/. 212. p. Davitt, liichael. V/ith in the Pale. The lk-uo Gtory of Anti-Semitic Persecution in Russia. N. V.: A' . 3 . Bar ness & Ud.7T.903'. a IV,' '300 "p. Description of the situation of Jews in Russia in general, of the Kishinev pogrom in .particular, and of the reaction-to that in the U.S. and Russia as seen by a corres-' pondent of the Ileai'st newspapers (N.Y. Journal and American). Dubnow, S.!I. History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, from the.earliest times until the present' day. 3 Vols. Trans. by J. Friedlaender. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publica tion Society of America, 191G-20. 413, 429, 411 p. The most complete history of the Jews in Russia, written in the last years of Tsai'ist Russia by the greatest Jewish Historian. Frederick, Harold. The Hew Rnodus; a'Study of Israel in Russia. London: V/. Heinemann, 1892. 300 p. Greenberg, Louis. The Jews in Russia. 2 Vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1944, T951. . 210, 213 p. A history of the Jews in Russia in the 19th and . 20th Centuries. /Isaacs, Uyer Samuel7. The Persecution of the Jews in Russia. /!T,y.: 18827 15 p. The Jewish Hncyclopedia... 12 Vols...prepared...under the direction of...Cyrus Adler.../and others/. N.Y.: Funk .and Yfagnalls Co., 1901-06. Landsberg, Hoses G., edited and compiled by...History of the Persecutions of the Jews in Russia. /Boston: 1892/» /2(50/" p. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 Semenov, Evgenii Petrovich. The Russian Government and the Massacres, a Page of the Poissian Counter-Revolution. Translated from French with an introduction'by Lucien V/oli7 London: J. Murray, 1906. /SECV1, 265 p,' Tagor, Alexander B. The Decay of Czarism. The Beiliss Trial. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America'. 1935v 297p. Based on unpublished material in Russian archives. Includes reports of the Russian Embassy in the U.S. The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia.. 10 Vols. Edited by Isaac- Landman. E.Y.: The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia Inc.- 1939-1943. & Other Languages Beilises Process in Kiev, Loitn Stenografischen Bericht. (The Eeilis trial in Kiev,. according to a stenographic report). Edited by 3h. Biber. Uarsaw: Y’.L. Erendsel and J. Pulfcrman, 567-4 (1913/14). 12/9, 120, 226. p. (Yiddish). Beilis, Mendel. 3i Geschikhte Fun Ileine Leiden (The Story of My Sufferings). N.Y.: Mendel Beilis Publishing Co., 1925-. Mil, 13-263 p.‘ Memoirs (Yiddish). Bergel, Siegmund.. Kischinev; und die lage der Juden in Russland. (The Kishinev /pogrom/and the situation of the Jews in Russia.) Berlin: M. Cohn, 1903. 139 p. (German) Bund, Geneva. Dohladnaja Zapis2:a VilensI:a»o Guberna- tora' ft Polezhenii Evreiev V Rossii. (Report of the Governor ox Vilna about the situation of the Jews in Russia.) Geneva: 1904. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 211 The legal, economic and political situation of the Jews in Russia and the political parties among them. (Russian) Brafman, J.A. Kniga Kagala (Book of the Community) 2 Vols. St. Petersburg: 1875, 1882. XV, 373. XXXIV, 479 p. The author, a converted Jew, accused the Jews of forming an illegal community (Kagal, Kahal) organisation. The book was distributed by the Russian authorities and was often quoted by then against the Jews. (Russian) Dubnow, 3. "Antievreiskoe dvizhene. v Rossii 1381-82..." ("The Anti-Jewish Movement in Russia in 1881 and 1881. From a IJemoz’andum intended for the Pahlen Commission") , Evreiskaia Starina (St. Petersburg), I (1909): 33-109, 265, 275. Evreiskaia Xntsiklopcdia (The Jewish Encyclopedia). 16 Vols. St. Petersburg, Society for Scientific Jewish Publications, Published by Brockhaus-Efron. 1906-13. (Russian). /Fciwel BerthholdZ. Die Judenmassacres in Mishinew. (The TTassacres of Jews in Kishinev). von Fold /Pseud^/. Berlin: Juediseher Verlag /T903/. 102 p. (German). Materialy dla istorii anti-Evreiskikh pogromov v Rossii. (Materials to the History of the antr-Jewish pogroms in Russia.) 2 Vols. Petrograd: Jewish Historical Xtrr*ographic .Society. Vol. I. The Cases of Dubossav and Kishinev, Year 1903. Edited by 3.II. Dubnow and G.II. Krasnyi-Admoni, 1919. • XXXII, 359 p. Vol. II. The Eighties (April 15, 1991 - February 29, 1832). Edited by G. Ja. Krasnyi-Admoni, 1923, XXXII, 542 p. Collections of archival sources. One of the most important sources to the history of these pogroms. (Russian) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 212 Russia. Gubernskic Komissii po Yevreiskomu Voprosu. Trudy Gubcrnskich Komissii po Yevreiskomu Voproau.. (Trans actions of the Governmental /Provincial/ Committees about the Jewish Question.) 2 Vols. 3t. Petersburg: 1SS4. Singer, Lev Grigorievich. Dvreiskoe lTasielenie SSSR; Dvishcni'e sa Vremya s 1897 po 1923 Goda (The Jewish Popula tion of the U. 3.3.A.; Hovcments for the period 1897 to 1923.) Moscow: Ort, 1927. 43 p. Jews in Russia, statistics of population. .(Russian) Sliosberg’, G.- B. Dela I.Iinuvshikh dnei, ' (Records of the Past Days.) 3 Vols. Paris: 1933-34. XIV, 304, VII, 331, 387 p. . Memoirs of one of the leaders of Russian Jews. Mr. Gliosbcrg worked with the U.3. Cor.ir.iission of Y/ebei’ and Kcmpster (1891) which he described in his memoirs. (Russian) Union of Russian Jews. II.Y. Kniga o Russkom Kvreistvie' ot 1860-kh Godov do Revolutzii 1917 Goda: obornil: 8tatiei~~ (A book about the Russian Jewry since the 18G0*s to the revolution of 1917; A collection of Articles). II.Y.: I960. 590 p. (Russian). 8RLRCTRD ART ICLAG ABOUT JEY/3 III RU3SIA "The Outrages in Russia," Century, 23 (April 1382): 949. Bdi'torial against treatment of Jews by Russia; Caid that "Russia’s most apparent duty is to civilise itself." Ragosin, M. "Russian Jews and Gentiles (From a Russian point of view)." Century, 23 (April 1332): 909-20. An anti-Jewish article written by a Russian official based primarily on Brafman’s "Book of the Kahal." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 3 /A translation of the "Hay Ddicts" of 18827. -New York TimesT August 24, 1890. Hubert, P.O. "Russia’s Treatment of Jewish Subjects Forum, 11 (March 1891): 103-14. Described how it would be were Jews in the U.S. subjected to such restrictions as those of Russian Jews. Hirsh, II. Do. "Refuge for Russian Jews," Forum. 11 (August 1891): 627-33. Outlines of his plans for emigration of Russian Jews. Hourwitch, J. A. "Persecution of the Jews," Forum, 11 (August 1891): 611-26. Kent, C.B.R. "Persecuted Russian Jews," The Living . Age (Boston), 190 (September 19, 1S91): 748-53. Yi’hitc, A. "Present Condition of the Jews in Russia. Summary," R of R, 4 (September 1S91): 180. Canan, Abraham. "Jewish Massacres and the Revolution ary Movement in Russia," North American Review, 177.(1903): 49-62. Described the encouragement and support given by the Tsarist authorities to the organisation of pogroms. Ford, A.II. "Determinating the Jews," H a m e r ' s weekly, 47 (June 6, 1903): 958. " 1 : Against Russian treatment of Jews. "The Responsibility for Hishineff," R of R, 28 (July- December 1903): 210-11. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 214 About tho responsibility of the Russian authori ties for the Kishinev pogrom. Y/hite, Arnold. "Kischineff anc! After," The Living Age (Boston), 238 (July-September, 1S03): 805-811 (r’rom the "National Review"). An anti-Semitic article. Said that "Jewish money lenders" were guilty of the Kishinev pogrom. ’Yarned that Jewish immigration might cause anti-Semitism elsewhere. "Liore Anti-Jewish Riots in Russia," OUT, 75 (Gctp- • ber 17, 1903): 381-2. 2d. against tho Kishinev pogrom. . "Religious Toleration and the Jewish Question in Russia," R of R , 32 (August -1905): 223-24. Against discrimination and for equal rights and opportunities for the Jews in Russia. . "The Outbreak in Russia," OUT, SI (September 16, 1905): 94-95. 2d. about the Kishinev pogrom. "The Jews in Russia," OUT, 81 (December 9, 1905): 848. • . Ed. Blamed Russian officials in the organisation of pogroms. "Russia and the Jews," The Living *Yge, 247 (December 9, 1905): 631-33. Ilarcave, Sidney Samuel. "The Jewish Question in the First Russia Duma," Jewish Social Studies, VI (April 1944): 155-176. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 215 The First Duma (April-July 1906) referred to a • Committee a bill for equal rights for Jews and protested against the Bialystolc pogrom. * • * • "The Jews in Russia. The Government's Record," OUT, 82 (March 10, 1906): 537-38. . . \ t. . ^ “r I3d. about- the pogrom at Odessa.. "Another Jewish Massacre in Russ'ia," O.UT, 83 (June 23, 1906): 394-95. ’ . Nd. about the pogrom at Bialystok. . "The Making of a Pogrom," The Nation, 33 (October 11, 1906): 298. Said that the Russian Government and not the people were responsible for the pogroms. _ • "Restrictive Lav/s and Their Repeal," North /imerican Review, 184 (January 18, 190'7): 209ri2. . • Rubinow, J.LI. "Dconomic Condition of the Jews in' Russia," U.S. Bureau of Labor Bulletin, IS (8<_:ptember 1907): 487-583. ; ~ ' "The Tragedy of tlie Russian Jews," OUT,’ 97 (January 21-, 1911): 104-5. Rosenthal, LI. "Llartyi’dom of the Russian Jews," OUT; 97 (January 21, 1911): 109-17.' "Suffering of the Russian Jews," R of R, 43 (March-1911) ‘359-61. . ‘ ’ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 216 Pierce, T-I.H.D. "Russia and tho Jews," OUT, 99 (September 2, 1911): 49. "Counter Revolution in Russia and. its Effect on the Jews," R of R , 44 -(October 1911): 494-96. "An Oner. Letter to the Csar of Russia," IND, 76 (So n't orv3 or' 4, 1913): 607-10. Anainst Russian treatment of Jews. Kcnnan, G. "The Ritual Mui’der Cas6 in Kiev,"- OUT, 105 (November 3, 1913): 529-35. Description of ba.chyround. and. fa.cts of the Eeilis -trial. Konnan, G. "Ritual Murder Myth in Russia," IND, 76 (November 13, 1913): 300-1* Accused the Tsar of an alliance with the orya.ri sers of the ooyroms. THE LEGAL.STATUS OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA Mysh, Mihhail Iynatevieh. Rukovodstvo k P.usskim Zakonam o Evreiahh (A Guido to the Russian Laws About Jews) St. Petersbury: 1904. XV, 522 p. Orshn.nskii, Ilia Griyorievich. Rysskoe Zakonodatol1 stvo o Evreiahh (Russian Legislation about Jev;s). S t'. Potersbury: 1-577. XV, 455 p. (Russian). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 217 Russia, Lav/s, Statutes, etc. Sistematicheski i Sbornik Dieistvuiushchikh Zakonov o Evreiakh (A systematic collection of the acting laws about Jfews.) Compiled by L. Rogovin, St. Petersburg: 1913.XXXIV, 487 p. (Russian). Sen. J. Zakon Tret6go Ilaia 1SS2 Godaijego primien- ienie (The 1 aw of May 8, 1SS2 and its application.) St. Petersburg: 1901. 21 p. (Russian) Yebdokimov, L.V., General. Prava Evreev i Inostrantz- e v • (Laws Concerning Jews and Foreigners). St. Petersburg: T508.32 p. (Russian). JEV/ISII EMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA TO THE U.S. Jacobs, Joseph. "Migration," Jewish Encyclopedia, VIIi,'' 584. N.Y.: Funk and Y.'agnalls Co., 1904. ~ 'Joseph, Samuel. Jewish Immigration to the United States, from 1881 to 1910. N.Y.: Columbia University, 1914. 209 p.------:----- Xaplun-Hagan, Y/ladimir Y/olf. Die Judischen Wander- bewegungen in der Neusten Zeit (1880-1914) (The Jewish wanderings in modern times (18§0-l914)). Bonn: 1914. VIII, BO p. .The author emphasised the Jewish emigration ‘from Eastern Europe to the United States. (German) Y/ischnitzer, Mark. To pwell in Safet:/, the Story of Jewish Migration Since 1800. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1948. XXV, 368 p. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. OinJLu* U. S. FOREIGN GELATIONS Bailey, Thomas A. The I.Ian in tho Stx^ect. Tho Impact of American Public Opinion on Porclgii Volley. N.Y.: The laacmillau Co., 1943, 334 p; Bomis, Samuel P., editor. The American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy, vols. 7-10. N.Y.Pageant Books Co., 1958. Blaisdell, Donald 0. American Democracy Undei* Pressure. N.Y-,: Nonaid Press Co., (1957). v, 824 p. • The impact of pressure/groups and lobbies on the U.S. Pederal government. Dennet Tyler. John Hay. N.Y".: Dodd, Head H Co., 1934, P.ussian-Jewish Quest ion, -pp. 395-400. Jessup, Philip C.. Elihu Boot. N.Y.:Dodd, Head Cz Co., 1933. 2 vols. Russian-Jewish Question, vol. 2, pp. 65-66. ’"orison, Biting E., editor. Tho Letters of Theodore Zloosevelt. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press., 1952-54. 8 vols. Richardson, James D., editor. A Compilation of the Messa.ges and Papers of the Presidents 1739-1897. Washington: GPO, 1398. 10 vols. Tyler, Alice P. The Poroign Policy of James G. Blaine, I.Iinneapolis: The University of Ninnesota Press, 1927. 411 p. Russian-Jewish Question, pp. 270-273. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 AM15RICAN-RU3SIAN RNLAT IONS Bailley, Thomas. America Faces Russia. Russian- American Relations from ^nrly ^icios to Our Day. Ithaca, N .Y .: Cornell hniversitjr Press, 1950. 375 p. Borodin, Nikolai Andreevich. Sevcro-Amerikanskie So’edinionie Shtati i Rossiia (The U.S.A. and Russia). Petrograd, 1915. XII, 019 p. Pro-American. A comparison of the U.S. and Russia and description of the commercial relations between the two countries.(Russian) Hogan, J.V. "Russian-American Commercial Relations," Political Science Quarterly, NXVII (1912): 631-47. Lasorson, I,la:: ’I. The American Impact on Russia - Diplomatic and Ideological. 1784-1917. N.Y.: The Llacmill- an Co., 1950. 441 p. ! ~ Llalloy, William II., compiled by. Treaties, Conven- tions, International Acts, Protocols and Agreements between the United States and other Powers, 1776-1909. Vols. 1-2. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1910 (U.S. Cong., Gist Cong., 2nd Sess., ,S. Doc. No. 357.) Pravdin, Yevgenii. "Novorozhdionny I.Iessianism Strany Dollarov i Star2' Sviet," ("The Newborn Ilessianism of the Country of Dollars and the Old World"), Istoricheski Yiestnil:, 74 (November, 1898): 704-21. .Anti-American. Reflected the worsening of the American-Russian relations caused by the competition in the Far Fast. (Russian) Russia. Ministerstvo Finansov (Ministry of Finance). Materialy 1: Peresmotru Russko-Amerikanska’o Torgovo'o Dogov ora (Materials to the Review of the Russian-American Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 Commercial Treaty.) 3 Vols. Edited by E.3. Karatygin. St. Petersburg: 1912. 24,59,105 p. • Statistics about American-Russian commercial relations. (Russian) Salter, Y/illiam II. America's Compact with Despot- ism in Russia. Philadelphia: 1S93. 22 p. A lecture before the Society for Ethical Culture of Philadelphia on March 26, 1893 against the extradition treaty with Russia. Sorokin, Pitirim A. Russia and the United States. N.Y.: 3. P. Dutton p.nd Co., 1944. 253 p. ! Pro-Russian. Straus, 0.3. '"United States and Russia: Their His torical Relations," North American Review (N.Y.), 181 (August 1905)': 237-5151 Against the legend of an historical American- Russian "traditional friendship." Tarsaidze, Ale::andre. Czars and Presidents - The Story of a Forgotten Friendship. N.Y.: .McDowell, Obole’ns- I:y, 1958. 383 p . Thomas, Benjamin Platt. Russo-Americian Relations, 1815-1867. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1930. 185 p. TIilliam.?, Y/illiam Appleman. American - Russian Rela- tions. 1781-1947. N.Y., Rinehart A Co., 1952. 367 p. Zjabriskie, Edward Henry. American-Russian Rivalry in the Far East, A Study in Diplomacy and Power Politics, 1395- 1914. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1946. Vll, 226 p. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 221 TI-I-3 'JHWISH RUAST ION IN A! INN ICAN-RU33 IAN ABLATIONS J.Ianuscript Sources Official • • • • * The National Archives of the United States of America, ’ Washington, D.C. Foreign Affairs Branch. • . • • • • • Record Group 59. - General Records'of tho Depart ment of State. Record Group 34. Records of the Foreign Service •Posts of the Department of State. Record Group 261, Records of Former Russian Agencies (Consulates at Nev/ York, Philadel phia, Washington, Chicago, San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle). Legislative Branch. Record Gi’oup 46. Records of the United States Senate. Record Group 233. Records-'of tho United States House of Representatives. '"ivate -Collections The Library of Congress, '’.lanuscripts Division, Washing ton, D.C. Presidential Papers. William Howard Taft Papers. Theodore Roosevelt Papers. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 222 Papers of - John Hay.' Philander Chase lino;:. Dlihu Hoot, Oscar 0-. Otraus. U.S. OFFICIAL GOVHr’HHHIiT PUBLICATIONS Ilote:. All the official U.S. Government Publications wore printed by the Government printing Office, Y.'ashing- ’. ton, B.C., unless otherwise noted. ’U.S. Congress Publications. Congressional Record (1890-1914). Seriate and House of Representatives Committee Hearings and Reports. Senate and House of Representatives Printed •Documents, Reports and Resolutions. Journals of the House of Representatives (1881-89). 47th Cong., 1st Sess., II. D::. Doc. Ho. 192 (Hay 2, 1882). Condition of Israelites in Russia.. 72 p. The diplomatic correspondence about the Russian-Jewish question up to that date. 51st Cong., 1st Sess., II. D;:. Doc. Ho. 470 (October 1, 1890). Ilcssage from the President of the United States /Senj. Harrison/... Concerning the enforcement of ■iw r i i - _ -iP - . _ _ . Proscriptive Hdicts Against the Jews in Russia, a Report from ’ the SecretaiRr'b'f'HState /James G. Blaine/ Upon the Subject. 142 p. (N. J::. Documents’, 51st Cong., 1st Cess., Vol. 87). Included the diplomatic correspondence about the Russian-Jewish question up to that date (as well as that published in II. H::. Doc. Ho. 192). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 223 52nd Cong., 1st Sess,, K. 2;:. Doc. 235. U.S. Immigration Commission 1391-1892...Letter from the Secre tary of the Treasury, Transmitting a Report ox the Comm issioners of Immigration Upon the Causes which Incite Immigration to the United States... 2 Vols., 1892. Vol. I. Reports of Commissioners. 331 p. Vol. II. Hztracts from European Lav/s, Letters of U.S. Consuls. Ill p. 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess., House Committee on Foreign Affairs. II. -Rept. 179. Submitted by Mr. Sulzer. The Abrogation of the Russian Treaty, December 12, 1911. Report (to accompany M.J. Res. 166). 14 p. 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess. House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Termination of the Treaty of 1832 Between the United States and Russia. Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, Monday, • December 11, 1911. 336 p. . 62nd Cong., 2nd Sess. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Treaty of 1832 with Russia. Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate...on 3.J, Res. GO, December 13, 1911. 50 p. U.S. Department of State Publications Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United St at es '( rSGO-ry 14 )V G3H2RAL BOOKS AND PAMPHLST3 Adler, Cyrus, Hditor. The Voice of America on Kishi- ncff (The Voice of Kishineff)” Fhiladclphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1904. KKVI, 491 p. Part 1. Meetings, Sermons, Resolutions. Part 2. Editorial Articles. Part 3. Relief Measures and the Petition, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Adler, Cyrus and Aaron I.I. Margalith. With Firmness in the night. American Diplomatic Action Affecting Jews, 1840-1945. N.Y.: The American Jewish Committee, 1946. —“ Appeared originally under the title "American Intercession on Behalf of Jews in the Diplomatic Correspond ence of the United States, 1840-1933," and was published as volume 33 of the Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, in 1943. Sgert, 3.P. The Conflict Between the United States and Pussia. St. Petersburg: 1912. oO p. A Russian anti-Semitic publication against Amci’ican Jews who "plotted" the abx*ogation of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation with Russia. Glavnii Soviet Vsierossisha1 o Natzionalna*o Soiixsa (The Central Committee of the all-Aussian Nationalist Union). Otmcna Soedinionimi Shtatami Severnoi Aneriki Dogovora 1332 Goda s' Aossiei. (The Termination by the U.S.A. of the 1S32 Treatjr with Russia). St. Petersburg: 1912. 23p. An anti-American and anti-Semitic pamphlet of the extreme z'ight Nationalist Party, about U.S.-Russian relations and the abrogation of the 1832 Treaty (Russian). Glavnii Soviet Vs'ierossiska*o Natzionalna1o Soiusa (The Central Committee of the all-Russian Nationalist Union). Obshchie Sobranie 9Fevralia 1912 Goda v St. Petersburge po dielu ob otmienie Soied'inio.nimi Shtatami Sevex^noi Ameriki Dogovora 1332 Goda s Rossioi (The General Assembly on February 9, 1912 at St. Petersburg about the termination by the U.S.A. the 1832 Treaty with Russia.) St. Petersburg: 1912. 54 p. A pamphlet of the Nationalist Party. Gave the addresses of a "protest meeting" against the U.S.A. (Russian) Jew Baiting in Russia and hex- Alleged Friendship fox’ the United States. A brief history of Russia*s Relations Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 225 v/ith America. 3y a Russian-American diplomat. Washington, Y),C.: /1903/. 29 p. Kuhn, A . R. Intei*nat ional Lav; and the Discrimination Practiced by Russia Under the Treaty of 1I>32 (Y/ashington: T3TTT.— I9~pT Prepared bjr request for Union of American Hebrew Congregations and B ’nai B ’rith. Gave precedents about cases of discrimination of foi*eignors in various countries on account of their religion or race. Marshall, Louis. Russia and the American Passport. Address to the delegates of the 22nd council, Union of American Hebrew Congregations, January 19, 1911. N.Y.:1911. 16 p. Published in many editions (among others, as 3. Doc. 832, 61st Cong., 3d 3ess). Proceedings of Meetings Held February 1, 1882, at New York London to Depress Sympathy v/ith the oppressed Jews in Russia. N.Y.': Printed at the Industrial School of the Hebrew Oi'phan Asylum, /1S827~. 50 p. Singex*, Isidore. Russia at the Bar of the American People, a Memorial of Kishinef... N.Y. and London: Funk & V/agnalls Company, 1904. a XKi i , 296 p. Descriptions of the Kishinev pogrom and of the reaction in tho U.3. against that pogrom. Smith, Rufus B. The United States Passport and Russia. !6 p. A paper read before the Temple Club of Congregation Bene Israel, Cincinnati, April 9th, 1911, and printed by resolution of the Club. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 Stiles, Killian Curtis. Out of Kishincff. The Duty of American People to the Russian Jc\~. N.Y.: G .\i. Dilling ham' "Co., /1903/, S'tfiTp"------ A description of the Kishinev pogrom, tho situa tion of Jews in Russia in general and the reaction to that in the U.S. BIOGRAPHIC AND MDM0IR3 Adler, Cyrus. Jacob H. ocliiff, His Life and Letters. ~— ?dcn-Cltv: 1929. 11:114-52. Poster, John T/atson. Diplomatic Memoirs. Boston and N.Y.: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1909. "Missions to Russia." I:150-23C. Kraus, Adolph. Reminiscences and Comments. The Immigrant, the Citizen" a Public Office, the Jews... Chicago: /Printed by Toby Rubovitz IncT/S 1925. 244p. Mr. Kraus was Px’esident of the Order "Bfnai B'rith." lie described his correspondence and meetings on behalf of Russian Jews v/ith President Taft, Count Yfitte and others. Marshall, Louis. Louis Marshall: Champion of Liberty. Selected Papers and Addresses. 2 Vols. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Jociety of America, 1957. 1196 p. "Russia and the American Passport," I: 49-107. Strauss, Oscar G. Under Four Administrations. From Cleveland to Taft. Boston and N.Y.: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1922.456 p. Uhite, A.D. Autobiography of Andrew Dickson Y/hite. N.Y.: The Century Co., l90o. II:1-ilV. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 227 I.Ir. Khite was U.G. Minister in Russia during 1092-94. T’olf, Simon. The Presidents I Have Known from 1SS0-191G. Uashington: Press of B.G. Adamsj 1T318. 459 p. (Published in 1913-17 in the American Hebrew, N.Y.) PRRI0DICALS, INR7GPAPRRS, YEARBOOKS The American Hebrew, weekly. N.Y. (1879-1914). Frederic, Harold. NYT, September 14, 1091 Conditions of Jews in Russia and attitude of U.G. diplomats in Russia to Russian Jcv/s. "Shall Tie Send a Protest to Russia," LO, 23 (Hay 30, 1903): 775-73. Preview of the press comments for and against sending a protest against the Kishinev pogrom. (Reviewed the strong reaction of the Ileai'st chain against Russia and of others who were for sending a formal protest.) "Russia and the Jev/s,"' R of R , 28 (July 1903): 15. Rd. comments about "the tactful" American reaction to a visit of a Jewish delegation to the President about the Kishinev pogrom.. "America and the Russian Jev/s," R of R , 20 (July- December 1903): 139-40. Kd. agp.inst the Kishinev pogrom and. about- the ■ ^protest petition to the Tsar. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "Russia and the Jews," Tho Nation, 73 (.'larch 24, 1904): 22G-27. Against the discrimination of American Jev/s by Russia. Ashed the Atato Department to act on it. "The American Passport iu Russia," AJYB, 5665 (1904-05): 203-305. "The Passport Question in Congress," AJYB, 5670 (1909-10): 21-43. "Address by Mr* Poster at a B’nai B’rith Banquet at Washington, D.C., April G, 1910," B*nai B frith Nev/s, Vol. 2, nos. 9-10 (Llay-June, 1910): 1-3. "Russian Treaties: Passports and M;:tradition," OUT, 97 (March 4, 1911): 478-79. "American Jews and the Russian Government,” OUT, 93 (July.1, 1911): 479-30. Bernstein, Herman. "Russia Hoodwinking Us About Pass ports for Jews. The Durnovo Commission, Supposed to be Looking After Bettering Conditions is not known in Russia..." NYT, July 2, 1911. Magasine Section (Part Rive), pp.1,7. Criticised the State Department*s treatment of the Russian-Jewish question. Roosevelt, *T. "Proper.Case for Arbitration; Treaty with Russia, 1332," OUT, 99 (Gctobci' 14, 1911): 365-66. Rd. written by the former President of tho U.S. Proposed submitting .the Russian-Jewish question to the International Tribunal at The Hague. Marshall, L. "RussfLa and America," OUT, 99 (November 4, 1911): 592-93. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 Against tho cd. of T. Roosevelt to submit tho Russian-Jewish question to The Hague Tribunal. "A Phase of the Passport 'uestion," IIYT, November 19, 1911. p. 14. Pel. Justified the demands of American Jev/s "that v/hat their own Government accords shall not be withheld by another Government with our assent." "Oux* Complaint Against Russia,“ HID, 71 (Hovember 23, 1911): 1155-56“ ' Dd. Raid that the U.G. had to comp I p. in agp.inst Russia, but not denounce the treaty. The U.G. acted against the Chinese as Russia did against the Jews. "Our Treaty with Russir.," UYT, December 5, 1911, p. 12. Del. Against the proposal of T. Roosevelt to refer tho Russian-Jewish question to The Hague Tribunal. "Demand Breed; with Russia," UYT, December 7, 1911. pp. 1-2. Described a meeting held at Carnegie Hall, N.Y., December 6, 1911, against Russian discrimination of Smerican passports "Hot a ‘'uestion for The Hague," HYT, December 7, 1911. p. 12. Dd. against the proposal of former minister to Russia white to submit the Russian-Jewish question to arbi tration. "Ghall He Abrogate the Treaty with Russia," OUT, 99 (December 16, 1911):‘ C8G-89. Dd. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 0 "A Chance to Cottle a 'Justicable'’ Question," OUT, 99 (December 16, 1911): S89-90. AcpeatecI proposal to present the Russian-Jewish question to The Hague Tribunal. Argued v/ith the IIYT which wrote against that proposal. "The Passport 'uestion," IND, 71 (December 21, 1911): 1340-41. Russia was wrong but the termination of the treaty might not improve that situation. "The Passport Question," IND, 71 (December 21, 1911): 1353. Dd. about the House Resolution for the abrogation of the treaty with Russia. "The Russian Treaty Abrogated," I1TD, 71 (December 23, 1911): 1423-24. Dd. about the House Resolution and the President's notification to Russia about the abrogation of the treaty. "Our Rebuke to Russia," LD, 43 (December 30, 1911): 1213-15. Review of comments for and against the abrogation of the treaty. "The Russian Treaty," OUT, 99 (December 30, 1911): 1041-43. Dd. comments about the House Resolution and the President's notice to the Russian Government. Roosevelt, Theodore. "The Russian Treaty, Arbitration and Hypocrisy," OUT, 99 (December 30, 1911): 1045-47. Regretted that no other solution was found than the one actually adopted. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 1 "The Passport Question," AJYB,5672 (1911-12): 19-128. White, A.D. "The Question Between the United States and Russia," The Cornell Bra (Ithaca, New York), Vol. 44, No. 3 (1912): T5'G'-GS'. Address ox a former minister of tho U.S. to Russia (1892-94) before a protest meeting at H.Y., December 6 , 1911. "The Passport Question Between the United States and Russia," The American Journal ox International Law, 6(1912): 3.36-91. Bd. comment. Said that the abrogation of the treaty was not justified from the legal point of view. "Russia and America, a Poll of tho Press," OUT, 100 (January 6 , 1912): 20-22. Kokovtsoff, V. "Russia’s Attitude on the Abrogated Treaty as Formally Defined to Collier's by the Russian Premier, Vladimir Kokovtsoff," Collier's National Weekly, 48 (January 27, 1912): 10. "Treaty of 1832," R of R, 45 (January 1912): 23-25. Bernstein, Herman. "How the Russian Government Barred Out a Writer Who Criticised It," New York Sun,July 7, 1912. The story of his expulsion from Russia. Bernstein, Herman. "Says State Department Holds Brief for Russia. Bernstein Feels Outraged Our Treatment by Acting Secretary Wilson," New York Sun, October 24, 1912. Crcelman, James. "Bryan Abandons American Jews," New York Hail, November 10, 1913. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 2 Accused the State Department of an "attitude of levity" towards the passport question. "Russia and the United States," The Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin," November 24, 1913. Sd. against the abrogation of the commercial treaty and for the conclusion of a new treaty with Russia in the earliest possible time. /Z’The Passport ~;uestion^Z. AJYB, 5G74 (1913-14): 439-43. Uhelnlev, James Davenport. "V.'hat About Russia," Century, 87 (ilarch 1914): 731-34. Said thatZthe abrogation of the 1332 treaty was against the interests of the U.S. and that the U.S. should change its attitude towards Russia and conclude with her a new treaty. "American Protest," AJYB. 5675 (1914-15): 79-82. Described the pi’otests against the Beilis trial. "Passport Question,” AJYB, 5675 (1914-15): 390-92. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A D D H li D A U.S. Conyrcss 7.Yiblicat ions 52nd Con;;., 2nd sess., House Committee on Foreign Axfnil’s, Terninr.tion of Treaty Detv/ecn the United States and Russia (Hc'arin;; of deb. 13, and Feb. 22, 1511, on il.J. Tri6a. SSI.')' Washington: GPO, 1511. G4 p. General Boohr Kohler, Ha:: J. ’’The Abrogation of the Treat;* of 1G32 betv/een the United States and du jsia and the Interna tional Protection of delicious dinorities." In: Luissi Lusatti. ‘Sod in Freedom. Studies in the delations Betv/een Church and State, U.F.: The dacnillan Co., 1930. p. 795-34. Wolf, Lucien. i'otes on the Diplomatic History of the Jov/isli People with teats of trea.ty stipulations and other official documents. London: Jewish Historical Society of England, 1919. 133 p. Periodicals, Ycarboohs. Cohen, liaomi W. ’’The Abrogation of the dusso-American Tx-eaty of 1332." Jewish Social Studies (U.Y.). vol. 25, no. 1 (Jan. 1963): 3-41.~ “ Complements this study by yiviny mainly "the Jewish side" of the abro^p.tion of the U.S.-dussian commercial treaty. Lifschuts, E. "A diplomatischer hampf avishen Amerihe un dussland veyn Yidn." ("A Diplomatic Controversy Betv/een the United States and dussia about Jews"). Yivo Bleter (il.Y.). 43 (1942): 342-53 (Yiddish). U.S. diplomatic action on behalf of Russian Jev/s in 1331. "The Passport Question." AJYB, 5S73 (1S12-13): 196-210. A chronological survey about the 3-.10ver.1cnt for the abrogation of the U.S.-dussian treaty (July 1911-July 1912). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ssajkov/ski, Mosa. "The European Aspect of the Amor iean-P.uss inn Passport Question." PA JUS'-', vol. 40, no. 2 (Dee. 1950): 30-100. Reactions in Great Britain and Prance on American actions on behp.lf of American Jev/s in Ilussia and to P.ussian treatment of British and French Jews." Wallace, William S. "A Bussian Incident: 1C94-1897, PAJNS* vol. 39, part 1 (Sept. 1949):07-30. C.-.so of Mr. Ginsburg, an American cltiaanr'V/iio v/as arrested in Bussia. Winter, Carl G. "The Influence of the Busso-Ameriean Treaty of 1332 on the Bights of American Jewish Citisens," PAJIIS',;, vol. 41. no. 2 (Dec. 1951): 103-194. A short reviev; of the Mussian-Jewish Question. * "Publications of the American Jewish historical Society." New York. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.