Some Textual Sources for Ancient Chinese History
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The Unaccusative Constructions in Archaic Chinese and Their Historical Development
International Journal of Knowledge www.ijklp.org and Language Processing KLP International ⓒ2016 ISSN 2191-2734 Volume 7, Number 2, 2016 pp.32–-56 The Unaccusative constructions in Archaic Chinese and their historical development Mengbin Liu School of Foreign Languages Sun Yat-sen University 510000, Guangzhou, China [email protected] Selected Paper from Chinese Lexical Semantic Workshop ABSTRACT. The Unaccusative Hypothesis Perlmutter [1] has been widely applied to Mandarin Chinese studies, whereas the studies from historical and formal syntax perspective under this framework are rare. Therefore, this paper first investigate whether the Unaccusative Hypothesis can be applied to Archaic Chinese and then conduct syntactic analysis on the “NPtheme+Vunaccu” construction as well as the formation of “NP1exp+Vunaccu+NP2” construction. The results show that the Unaccusative Hypothesis can be applied to Archaic Chinese. The “NPtheme+Vunaccu” construction may look like object-preposing constructions and topic constructions, but it is better analyze it as a construction in which the NPtheme standing in the subject position. What is more, I argue that the “NP1exp+Vunaccu+NP2” construction comes from a morphological or lexical causative construction and has a competitive relationship with the causative constructions in the process of the historical development of Chinese. The “Vunaccu+NPtheme” constructions are actually two-place unaccusative sentences with omitted causer or experiencer. Only the “NPtheme+Vunaccu” construction is the real one-place unaccusative construction in which the NPtheme generates in the object position in deep structure and moves to the subject position in surface structure for case requirement. Keywords: Unaccusative Hypothesis, Archaic Chinese, Syntax, Historical development 1. -
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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 275 2nd International Conference on Education Innovation and Social Science (ICEISS 2018) Analysis of the Children's Picture Book as the Carrier to Inherit the Spirit of Yimeng —Taking the Phoenix Bird Worship in Dongyi Culture as an Example Xu Ping Zaozhuang Institute Abstract—The Yimeng spirit is a cultural and spiritual trait open and compatible theoretical characteristics and powerful formed by the fusion of Chinese traditional culture, practical functions [1]. revolutionary culture and socialist culture. In contemporary society that practices the core values of socialism, it is necessary On December 12, 1989, Li Xiangdong published an article to strive to inherit and develop the spirit of Yimeng and enhance entitled "Playing the Advantages of the Old District and cultural self-confidence. This paper takes children's picture Promoting the Spirit of the Yimeng" in the "Linyi People's books as a carrier to inherit the spirit of Yimeng, takes the Daily". This is the first proposal of the concept of "Yimeng worship of phoenix birds in Dongyi culture as an example, and Spirit". On February 2, 1990, when Comrade Jiang Chunyun points out that the creation of children's picture books is a visited the Yimeng area, he summarized the spirit of Yimeng reflection of the integration of Chinese excellent traditional as the core idea of "Love the Party, Love the Army, culture into the education. This is extremely important for Entrepreneur, Entrepreneurship, Selfless Dedication". In June children's ideological quality, aesthetic experience and national 1990, Chen Jianguang published a research paper entitled feelings. -
Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents)
饒宗頤國學院院刊 第五期 417 2018 年 5 月 頁 417– 445 Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Edited by Martin KERN and Dirk MEYER. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Pp. vi+508. Edward L. SHAUGHNESSY East Asian Languages and Civilizations, The University of Chicago The publication of a major English-language book on the Shang shu 尚書 (Elevated documents) or Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents), the second of the Chinese classics, should surely count as a major milestone in the Western study of early China. As the editors note in their Introduction, the Shang shu has inspired all aspects of Chinese political philosophy for over two thousand years now. Yet, as they also say, “In some kind of reverse—and bizarre— Book Reviews correlation, the Shangshu is as important to the Chinese political tradition as it is neglected in Western scholarship” (p. 2). Their claim just above this that “major Western works on the Shangshu can be counted on two hands, with fingers to spare” is only a bit exaggerated.1 In this volume we now have fourteen studies in just over 500 pages, that directly address at least fourteen different chapters of the Shang shu, not to mention two chapters of the 1 True, I count only eight or nine such studies listed in the various bibliographies attached at the end of each chapter, but they do not even include mention of such classic studies as Paul Pelliot, “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou che wen,” Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 2 (1916): 123–77, or Benjamin Elman, “Philosophy (I-Li) versus Philology (K’ao-cheng): The Jen-hsin tao-hsin Debate,” T’oung Pao 2nd ser. -
The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History
STATECRAFT AND CLASSICAL LEARNING: THE RITUALS OF ZHOU IN EAST ASIAN HISTORY Edited by Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern CHAPTER FOUR CENTERING THE REALM: WANG MANG, THE ZHOULI, AND EARLY CHINESE STATECRAFT Michael Puett, Harvard University In this chapter I address a basic problem: why would a text like the Rituals of Zhou (Zhouli !"), which purports to describe the adminis- trative structure of the Western Zhou ! dynasty (ca. 1050–771 BCE), come to be employed by Wang Mang #$ (45 BCE–23 CE) and, later, Wang Anshi #%& (1021–1086) in projects of strong state cen- tralization? Answering this question for the case of Wang Mang, how- ever, is no easy task. In contrast to what we have later for Wang Anshi, there are almost no sources to help us understand precisely how Wang Mang used, appropriated, and presented the Zhouli. We are told in the History of the [Western] Han (Hanshu '() that Wang Mang em- ployed the Zhouli, but we possess no commentaries on the text by ei- ther Wang Mang or one of his associates. In fact, we have no full commentary until Zheng Xuan )* (127–200 CE), who was far re- moved from the events of Wang Mang’s time and was concerned with different issues. Even the statements in the Hanshu about the uses of the Zhouli— referred to as the Offices of Zhou (Zhouguan !+) by Wang Mang— are brief. We are told that Wang Mang changed the ritual system of the time to follow that of the Zhouguan,1 that he used the Zhouguan for the taxation system,2 and that he used the Zhouguan, along with the “The Regulations of the King” (“Wangzhi” #,) chapter of the Records of Ritual (Liji "-), to organize state offices.3 I propose to tackle this problem in a way that is admittedly highly speculative. -
A Record of Collected Proofs of the Efficacy of the Diamond Sutra: Jin’Gang Bore Jing Jiyan Ji 金剛般若 經集驗記 Composed by Meng Xianzhong 孟獻忠, Adjutant of Zizhou 梓州司馬
_full_alt_author_running_head (neem stramien B2 voor dit chapter en nul 0 in hierna): Jin’gang bore jing jiyan ji _full_articletitle_deel (kopregel rechts, vul hierna in): Collected Proofs of the Efficacy of the Diamond Sutra _full_article_language: en indien anders: engelse articletitle: 0 Collected Proofs of the Efficacy of the Diamond Sutra 297 A Record of Collected Proofs of the Efficacy of the Diamond Sutra: Jin’gang bore jing jiyan ji 金剛般若 經集驗記 Composed by Meng Xianzhong 孟獻忠, Adjutant of Zizhou 梓州司馬 Roll One (with Preface) Prajñāis the mother of the wisdom of all Buddhas and the quintessence of the consummate path. Being the wellspring of the Dharma ocean, it is in fact the actual secret storehouse of the Tathāgata. When words are spoken, the path is severed; when the mind functions, the abode is destroyed.1 Being beyond name and appearance, as well as the elements and fields of cognitive experience, it is said to cognize and yet not grasp. It is free from seeing, hearing, feeling, and knowing. When discriminative consciousness expresses it, it becomes more distant. Without practice, there is no benefit; one thus perfects its merit. Without abiding, there is no defilement; one thus attains its wisdom. For those who in- vestigate its wonders, [wherever] they practice are places of the [Buddhist] path; for those who comprehend its principles, their undertakings are Bud- dhist practice. It extends to the twelve classics2 and the eighty-four thousand teachings,3 and equals the competing brilliance of the sun, moon, and 1 These verses come from roll 54 of the Dazhidu lun 大智度論 (Sk. -
Edinburgh Research Explorer
Edinburgh Research Explorer Long live the king! Citation for published version: Gentz, J 2015, Long live the king! The ideology of power between ritual and morality in the Gongyang Zhuan. in Y Pines, P Goldin & M Kern (eds), Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China. Brill, Leiden, pp. 69-117. <http://www.brill.com/products/book/ideology-power-and-power-ideology-early-china> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 Chapter 3 Long Live the King! The Ideology of Power between Ritual and Morality in the Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳1 Joachim Gentz C'est à l'idéologie, à cette ténébreuse métaphysique qui, en recherchant avec subtilité les causes premières, veut sur ces bases fonder la législation des peuples, au lieu d'approprier les lois à la connaissance du cœur humain et aux leçons de l'histoire, qu'il faut attribuer tous les malheurs. -
Food Ethics in Ancient China: a Confucian Perspective
27 Food Ethics in Ancient China: A Confucian Perspective Chun-chieh HUANG* 1. Introduction Food ethics in ancient China was a complex of ideas that emerged from the Chinese view of life and attitude toward the elderly. They can be seen as the manifestation of the Confucian political ideal of the “kingly way,” and in particular, the related idea of “humane governance.” Food ethics in ancient China was also linked to the everyday practice of eating, especially in the context of rural life. In this paper, I will attempt to parse this thesis, focusing on Mencius’ saying that “those who are seventy can eat meat.” In his conversation with King Hui of Liang (梁惠王, r.319‒301 BCE), Mencius (孟子, 372‒289 BCE) expounded his ideal of the “kingly way” of governance. He stated:1 If the mulberry is planted in every homestead of fi ve mu of land, then those who are fi fty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat; if each lot of a hundred mu is not deprived of labour during the busy seasons, then families with several mouths to feed will not go hungry. Exercise due care over the education provided by the village schools, and disci- pline the people by teaching them the duties proper to sons and younger brothers, and those whose heads have turned hoary will not be carrying loads on the roads. When those who are seventy wear silk and eat meat and the masses are neither cold nor hungry, it is impossible for their prince not to be a true King. -
The Zuo Zhuan Revisited*
《中國文化研究所學報》 Journal of Chinese Studies No. 49 - 2009 REVIEW ARTICLE Rethinking the Origins of Chinese Historiography: The Zuo Zhuan Revisited* Yuri Pines The Hebrew University of Jerusalem The Readability of the Past in Early Chinese Historiography. By Wai-yee Li. Cam- bridge, MA and London, England: Harvard University Asia Center, 2007. Pp. xxii + 449. $49.50/£36.95. The Readability of the Past in Early Chinese Historiography is a most welcome addition to the growing number of Western-language studies on the Zuo zhuan 左傳. Wai-yee Li’s eloquent book is the fruit of impeccable scholarship. It puts forward an abundance of insightful and highly original analyses and fully demonstrates the advantages of the skilful application of literary techniques to early Chinese historiography. This work is sure to become an indispensable tool for any scholar interested in the Zuo zhuan or early Chinese historiography in general. Furthermore, many of Li’s observations are likely to encourage further in-depth research on this foundational text. To illustrate the importance of The Readability of the Past, it is worth high- lighting its position vis-à-vis prior Western-language studies on the Zuo zhuan. Oddly enough, despite its standing as the largest pre-imperial text, despite its canonical status, and despite its position as a fountainhead of Chinese historiography—the Zuo zhuan was virtually neglected by mainstream Occidental Sinology throughout the twentieth century. Notwithstanding the pioneering (and highly controversial) study of Bernhard Karlgren, “On the Authenticity and Nature of the Tso Chuan,” which was published back in 1928, the Zuo zhuan rarely stood at the focus of scholarly endeavour.1 The only Western-language publication dedicated entirely to * This review article was prepared with the support by the Israel Science Foundation (grant No. -
The Original I Ching : an Authentic Translation of the Book of Changes Pdf, Epub, Ebook
THE ORIGINAL I CHING : AN AUTHENTIC TRANSLATION OF THE BOOK OF CHANGES PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Margaret J. Pearson | 256 pages | 10 Sep 2011 | Tuttle Publishing | 9780804841818 | English | Boston, United States The Original I Ching : An Authentic Translation of the Book of Changes PDF Book In the English translation, every effort has been made to preserve Wilhelm's pioneering insight into the spirit of the original. In relation to the human sphere, this shows how the great man brings peace and security to the world through his activity in creating order: "He towers high above the multitude of beings, and all lands are united in peace. He has also made the exceedingly strange decision to incorporate tags in Latin, taken from the early Jesuit translations, which he claims. Expect nothing from your life. Seek Guidance and Wisdom from the Book of Change. Entire chapters are devoted to such vital material as the hosts of the hexagrams, the mutual hexagrams, and the core hexagrams--all barely hinted at in previous versions of the I Ching. Richard Wilhelm, Cary F. The author begins by examining the discovery of the I Ching by the first mythical emperor of China, Fu Xi, a divine being with the body of a serpent. Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. The difference between the two translations—the differences among all translations—is apparent if we look at a single hexagram: number 52, called Gen. The I Ching's purpose is universal: to provide good counsel to its users in making decisions during times of change. -
The Original Meaning of the Chinese Character for “Beauty”
Filozofski vestnik Letnik/Volume XXII • Številka/Number 2 • 2001 • 141-159 THE ORIGINAL MEANING OF THE CHINESE CHARACTER FOR “BEAUTY” J ianping G ao l “Beauty” is translated into Chinese as Џ, (mei) and “Aesthetics” as -^ c ^ (meixue) (literally meaning the studies of the beauty). The compound ( meixue) is new in Chinese and its origin is due to translation in modern time. But indigenous in China is the word mei (beauty), which appearred as early as more than 3000 years ago. The very first question in aesthetics was probably “what is beauty?” The concept of beauty in the mind of ancient Chinese is not necessarily identical with that in the mind of modern people, but an investigation of it may be of some interest to today’s aesthetic inquiry, and, as we shall see, it already attracts attention of some scholars in the fields of both linguistics and aesthetics. “ ЏЈ’ (beauty) is traditionally considered to be composed of two characters: (sheep) and (large). A large sheep will supply plenty of delicious meat. This explanation comes from ShuowenJiezi (100 A.D.), a pioneering book on the research of Chinese characters: Џ. (beauty) means delicious. It is composed of (sheep) and (large). Among six domestic animals (cow, horse, sheep, pig, hen, and dog), sheep are the major sacrificial offerings. Beauty is identical with goodness.1 This opinion was accepted by almost all philologists in ancient China, such as Xu Xuan (917 - 992), Xu Kai (920-974), Duan Yucai (1735 - 1815), Wang Yun (1784 - 1854), and Zhu Junsheng (1788 - 1858), who provided 1 Shuowen Jiezi (literally means “a discription of simply characters and explanation of complex characters”) is a dictionary-like book which was intended to explain Chinese characters on the basis of their forms. -
Chapter Three
526 Chapter Three 經學昌明時代 The Period of Advancement of Classical Scholarship [3/1 SVA Introductory Comments: In the opening section of Chapter Three, Pi Xirui quotes extensively from the "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji so as to support his position that during the reign of Emperor Wu (141-87 B.C.), Classical Scholarship was in its purest and most orthodox form. He also uses the lack of information in the "Rulin zhuan" regarding the Old Script Documents, Zhouli, Mao Shi, and Zuozhuan to argue that Sima Qian did not have access to these texts, which are texts of the "Old Script" school.] 3/11 The "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji states, "When the present emperor2 ascended the throne, there were men such as Zhao Wan 趙綰 and Wang Zang 王臧3 who clearly understood Confucian learning and the 1[SVA: Section 3/1 corresponds to pp.69-72 of the Zhonghua ed. and to pp.60-64 of the Yiwen ed.] 2(3/1, n.1) Zhou Yutong comments: In the Chinese jinshang 今上, "the present emperor," refers to Emperor Wu of the Han. 3(3/1, n.2) Zhou Yutong comments: Zhao Wan 趙綰 was a native of Dai 代 and Wang Zang 王臧 was a native of Lanling 蘭陵. They both studied the Lu 527 emperor himself was also inclined toward it.4 He thereupon issued an order recruiting scholar-officials in the recommendation categories of Straightforward and Upright, Worthy and Excellent, and Learned.5 After this, as for giving instruction in the Songs, in Lu it was Master Shen Pei 申 培公, in Qi it was Master Yuan Gu 轅固生, and in Yan, it was Grand Tutor Han Ying 韓(嬰)太傅. -
Formation of the Traditional Chinese State Ritual System of Sacrifice To
religions Article Formation of the Traditional Chinese State Ritual System of Sacrifice to Mountain and Water Spirits Jinhua Jia 1,2 1 College of Humanities, Yangzhou University, Yangzhou 225009, China; [email protected] 2 Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, University of Macau, Macau SAR, China Abstract: Sacrifice to mountain and water spirits was already a state ritual in the earliest dynasties of China, which later gradually formed a system of five sacred peaks, five strongholds, four seas, and four waterways, which was mainly constructed by the Confucian ritual culture. A number of modern scholars have studied the five sacred peaks from different perspectives, yielding fruitful results, but major issues are still being debated or need to be plumbed more broadly and deeply, and the whole sacrificial system has not yet drawn sufficient attention. Applying a combined approach of religious, historical, geographical, and political studies, I provide here, with new discoveries and conclusions, the first comprehensive study of the formational process of this sacrificial system and its embodied religious-political conceptions, showing how these geographical landmarks were gradually integrated with religious beliefs and ritual-political institutions to become symbols of territorial, sacred, and political legitimacy that helped to maintain the unification and government of the traditional Chinese imperium for two thousand years. A historical map of the locations of the sacrificial temples for the eighteen mountain and water spirits is appended. Keywords: five sacred peaks; five strongholds; four seas; four waterways; state ritual system of sacrifice; Chinese religion; Chinese historical geography Citation: Jia, Jinhua. 2021. Formation of the Traditional Chinese State Ritual System of Sacrifice to Mountain and Water Spirits.