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The Lost Castle of Count Rodrigo Gonzalez1

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ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES 45/2, julio-diciembre de 2015, pp. 783-801 ISSN 0066-5061 doi:10.3989/aem.2015.45.2.06 THE LOST CASTLE OF COUNT RODRIGO GONZALEZ1 EL CASTILLO PERDIDO DEL CONDE RODRIGO GONZÁLEZ MICHAEL EHRLICH Universidad Bar-Ilan, Ramat-Gan, Israel Abstract: This article suggests that a cast- Resumen: Este artículo sugiere que un le called Toron built in 1137 by Count Ro- castillo llamado Toron, construido el año drigo of Lara, and granted to the Templar 1137 por el conde Rodrigo González de Order was in Summil, where remains of Lara, y que fue luego otorgado a la orden a Crusader castles are still visible (ca. 25 del Temple, estaba en Summil, donde to- km from Ascalon, in south west Israel). davía permanecen las ruinas de un castillo This opinion opposes a consensual view de los cruzados (a unos 25 km de Ascalon, that the castle built by Count Rodrigo was en el sudoeste de Israel). Esta opinión se in Latrun, midway between Tel-Aviv and contrapone a la tesis general que sostiene Jerusalem. This identifi cation is based on que el castillo construido por el conde es- names’ similarity and on the universal tuvo situado en Latrun, a medio camino opinion that Latrun was a Templar castle. entre Tel-Aviv y Jerusalén. Una identifi - In this article it is demonstrated that the cación basada en la similitud de nombres geographic setting of Summil fi ts the y en la común opinión que Latrun era un Count’s castle, whereas Latrun does not; castillo templario. En este estudio se de- that Toron was a common name in the muestra que la ubicación geográfi ca de Crusader Kingdom; and, moreover, it Summil encaja con la del castillo del con- is not certain that Latrun was a Templar de, mientras que Latrun no lo hace; que castle. The article also suggest that there Toron fue un nombre habitual en el reino was a village near the castle, called Ca- cruzado y que, por otra parte, no es cierto sale Sancti Salvatoris, and also discusses que Latrun fuera un castillo templario. Se Frankish fortifi cation and settlement poli- sugiere también que cerca del castillo de cy during the twelfth century. Summil existía un pueblo llamado casale Sancti Salvatoris, analizándose asimismo Keywords: crusaders; holy land; castles; la política de fortifi cación y colonización Rodrigo González de Lara; templars; To- llevada a cabo por los cruzados durante el ron des Chevaliers. siglo XII. Palabras clave: cruzados; tierra santa; castillos; Rodrigo González de Lara; tem- plarios; Toron des Chevaliers. 1 Abbreviations: Cart. Hosp. = Delaville le Roulx, Joseph M.A. (ed.), Cartulaire général de l’ordre des hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem (1100-1310); RHC = Recueil des His- toriens des Croisades; RRH = Reinhold Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani; SWP = Conder, Claude R; Kitchener, Horatio H., The Survey of Western Palestine; WT = Huygens, Robert B.C. (ed.), Willelmi Tyrensis archiepiscopi chronicon. I would like to thank professor John France from the University of Swansea, Wales, for making many useful comments on this article. 784 MICHAEL EHRLICH SUMMARY 1. Preface.– 2. Summil.– 3. Casale Sancti Salvatoris.– 4. Latrun.– 5. ‘Amwas and Latrun.– 6. Fulk’s castles building policy.– 7. Summary.– 8. Bibliography. 1. PREFACE The Chronica Adefonsi imperatoris2, composed in the mid-12th cen- tury3, relates that in 1137 Count Rodrigo Gonzalez of Lara went to the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. During his stay in the Holy Land, he frequently fought the Saracens and built an extremely strong castle facing Ascalon, Toron. Count Rodrigo Gonzalez subsequently gave Toron to the Templars. Comes vero Rodericus Gundisalui, posquam osculatus est ma- num regis et amicis suis valere dixit, peregre prefectus est Hi- erosilimis, ubi et commisit multa bella cum Sarracenis fecitque quoddam castellum valde fortissimum a facie Ascalonie quod di- citur Toron, et muniuit eum valde militibus et peditibus et escis tradens illud militibus Templi4. In 1994, Rudolf Hiestand suggested that “Toron” mentioned in this source was in Latrun (Israel Grid reference 198.456)5, near the modern Tel- Aviv –Jerusalem highway, about fi fty kilometers from Ascalon. This view, later shared by Denys Pringle, Adrian Boas and Philippe Josserand6, is based on two premises: the coincidence of names; Latrun was known during the Crusader period as “Toron” or “Toron des Chevaliers”, and scholars believe that Latrun was a Templar castle7. Yet, this suggestion suffers three fundamental fl aws. The fi rst is ra- ther evident; Latrun was near important cities of the Latin Kingdom of Jeru- salem, e.g., Lydda, Ramla, and Jerusalem, but far from Ascalon. Therefore, if the anonymous chronicler wanted to describe Latrun, he presumably would have referred to these Frankish cities, rather than to the more remote Fatimid Ascalon. William of Tyre described the building of nearby Castrum Arnaldi (Yālu, GR 202.491, built 1132/3) as: 2 Maya 1990, pp. 111-248. 3 Ibidem, p. 115; Baloup 2002, pp. 455-458. 4 Maya 1990, p. 172. 5 Hiestand 1994, p. 32. 6 Pringle 1998, pp. 94-95; Boas 2006, pp. 111, 255-256; Josserand 2011, p. 438. 7 Kennedy 1994, p. 55; Boas 2006, p. 100. ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 45/2, julio-diciembre 2015, pp. 783-801 ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2015.45.2.06 THE LOST CASTLE OF COUNT RODRIGO GONZALEZ 785 There, on the slope of the hill at the entrance to the plain, on the road leading to Lydda and from there to the Sea… Here the people of Ascalon were accustomed to fall upon them suddenly… Thus by the grace of God and also because of this fortress, the road be- came much safer and the journey of pilgrims to or from Jerusalem was rendered less perilous8. The landmarks cited by William were Lydda and Jerusalem. William mentions Ascalon in reference to the aggressors’ place of origin and not in reference to the castle. Furthermore, William of Tyre asserted that from 1133 there was a castle about four kilometers from Latrun whose existence signifi cantly impro- ved the security of this particular region9; therefore, another castle in the same region less than fi ve years later seems to have been superfl uous. In 1136 Fulk of Anjou, the then King of Jerusalem launched a for- tifi cation project of the Kingdom’s south-western frontier zone. Fulk fi rst initiated the construction of a Castle in Bethgibelin (GR 190.063 ca. thirty kilometers south of Latrun)10, which marked the Kingdom’s southern border for the next fi ve decades. In 1141 and 1142, Fulk built Ibelin (GR 176.192) and Blanche Garde (GR 185.624) in the same area11. This fortifi cation project, meticulously studied by prominent scholars, seems to have been thoroughly planned12. Latrun was located within the Royal Domain, and the construction of a castle there would have been carried out by the behest of the King or with his approval. Since the alleged construction of a castle by Count Rodrigo in Latrun seems to have ignored the Royal fortifi cation plan, supposedly the Count’s castle might have been built elsewhere. These points cast serious doubts that the castle built by Count Ro- drigo was Latrun. Furthermore, the attribution of Latrun to the Templar Order also merits thorough reassessment, especially since there are indications that until 1187, both Latrun and neighbouring Emmaus were Hospitaller and not Templar properties. I suggest that the castle built by Count Rodrigo was at Summil (GR 180.632) about twenty-fi ve kilometers east of Ascalon. Summil is midway between Ascalon and Latrun and the chronicle specifi cally emphasised that Toron was built to face the threat from Ascalon. The substantial remains of an 8 WT, IVX, 8, p. 640; English translation: Atwater-Babcock, Krey 1943, vol. II, p. 58. 9 WT, IVX, 8, p. 640. 10 WT, IVX, 26, pp. 659-661; Cart. Hosp., vol. I, n. 399, pp. 272-273. 11 WT, XV, 24-25, pp. 706-709. 12 Boas, Maeir 2009, pp. 3-4; Boas 2012, pp. 153-154; Ellenblum 2007, pp. 155-156; Kenne- dy 1994, pp. 31-32; Prawer 1956, pp. 231-248; Prawer 1980, pp. 105-108; Smail 1995, p. 211. ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 45/2, julio-diciembre 2015, pp. 783-801 ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2015.45.2.06 786 MICHAEL EHRLICH impressive medieval castle at Summil have been ignored and not been identi- fi ed by modern scholars. Further, I suggest that near the Summil fortress was a Frankish civil settlement, Casale Sancti Salvatoris13 mentioned in an 1185 document. I would like to propose that this was the name of a civil settlement built near to Summil’s fortress during the late 1160s or the early 1170s. Buil- ding civil settlements near to pre-existing castles was a common practice in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, especially in the region of Summil during the reign of Amalric (1162-1174). Map 1. South-western frontier area of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. 2. SUMMIL The history of the area of Ascalon, Blanche Garde, and Bethgibe- lin during the Crusader period has been intensively studied. Gustav Beyer dedicated several pages of his detailed essay about the coastal plain of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, south of Arsur to this specifi c area14. Joshua Prawer wrote twice about the Kingdom’s south-western frontier region15. Also 13 Mayer 1964, p. 69. 14 Beyer 1949-1951, pp. 162-172, 173-174, 255-258. 15 Prawer 1956, pp. 231-248; Prawer 1980, pp. 105-108. ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 45/2, julio-diciembre 2015, pp.
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  • Poverty and Charity in Roman Palestine

    Poverty and Charity in Roman Palestine

    Poverty and charity in Roman Palestine Gildas Hamel Abstract The present book reformats the text, notes, and appendices of the origi- nal 1990 publication by the University of California Press. Its pagination is different. There is no index. i D’ur vamm ha d’ur breur aet d’an Anaon re abred A.M.G. 31 Meurzh 1975 Y.M.H. 12 Geñver 1986 Contents Contents ii List of Figures iv List of Tables iv Introduction ix 1 Daily bread 1 1.1 Food items ............................. 2 1.2 Diets ................................ 19 1.3 Diseases and death ........................ 55 1.4 Conclusion ............................ 58 2 Poverty in clothing 61 2.1 Common articles of clothing ................... 61 2.2 Lack of clothing .......................... 70 2.3 Clothing and social status .................... 81 2.4 Conclusion ............................ 104 3 Causes of poverty 107 3.1 Discourse of the ancients on yields . 108 3.2 Aspects of agriculture: climate and soil . 116 3.3 Work and technical standards . 125 3.4 Yields ............................... 145 3.5 Population of Palestine . 159 3.6 Conclusion ............................ 163 4 Taxes and rents 165 4.1 Roman taxes . 168 ii Contents iii 4.2 Jewish taxes and history of tax burden . 171 4.3 Labor and ground rents . 176 4.4 Conclusion ............................ 190 5 The vocabulary of poverty 193 5.1 Explicit vocabulary: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek . 196 5.2 Explicit vocabulary: self-designations . 209 5.3 Greek and Jewish views on poverty and wealth . 229 5.4 Implicit vocabulary . 239 5.5 Conclusion ............................ 248 6 Charity in Roman Palestine 251 6.1 Discourses on charity .