MIAMI UNIVERSITY
The Graduate School
Certificate for Approving the Dissertation
We hereby approve the Dissertation
of
Steven Almaraz
Candidate for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
______________________________________
Director
Kurt Hugenberg
______________________________________
Reader
Allen McConnell
______________________________________
Reader
Jonathan Kunstman
______________________________________
Graduate School Representative
Monica Schneider
ABSTRACT
APPARENT SOCIOSEXUAL ORIENTATION: FACIAL CORRELATES AND
CONSEQUENCES OF WOMEN’S UNRESTRICTED APPEARANCE
by
Steven M. Almaraz
People make quick work of forming a variety of impressions of one another based on minimal information. Recent work has shown that people are able to make judgments of others’ Apparent Sociosexual Orientation (ASO) – an estimation of how interested another person is in uncommitted sexual activity – based on facial information alone. In the present work, I used three studies to expand the understanding of this poorly understood facial judgment by investigating the dimensionality of ASO (Study 1), the facial predictors of ASO (Study 2), and the consequences of these ASO judgments on men’s hostility and benevolence towards women (Study 3). In Study 1, I showed that men’s judgments of women’s Apparent Sociosexual Orientation were organized into judgments of women’s appearance of unrestricted attitudes and desires (Intrapersonal ASO) and their appearance of unrestricted behaviors (Behavioral ASO). Study 2 revealed that more attractive and more dominant appearing women were perceived as more sexually unrestricted. In Study 3, I found that women who appeared to engage in more unrestricted behavior were subjected to increased benevolent sexism, though this effect was primarily driven by unrestricted appearing women’s attractiveness. However, women who appeared to have sexually unrestricted attitudes and desires were subjected to increased hostility, even when controlling for the effects of the facial correlates found in Study 2. Taken together, this work sheds light on how men make judgments of women’s Apparent Sociosexual Orientation and reveals the effects these judgments have on which women are subjected to hostile and benevolent sexism.
APPARENT SOCIOSEXUAL ORIENTATION: FACIAL CORRELATES AND
CONSEQUENCES OF WOMEN’S UNRESTRICTED APPEARANCE
A DISSERTATION
Presented to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Psychology by
Steven M. Almaraz The Graduate School Miami University
Oxford, Ohio
2019
Dissertation Director: Kurt Hugenberg
©
Steven Michael Almaraz
2019
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables.............................................................................................................v List of Figures.......................................................................................................... vi Dedication............................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgments ................................................................................................. viii Introduction ...............................................................................................................1
Individual Sociosexual Orientation......................................................................3 Apparent Sociosexual Orientation....................................................................... 6 Downstream Implications of ASO for Social Judgment: The Case of Ambivalent Sexism ............................................................................................. 9 Present Work ......................................................................................................11
Study 1: Judgments of Women’s Sociosexuality ....................................................12
Preliminary Study 1............................................................................................15 Method................................................................................................................15 Results ................................................................................................................18 Discussion ..........................................................................................................20
Study 2: Predicting Apparent Sociosexuality Judgments from Targets’ Facial Cues .........................................................................................................................21
Preliminary Study 2............................................................................................22 Method................................................................................................................24 Results ................................................................................................................24 Discussion ..........................................................................................................27
Study 3: Are Hostile and Benevolent Sexism Differentially Targeted at Women Varying in Apparent Sociosexual Orientation?.........................................28
Preliminary Study 3............................................................................................31 Method................................................................................................................31
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Results ................................................................................................................33 Discussion ..........................................................................................................36
General Discussion..................................................................................................36
Moving Forward.................................................................................................42 Limitations and Future Directions......................................................................44 Conclusion..........................................................................................................47
References ...............................................................................................................48 Tables.......................................................................................................................57 Figures .....................................................................................................................61 Appendix A – Preliminary Study 1 .........................................................................63 Appendix B – Apparent Sociosexual Orientation Inventory...................................67 Appendix C – Revised Sociosexual Orientation Inventory.....................................69 Appendix D – Preliminary Study 2 .........................................................................71 Appendix E – Preliminary Study 3..........................................................................74 Appendix F – Individual Ambivalent Sexism Inventory.........................................77 Appendix G – ASI-I Item 7 Results ........................................................................78
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 – Study 1 Factor Loadings for the ASOI....................................................57 Table 2 – Study 2 Partial Correlations of ASO Judgments .....................................58 Table 3 – Study 3 Factor Loadings for the ASI-I....................................................59 Table 4 – Study 3 Results of Multiple Regression Analyses ..................................60
v
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 – Example Stimuli.....................................................................................61 Figure 2 – Apparent Behavioral Unrestrictedness in Study 2 .................................62
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DEDICATION
To Jaclyn,
For picking me up when I’m down
For never giving me an inch
For helping me to think differently
For challenging me to always be better
For weathering the storm
For pushing me when I need to be pushed
For listening when I need an ear
I can’t imagine what this journey would have been like if I had done it alone, but I’m glad I’ll never find out This is your accomplishment too
In short, you a’ight
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation is the culmination of years of hard work by both myself and countless others who have been with me along the way.
First, I’d like to thank my advisor Kurt Hugenberg. Kurt, you have been an incredible advisor. You always seem to know the perfect thing to say, both in research conversations and in life. These two components of your mentorship –academic support and social support – have helped transform me into the scientist and the person that I am today. Thank you.
So many other professors, mentors, and colleagues are worthy of acknowledgment.
Without Kerri Johnson and D.J. Lick guiding me into the world of Social Psychology at UCLA, I may never have even begun this journey. At Miami, I have been advised and taught by so many amazing professors in the social psychology area, but I would especially like to thank Jonathan Kunstman, Allen McConnell, and Heather Claypool, each of whom served on multiple committees for me in the last five years. And to my amazing classmates and colleagues, Paige Lloyd, Jason Deska, Kathleen Stanko, Taylor Tuscherer, and Pirita See, your mentorship and friendship was critical to my development. Thank you all for your contributions to my education and to this work.
I would be remiss not to mention my various support networks, including my Miami
Psychology cohort, the SISPP inequality crew, the Diekenbergers, and the Almaraz-Sim-Stanko reading group. Being able to share experiences with all of you has made the ups and downs of graduate school bearable.
Finally, I owe a big thank you to my most recent labmate and officemate, Mattea Sim.
You get a special thank you for helping me wrestle with these ideas basically every day for a year. I couldn’t have imagined how impactful sharing an office with you would be. Occasionally, we probably could have gotten more actual work done, but discussing (and arguing about) Psychology is it’s own reward. Thank you. I wish you the best and I know you’ll do amazing things.
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Apparent sociosexual orientation:
Facial correlates and consequences of women’s unrestricted appearance
People make quick work of forming a variety of impressions of one another based on minimal information present in the face. Almost immediately upon viewing a face, people infer race, sex, and approximate age (Macrae & Martin, 2007; Richeson & Trawalter, 2005; Wright & Stroud, 2002). We also use information from facial expressions to interpret others’ emotions
(e.g., Baron-Cohen, Wheelwright, Hill, Raste, & Plumb, 2001), how they might behave in a
given situation (e.g., Van’t Wout & Sanfey, 2008), and whether they are likely to interact with us (e.g., Cary, 1978), among other impressions (for a review, see Hugenberg & Wilson, 2013).
Further, people also use others’ facial information to infer their personality traits and mental capacities. For instance, people whose features appear babyish are inferred to be trustworthy and warm, but also relatively naïve and unintelligent (i.e., like babies; Zebrowitz & Montepare, 1992). Conversely, individuals with more mature faces (e.g., smaller eyes; lower brows) are inferred to be comparatively more dominant and powerful (Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008; Todorov, Said, Engell, & Oosterhof, 2008). Trait impressions like these can be formed after quite minimal exposure to faces (as little as 100 milliseconds), and are made with a high degree of consensus for many traits (e.g., trustworthiness, dominance, competence, attractiveness; Willis & Todorov, 2006). The importance of these face-based impressions is underscored by evidence showing that they predict important downstream social judgments. For example, people tend to vote for candidates whose faces appear attractive, trustworthy, mature, and competent (Franklin & Zebrowitz, 2016; Todorov, Mandisodza, Goren, & Hall, 2005).
Recent research has indicated that people also make inferences about others’ sexual interest and behavior from their faces at zero acquaintance. Indeed, several research groups have begun to investigate judgments of Apparent Sociosexual Orientation (ASO), here defined as perceivers’ beliefs about targets’ tendencies to engage in or to be open to brief sexual encounters or sexual relationships without love, based solely on targets’ faces or non-verbal behaviors (e.g., Boothroyd, Jones, Burt, DeBruine, & Perrett, 2008; Stillman & Maner, 2009). Although recent work has begun to consider how perceivers make judgments of Apparent Sociosexual Orientation, these investigations have, in general, been restricted either to the accuracy of ASO judgments or the relationship between ASO judgments and signals in targets’ faces and nonverbal behavior (e.g., women’s attractiveness or smiling predicting ASO judgments; Boothroyd
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et al., 2008). Notably, reactions to women who are actually unrestricted are often negative, with unrestricted women subject to increased hostility and decreased benevolence (e.g., Sibley & Wilson, 2004), suggesting women who merely appear unrestricted may be subjected to similar treatment.
Here, I seek to advance this nascent literature by expanding past work on the structure, facial correlates, and consequences of men’s judgments of women’s ASO. To this end, I will first briefly survey past work examining individuals’ actual sociosexual orientation, a key conceptual precursor to ASO, and consider how theory and measurement of individual differences in actual sociosexual orientation might inform judgments of others’ Apparent Sociosexual Orientation. Then, I will discuss the established causes and consequences of hostile and benevolent sexism. Finally, I will present three studies that investigate the dimensional structure (Study 1) and facial correlates of ASO judgments (Study 2), and test whether men’s hostile and benevolent evaluations of women are predicted by those women’s ASO (Study 3).
In the present work, I focus on heterosexual men’s judgments of women’s ASO in particular. I do this for multiple reasons. First, appearing unrestricted may have substantively different consequences for heterosexual men and women. Whereas stereotypes of men paint them as relatively sexually unrestricted in their thoughts and behavior, women are traditionally expected to remain chaste and pure. It may not be surprising then that men often subject women who engage in unrestricted sex or in behavior that may suggest unrestrictedness (e.g., initiating a date) to harmful treatment, such as hostile sexism and victim blaming (Muehlenhard, Friedman, & Thomas, 1985; Sibley & Wilson, 2004). Considering these reactions to women who engage in unrestricted behavior, women who merely appear unrestricted may also face unique negative consequences, compared to their unrestricted appearing male counterparts. Second, men are often in higher power roles than are women, putting them more commonly in position to sexually harass potentially vulnerable (female) subordinates, behavior which could be guided by or exacerbated by judgments of women’s sociosexuality. Indeed, men in powerful positions often over-perceive sexual interest from subordinate women, which may contribute to sexual harassment in the workplace (Kunstman & Maner, 2011). Because perceived sexual interest plays a role in such harassment decisions, closely related judgments of women’s ASO (i.e., perceived interest in unrestricted sex, generally) may be of acute practical interest, and therefore a sensible place to begin this investigation.
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Individual Sociosexual Orientation
Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin (1948) first used the term sociosexual orientation to refer to an individual’s tendency to engage in or be open to brief sexual encounters or sexual relationships without love. Sexually restricted individuals, compared to relatively more unrestricted individuals, believe more emotional closeness is required before engaging in sexual activities and are less interested in sexual encounters that are not accompanied by a monogamous committed relationship. Unsurprisingly, more restricted individuals tend to pursue fewer romantic partners (Seal, Agostinelli, & Hannett, 1994), engage in less sexual intercourse (Ostovich & Sabini, 2004), and are more committed in romantic relationships than relatively unrestricted individuals (Mattingly, Clark, Weidler, Bullock, Hackathorn, & Blankmeyer, 2011; Simpson, 1987).
In the past three decades, extensive research has investigated possible causes of variation across individuals’ sociosexuality, personality traits that are related to variations in sociosexuality, and the consequences of being sexually restricted or unrestricted. One of the most consistent findings in this literature is that women, in general, are more sexually restricted than men (Hyde, 2005; Schmitt, 2005). That said, there is actually more variability within the sexes than between them (Simpson & Gangestad, 1991). According to the Strategic Pluralism Model (Gangestad & Simpson, 2000), women evaluate men along dimensions of gene quality, which is closely related to attractiveness, and parent quality, which is more akin to relationship investment. Men with good gene quality (i.e., attractive men) should be in high demand and, as such, should not need to invest in relationships in order to mate (unrestricted sociosexuality), whereas men with less optimal gene quality must display relationship commitment in order to attract mates (restricted sociosexuality). For women, Gangestad and Simpson suggest a number of situational factors, including the relative safety of the environment and women’s access to resources, that may influence whether or not individual women will prefer committed or uncommitted relationships. Thus, this model articulates why one might observe a good deal of variability within the sexes, despite the consistent between-sex differences. Although other established theories of sociosexuality also exist (e.g., life-history theory; Stearns, 1992), the Strategic Pluralism Model was among the first to focus on explaining both between- and withinsex differences in sociosexual orientation.
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Relatedly, many researchers have investigated other personality characteristics that are related to variability in sociosexuality. Among other things, unrestricted individuals tend to be more aggressive, immoral, disinhibited, and socially distant, and less agreeable, trustworthy, and conscientious than restricted individuals (Gangestad & Simpson, 1990; Probst, 1999; Schmitt & Buss, 2000; Wright, 1999; Wright & Reise, 1997). In addition, restricted individuals are generally more conservative than their unrestricted counterparts (Wright, 1999). Interestingly, although there is notable overlap across the sexes in these traits, many traits related to individual differences in sociosexual orientation are related to the stereotypically masculine trait of dominance (e.g., high aggressiveness, low agreeableness), reflecting the gendered nature of sociosexual orientation as a whole.
Other work has more directly connected gendered characteristics to variation in sociosexuality. For example, there is some evidence that individual differences in testosterone may also predict sociosexual orientation (e.g., Townsend, 1999). Because testosterone plays a key role in generating sexual desire, it may be reasonable to propose that testosterone levels could be related to sexual restrictedness (Ellison, 2001; see also Regan & Berscheid, 1999). Supporting this possibility, Gray, Kahlenberg, Barrett, Lipson, and Ellison (2002) found that men higher in testosterone invest less into their romantic relationships, as evidenced by them spending less time with their romantic partners. Relatedly, Clark (2004) found that women with relatively more masculine digit ratios in their hands, a trait indicative of high prenatal testosterone levels, were more sexually unrestricted than women with more feminine digit ratios. Further, both men and women with more unrestricted sociosexual orientations rate themselves and are rated by others as having more stereotypically masculine traits (e.g., forceful, dominant) than their restricted counterparts (for review, see Simpson, Wilson, & Winterheld, 2004). Thus, past work has found that both men and women with more dominant personalities and more masculine biology and morphology tend to have more unrestricted sociosexual orientations.
Recent research has shifted focus from the personality correlates of sociosexuality to questions about whether sociosexuality is a multidimensional construct. Indeed, whereas past research on sociosexuality typically assessed individuals’ engagement in, opinions about, and desire for uncommitted sex as representative of a single trait sociosexual orientation, multiple research groups have shown sociosexuality to have a multidimensional structure. For example, Webster and Bryan (2007) suggested that investigations using the original measure of
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sociosexuality (Simpson & Gangestad, 1991) should distinguish between items that assess interpersonal behaviors and those that assess intrapersonal attitudes. They had a large number of participants complete Simpson and Gangestad’s Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI) and tested both one-dimensional and two-dimensional factor structures. Indeed, they found that a two-dimensional model representing intrapersonal and behavioral questions fit the data best. Further, whereas the SOI as a whole was related to both hostility and narcissism, using their twodimensional model showed participants’ hostility was primarily related to their behavior, whereas their narcissism was related to intrapersonal unrestrictedness, suggesting their multidimensional model allowed for more predictive precision than the averaged score.
Extending this work, Penke and Asendorpf (2008) investigated whether intrapersonal sociosexuality can be further separated into overt beliefs about unrestricted sex and desires and fantasies about unrestricted sex. To investigate this possibility, they constructed the Revised Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI-R), which includes items related to individuals’ unrestricted sexual actions (behavior subcomponent), their attitudes about unrestricted sex (attitudes subcomponent), and their fantasies about unrestricted sex (desire subcomponent). As they predicted, Penke and Asendorpf found that these subcomponents formed distinct aspects of sociosexuality. In fact, the correlations between the behavior, attitudes, and desire subcomponents of the SOI-R were small to moderate (rs between .17 and .55), indicating that collapsing them into a single score may obscure relationships between the individual subcomponents.
Importantly, these components vary in their unique relationships to behaviors, personality traits, and relationship outcomes previously linked to sociosexual orientation (Penke & Asendorpf, 2008). Unrestricted sexual desires were uniquely related to worse overall relationship quality and increased possibility of and engagement in extra-pair sexual encounters in both men and women. Restricted attitudes, but not behaviors or desires, were related to increased religiosity. Additionally, the behavior subcomponent was related to both men’s and women’s flirting behavior in a staged interaction with an attractive confederate. The fact that these subcomponents showed discriminant and unique predictive validity indicates that behavior, attitudes, and desire are important and distinct facets of individuals’ sociosexuality.
Across this research on sociosexuality, the methodology has focused primarily on individuals’ ratings of their own sociosexuality and how this orientation is related to their past