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Figurations of Displacement in and Beyond Jordan

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Figurations of Displacement in and Beyond Jordan Figurations of Displacement in and beyond Jordan Empirical findings and reflections on protracted displacement and translocal connections of Syrian refugees S. A. Tobin, A. J. Knudsen, F. A. Momani, T. Al Yakoub, R. Al-Jarrah TRAFIG working paper no. 6 • 03/2021 TRAFIG working paper no. 6 • 03/2021 • 2 SUMMARY CONTENTS This working paper is based on the empirical research on translocal figurations of displacement of Syrians in Introduction 3 Jordan. It contains methodological discussions, central findings and reflections on these findings. Drawing 1. Empirical design and limitations of the study 5 on the conceptual framework of the TRAFIG project, 1.1 Research team and location 5 this paper explores the central research question of 1.2 Sampling and data collection 5 TRAFIG, namely “how are protractedness, dependen- 1.3 Fieldwork challenges 6 cy, and vulnerability related to the factors of local and translocal connectivity and mobility, and in turn, how 2. Protracted displacement in Jordan 9 can connectivity and mobility be utilized to enhance the self-reliance and strengthen the resilience of 3. Key dimensions of figurations of displacement displaced people?” The paper presents findings from in Jordan 12 Jordan, where Syrian refugees have sought refuge in 3.1 Navigating through governance regimes of aid 12 host communities. 3.2 Living in limbo—Livelihoods, (in)security and precarity in local settings 15 Syrian refugees’ stay in Jordan has become increasingly 3.3 Following the networks—Connectivity and mobility protracted, with the durable solutions of return in in the context of protracted displacement 17 safety and dignity, local integration and resettlement 3.4 Building alliances—Displaced people’s integration remaining out of reach for most. In this paper, we and intergroup relations with hosts 21 argue that Syrians are de facto integrated in Jordanian 3.5 Seizing opportunities—Development incentives host communities due to shared language, religion and and new economic interactions 24 socio-cultural ties as a pragmatic strategy for dealing with uncertainty and protracted displacement. We 4. Cross-cutting findings and emerging trends 27 found that family- and kin networks have proven vital 4.1 Defining “culture” in assessing mobility 27 in facilitating and protecting mobility out of Syria and 4.2 The mobility–integration nexus 27 within Jordan, even as these networks are strained due 4.3 Trust-based interactions 27 to physical and geographic distance, reliant upon aid 4.4 The role of NGOs in experiencing integration 28 and financial support and socio-economic stress in the 4.5 Gendered experiences of protracted displacement 28 local labour market. We see that Syrians experience 4.6 Vulnerability and COVID-19 28 uncertain futures in which their mobility aspirations are unrealised, economic prospects are reliant upon Conclusions and outlook 29 and highly competitive with others, and connectivity with the host community is strained and can be improved. Bibliography 31 Acronyms and abbreviations 34 Acknowledgements 34 About the authors 34 KEYWORDS Protracted displacement, Syrian refugees, connectivity, mobility, refugee-host relations, local integration, agency, self-reliance, networks, Jordan TRAFIG working paper no. 6 • 03/2021 • 2 TRAFIG working paper no. 6 • 03/2021 • 3 Introduction No one has forced us to stay here in Ramtha Theoretically, our research is grounded in figurational sociology [Jordan], but we stay because it’s cheaper than (Elias, 1978), which means that we pay attention to the networks and interdependencies of displaced people. Through a process- other places. And the culture and lifestyle are oriented approach, we analyse these networks in time and space. more similar to Dara(a), Syria. I prefer this to By paying attention to people’s social connections and their Irbid [Jordan] because the local Jordanians are mobility, we aim to better understand how dynamic translocal more understanding and flexible. For example, figurations of displacement matter in their everyday lives. the landlord can accept not getting rent for two The focus of this working paper is on findings from Jordan. months. In Irbid, they would go to court to get Since 2011, around one million Syrians have been displaced to the rent. It’s too hard in Jordan, and it’s really Jordan, who have settled mainly in the northern urban areas expensive. I have some distant family members (UNHCR, 2020b). The situation for these Syrians is yet to be decided: They are generally unable and unwilling to return who have returned to Syria who regretted it. They to Syria because of danger, instability and political threats; remind me to stay in Jordan because it’s better for unable—and, in a few instances, unwilling—to resettle in third us and safer here. And if we return to Syria, the countries and are granted a series of residency permits from boys will be taken by the army. I talk on the phone the Jordanian government intended to help provide for short- term and mid-range livelihoods in work and school, rather than with my family in Syria sometimes, but the police permanent local integration and nationality. UNHCR and other there are always listening. Once I was foolish aid organisations step in to provide some aid and protection. enough to ask them about returning to Syria, and The assistance offered has significant gaps, which leaves many my sister said, ‘Shut up! Don’t talk about this!’ If Syrians challenged to secure their livelihoods. With Syrian dis- placement into Jordan developing into a decade-long protracted the regime knows we are coming back, they will displacement situation, our research question above is key. take my sons immediately. The war has split my family and I more than ever. Everyone is thinking The Syrian displacement crisis is entering its tenth year. Yet of themselves. The war has made us crude. My numerous key issues are still facing this large refugee population of Syrians in Jordan. The Jordanian government estimates that neighbours are respectful, but we aren’t close. No over one million Syrians have settled in Jordan, which at least one supports me. I have no one to complain to, I some analysts believe to be an overestimation (Baylouny, 2020). only can say ‘Al-Hamdulilah’ (praise God) Over half of these estimated refugees are registered as such with Umm-Bahaa (SsInt-YU-RF-001-JOR). UNHCR (approximately 650,000). Around 120,000 of the reg- istered refugees live in camp settings (19%). The overwhelming majority of registered and non-registered refugees live in non- This working paper describes and analyses empirical data that camp settings in urban areas, with a smaller number in rural have been collected in Jordan as part of the “Transnational areas (Ledwith, 2014; UNHCR, 2020b). The two largest refugee Figurations of Displacement” (TRAFIG) project, funded by the camps are Zaatari and Azraq, which can house up to 100,000 European Union and coordinated by BICC (Bonn International refugees at any given time each and currently operate at 60-80 Center for Conversion). The overall objective of TRAFIG is per cent capacity (UNHCR, 2020c). While much attention has “to contribute to the development of alternative solutions to been given to the camps, 81 per cent of the Syrian refugees in protracted displacement that are better tailored to the needs and Jordan live in urban and semi-urban areas (UNHCR, 2020b). capacities of persons affected by displacement” (Etzold et al., Many initially left Zaatari camp under the kafala, or “sponsor- 2019). The main question that our research aims to answer is: ship” system, which is discussed in detail in Section 3.3. To be How are protractedness, dependency and vulnerability related allowed to leave the camp, a Syrian refugee had to provide a to the factors of local and translocal connectivity and mobility, Jordanian national acting as legal guardian or sponsor (kafil). and, in turn, how can connectivity and mobility be utilised to enhance the self-reliance and strengthen the resilience of displaced people? TRAFIG working paper no. 6 • 03/2021 • 4 The kafala system was applied to Syrian refugees but was Section 3.4 examines Theme 4, “Building alliances,” and looks gradually dismantled and finally scrapped in 2015 (Alahmed, into how Syrians in Jordan build alliances and become “de 2015). A small number of Syrians (approximately 34,000) have facto” locally integrated. Because local integration is highly returned to Syria from Jordan voluntarily (Edwards & Al-Hou- relational, we look into the relations between displaced Syrians rani, 2019). and the Jordanian host communities under this theme. Section 3.5 looks at the fifth theme of TRAFIG, “Seizing Op- The estimated 525,000 Syrians living in urban areas concen- portunities.” It explores the economic opportunities and impact trate mainly in four governorates (Amman, 29.5%; Mafraq; of Syrians in the Jordanian context. 24.8%; Irbid; 20.6%; Zarqa, 14.6%). An additional eight gover- norates house the remaining urban refugees (UNHCR, 2020b). Chapter 4 provides a discussion of some cross-cutting findings and other emerging themes that came out of our research. The case of Umm-Bahaa in the opening vignette captures many of our key findings, which we explore in detail in thepaper . The Conclusions give a short summary of our main findings Most Syrians we interviewed found themselves in a position concerning the translocal figuration of Syrian displacement in of betwixt-and-between multiple national and transnational Jordan and implications for the research. locations, with competing family- and kin-based ties and live- lihood concerns in the context of an unevenly supportive host community. Further, they reported uncertainty in connections to both family and the host community, which prompts tensions and strains. Syrians forge new relationships in conditions of precarity and inequality; long-standing relationships, they indi- cated, may falter under the same forces.
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