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Remittances from Germany and Their Routes to Migrants' Origin Countries
Remittances from Germany and their Routes to Migrants' Origin Countries A study on five selected countries Published by: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Postfach 5180 65726 Eschborn Internet: www.gtz.de Division 41 Economic Development and Employment Section Financial Systems Development Section Migration and Development E [email protected] E [email protected] Authors: Elizabeth Holmes Carola Menzel Torsten Schlink Frankfurt School of Finance & Management www.frankfurt-school.de Responsible: Dr. Irina Kausch Dr. Brigitte Klein Dr. Hans Werner Mundt Jenni Winterhagen ^ Thérèse Zák Design: Jeanette Geppert www.jeanette-geppert.de Print: Druckreif, Frankfurt Source: Bildberg, Jeanette Geppert Bildquelle: aboutpixel.de/Brötchen 5 Pfennig-Teil 2 © Konstantin Gastmann Eschborn 2007 Germany is one of the most important countries of origin for remittances— money transfers from migrants. In 2006 they amounted to approximately ten billion euros. However, as this study shows, migrants face considerable difficulties with the transfer process. Despite its large volume, the market for money trans- fers is extremely intransparent. Intensive research is needed to discover which financial institutions offer what kind of services, and at what cost. In some cases the cost of these services is extremely high. The result is that transfers are frequently made through informal channels. According to a World Bank study, half of all remittances to Serbia are transported as cash. This form of money transfer reduces the developmental potential of remittances. To make better use of these and increasingly steer remittances into formal channels will require increased cooperation with the financial sector. The financial sector itself will benefit as formally transferred remittances help strengthen inclusive financial systems providing services to population groups that have been neglected so far. -
Mr Peter KOUROUMBASHEV Second Vice-Chair S&D Mr Cristian Dan
1 Delegation to EUROPEAN UNION - MONTENEGRO STABILISATION and ASSOCIATION PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE Report from a mission to Podgorica, Montenegro (16-17 July 2018), which included 15th meeting of EUROPEAN UNION - MONTENEGRO STABILISATION and ASSOCIATION PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE (SAPC) Participating Members: Mr Peter S&D KOUROUMBASHEV Second Vice-Chair Mr Cristian Dan PREDA EPP Mr György SCHÖPFLIN EPP Mr Alojz PETERLE EPP Mr Jozo RADOŠ ALDE Mr Thomas WAITZ Greens Ms Joëlle BERGERON EFDD Summary The task of the EU-Montenegro Stabilisation and Association Parliamentary Committee is to consider all aspects of relations between the EU and Montenegro and, in particular, the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement. The mission to Montenegro was organised in order to fulfil this objective. The mission was partly co-organised with AFCO, and two of its members and Members of the Constitutional Committee of the Parliament of Montenegro participated in the SAPC, too. All elements of the programme (meetings with EU ambassadors, authorities, NGOs, the SAPC meeting and visit to EU founded projects) have fulfilled the expectations. With participation in the SAPC meeting of yet another opposition party, a year-and-half long boycott could be seen as gradually finishing. However, two remaining opposition parties (URA, Democrats) continued the boycott of both the SAPC and the Montenegrin Parliament. MEPs held a series of preparatory meeting ahead of the SAPC meeting including with the EU ambassadors accredited to Montenegro. Members also had a working lunch with representatives of non-governmental organisations. These meetings allowed for a better preparation of discussions in the SAPC. The meetings with the politicians were on the highest level (President of Montenegro, President of the Parliament, Deputy Prime Minister). -
Adjusted Refusal Rate - B-Visas Only by Nationality Fiscal Year 2013*
ADJUSTED REFUSAL RATE - B-VISAS ONLY BY NATIONALITY FISCAL YEAR 2013* ADJUSTED COUNTRY REFUSAL RATE Afghanistan 62.7% Albania 40.4% Algeria 28.3% Andorra 25.0% Angola 24.8% Antigua and Barbuda 18.1% Argentina 1.7% Armenia 37.9% Australia 16.6% Austria 8.7% Azerbaijan 9.4% Bahrain 4.1% Bangladesh 43.5% Barbados 9.9% Belarus 20.7% Belgium 9.4% Belize 19.7% Benin 34.6% Bhutan 42.0% Bolivia 15.4% Bosnia-Herzegovina 26.5% Botswana 17.3% Brazil 3.5% Brunei 20.7% Bulgaria 19.9% Burkina Faso 31.7% Burma 23.5% Burundi 52.7% Cambodia 28.9% Cameroon 37.3% Canada 43.1% Cape Verde 36.4% Central African Republic 46.4% Chad 36.3% Chile 1.6% China - Mainland 8.5% Colombia 10.4% Comoros 32.6% Congo (Brazzaville) 27.5% Congo (Kinshasa) 41.9% Costa Rica 13.7% Cote D`Ivoire 30.3% Croatia 5.9% Cuba 61.1% Cyprus 4.0% Czech Republic 5.8% Page 1 of 5 ADJUSTED REFUSAL RATE - B-VISAS ONLY BY NATIONALITY FISCAL YEAR 2013* ADJUSTED COUNTRY REFUSAL RATE Denmark 11.0% Djibouti 62.6% Dominica 30.2% Dominican Republic 41.3% Ecuador 16.9% Egypt 39.5% El Salvador 45.1% Equatorial Guinea 16.2% Eritrea 40.5% Estonia 13.6% Ethiopia 35.6% Federated States Of Micronesia 100.0% Fiji 27.2% Finland 15.0% France 13.0% Gabon 20.3% Georgia 38.3% Germany 12.8% Ghana 61.8% Great Britain And Northern Ireland 16.9% Greece 26.0% Grenada 25.8% Guatemala 37.7% Guinea 52.5% Guinea - Bissau 43.6% Guyana 52.7% Haiti 47.1% Honduras 37.0% Hong Kong (BNO HK passport) 2.4% Hong Kong S. -
LARSON-DISSERTATION-2020.Pdf
THE NEW “OLD COUNTRY” THE KINGDOM OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE CREATION OF A YUGOSLAV DIASPORA 1914-1951 BY ETHAN LARSON DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2020 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Maria Todorova, Chair Professor Peter Fritzsche Professor Diane Koenker Professor Ulf Brunnbauer, University of Regensburg ABSTRACT This dissertation reviews the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s attempt to instill “Yugoslav” national consciousness in its overseas population of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as well as resistance to that same project, collectively referred to as a “Yugoslav diaspora.” Diaspora is treated as constructed phenomenon based on a transnational network between individuals and organizations, both emigrant and otherwise. In examining Yugoslav overseas nation-building, this dissertation is interested in the mechanics of diasporic networks—what catalyzes their formation, what are the roles of international organizations, and how are they influenced by the political context in the host country. The life of Louis Adamic, who was a central figure within this emerging network, provides a framework for this monograph, which begins with his arrival in the United States in 1914 and ends with his death in 1951. Each chapter spans roughly five to ten years. Chapter One (1914-1924) deals with the initial encounter between Yugoslav diplomats and emigrants. Chapter Two (1924-1929) covers the beginnings of Yugoslav overseas nation-building. Chapter Three (1929-1934) covers Yugoslavia’s shift into a royal dictatorship and the corresponding effect on its emigration policy. -
Midwives' Collaborative Activism in Two U.S. Cities, 1970-1990
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Midwives' Collaborative Activism in Two U.S. Cities, 1970-1990 Linda Tina Maldonado University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons, and the Nursing Commons Recommended Citation Maldonado, Linda Tina, "Midwives' Collaborative Activism in Two U.S. Cities, 1970-1990" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 896. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/896 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/896 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Midwives' Collaborative Activism in Two U.S. Cities, 1970-1990 Abstract ABSTRACT MIDWIVES' COLLABORATIVE ACTIVISM IN TWO U.S. CITIES, 1970-1990 Linda Tina Maldonado Dr. Barbra Mann Wall, PhD, RN, FAAN This dissertation uses historical methodologies to explore the means through which activist midwives in two northeastern cities collaborated, negotiated, and sometimes conflicted with numerous stakeholders in their struggle to reduce infant mortality. Infant mortality within the black community has been a persistent phenomenon in the United States, despite a growing dependence on advancing medical technologies and medical models of birth. Studies in the early twentieth century typically marked poverty as the dominant factor in infant mortality affecting black communities. Refusing to accept poverty as a major determinant of infant mortality within marginalized populations of women, nurse-midwives during the 1970s and 1980s harnessed momentum from the growing women's health movement and sought alternative methods toward change and improvement of infant mortality rates. Utilizing a grassroots type of activism, midwives formed collaborative relationships with social workers, community activists, physicians, public health workers, and the affected communities themselves to assist in the processes of self-empowerment and education. -
3G INTERNET and CONFIDENCE in GOVERNMENT∗ Sergei Guriev R Nikita Melnikov R Ekaterina Zhuravskaya Forthcoming, Quarterly
3G INTERNET AND CONFIDENCE IN GOVERNMENT∗ Sergei Guriev ○r Nikita Melnikov ○r Ekaterina Zhuravskaya Forthcoming, Quarterly Journal of Economics Abstract How does mobile broadband internet affect approval of government? Using Gallup World Poll surveys of 840,537 individuals from 2,232 subnational regions in 116 countries from 2008 to 2017 and the global expansion of 3G mobile networks, we show that, on average, an increase in mobile broadband internet access reduces government approval. This effect is present only when the internet is not censored, and it is stronger when the traditional media are censored. 3G helps expose actual corruption in government: revelations of the Panama Papers and other corruption incidents translate into higher perceptions of corruption in regions covered by 3G networks. Voter disillusionment had electoral implications: In Europe, 3G expansion led to lower vote shares for incumbent parties and higher vote shares for the antiestablishment populist opposition. Vote shares for nonpopulist opposition parties were unaffected by 3G expansion. JEL codes: D72, D73, L86, P16. ∗We thank three anonymous referees and Philippe Aghion, Nicolas Ajzenman, Oriana Bandiera, Timothy Besley, Kirill Borusyak, Filipe Campante, Mathieu Couttenier, Ruben Durante, Jeffry Frieden, Thomas Fuji- wara, Davide Furceri, Irena Grosfeld, Andy Guess, Brian Knight, Ilyana Kuziemko, John Londregan, Marco Manacorda, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, Chris Papageorgiou, Maria Petrova, Pia Raffler, James Robinson, Sey- hun Orcan Sakalli, Andrei Shleifer, Andrey Simonov, -
The Montenegrin Political Landscape: the End of Political Stability? by Milena Milosevic, Podgorica-Based Journalist Dr
ELIAMEP Briefing Notes 27 /2012 July 2012 The Montenegrin political landscape: The end of political stability? by Milena Milosevic, Podgorica-based journalist Dr. Ioannis Armakolas, “Stavros Costopoulos” Research Fellow, ELIAMEP, Greece The recent start of accession negotiations between the European Commission and Montenegro came against the background of the ever perplexing politics in this Western Balkan country. The minor coalition partner in the ruling government – the Social Democratic Party (SDP) - announced the possibility that it will run in the elections independently from the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), the successor of the Communist Party and the party of former Montenegrin leader Milo Djukanovic. SDP and DPS have been in coalition in the national government continuously since 1998. In contast, opposition parties are traditionally perceived as weak and incapable of convincing voters that they can provide a genuine alternative to DPS-led governments. However, at the beginning of July, news of two opposition parties trying to unite all anti-government forces, with the help of the country’s former foreign minister Miodrag Lekic, once again heated up the debate over the opposition’s strength. At about the same time, news concerning the formation of new parties have also dominated the headlines in the local press. Most of the attention is on “Positive Montenegro“, a newly-formed party whose name essentially illustrates its platform: positive change in the society burdened by past mistakes and divisions. The ambivalent context within which the contours of the current Montenegrin political landscape are being drawn further complicates this puzzle. On one hand, the country’s foreign policy and relations with its neigbours are continuously praised by the international community. -
Adjusted Refusal Rate - B-Visas Only by Nationality Fiscal Year 2012*
ADJUSTED REFUSAL RATE - B-VISAS ONLY BY NATIONALITY FISCAL YEAR 2012* ADJUSTED COUNTRY REFUSAL RATE Afghanistan 59.3% Albania 40.5% Algeria 24.2% Andorra 100.0% Angola 19.9% Antigua and Barbuda 24.1% Argentina 1.5% Armenia 38.5% Australia 16.6% Austria 11.1% Azerbaijan 11.4% Bahrain 7.7% Bangladesh 26.0% Barbados 12.4% Belarus 19.5% Belgium 7.1% Belize 22.7% Benin 33.0% Bhutan 52.2% Bolivia 16.3% Bosnia-Herzegovina 14.4% Botswana 12.5% Brazil 3.2% Brunei 25.5% Bulgaria 18.0% Burkina Faso 35.3% Burma 31.0% Burundi 46.1% Cambodia 33.9% Cameroon 41.1% Canada 44.3% Cape Verde 36.6% Central African Republic 32.2% Chad 43.8% Chile 2.8% China - Mainland 8.5% Colombia 11.2% Comoros 22.1% Congo (Brazzaville) 30.7% Congo (Kinshasa) 37.4% Costa Rica 11.3% Cote D`Ivoire 27.7% Croatia 4.4% Page 1 of 5 ADJUSTED REFUSAL RATE - B-VISAS ONLY BY NATIONALITY FISCAL YEAR 2012* ADJUSTED COUNTRY REFUSAL RATE Cuba 38.7% Cyprus 1.9% Czech Republic 6.4% Denmark 14.7% Djibouti 64.5% Dominica 31.7% Dominican Republic 32.0% Ecuador 18.5% Egypt 32.4% El Salvador 41.4% Equatorial Guinea 10.0% Eritrea 39.2% Estonia 14.9% Ethiopia 39.7% Federated States Of Micronesia 50.0% Fiji 26.9% Finland 7.6% France 13.4% Gabon 24.1% Georgia 31.8% Germany 16.4% Ghana 61.7% Great Britain And Northern Ireland 20.6% Greece 26.1% Grenada 32.5% Guatemala 30.9% Guinea 54.2% Guinea - Bissau 50.0% Guyana 46.5% Haiti 54.0% Honduras 29.8% Hong Kong (BNO HK passport) 2.6% Hong Kong S. -
English Version of This Statement Is the Only Official Document
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Republic of Serbia — Early Parliamentary Elections, 24 April 2016 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Belgrade, 25 April 2016 – This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is the result of a common endeavour involving the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Volodymyr Ariev (Ukraine) headed the PACE delegation. Ambassador Geert-Hinrich Ahrens is the Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission (LEOM), deployed from 18 March 2016. The assessment was made to determine whether the elections complied with OSCE commitments and Council of Europe standards for democratic elections, as well as Serbia’s international obligations and domestic legislation. Both institutions involved in this IEOM have endorsed the 2005 Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation. This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the electoral process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the electoral process, including the count, the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post- election day complaints or appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the electoral process. The PACE delegation will present its report at the meeting of the Standing Committee in Tallinn on 27 May 2016. PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 24 April 2016 early parliamentary elections offered voters a variety of choices. The election administration performed its duties efficiently and generally enjoyed the trust of the electoral stakeholders. -
Extraordinary Elections in Serbia – Nothing Extraordinary Happened
László Horváth Extraordinary Elections in Serbia – Nothing Extraordinary Happened Abstract: This analysis sets the political scene for the Serbian elections of April 24, 2016. It relates the efforts of the Hungarian national community of the 1990’s to the fate of this northern province of the country. Besides presenting the circumstances and results of the elections, it also describes the challenges and tasks facing the new government in relation to the Hungarian com- munity. The author identifies the long-lasting problems and controversies which have been resolved or partially resolved in Serbian-Hungarian relation. It also points to the issues that require further efforts to be settled. The aim of my analysis is to examine the elections held in Serbia on 24 April 2016 in a wider context, and to present the political processes and aspirations which preceded the elections from the perspective of the Hungarian community living in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in Northern Serbia, starting in the 1990s. In addition to the pre- sentation of the circumstances and results of the elections, I also examine the new gov- ernment’s planned tasks and reforms concerning the Hungarian national minority. The analysis also presents the results or partial results which were achieved due to the work of the local Hungarian community in the field of long-standing problems and questions, and the issues which require further efforts. In my analysis I also draw attention to the fact that regarding the internal political events which took place in the past 25 years in Serbia, it is not unusual that governments do not serve out their full terms. -
Strengthening Parliaments and Political Parties Across the World
Westminster Foundation for Democracy Strengthening parliaments and political parties across the world Annual Review 2008 Chairman’s Welcome WFD is in the business of strengthening parliaments and political parties internationally. If parliaments are the pivotal institution in any democracy, strong parties are essential to their effective functioning. You cannot have a multi-party democracy without political parties. International aid programmes in six additional donors recognise emerging democracies. that strong One of our achievements over governance is the last year has been the an essential creation of the Westminster prerequisite for Consortium for Parliaments and development. Democracy. This new, WFD-led Few donors are willing or entity is already beginning to able themselves to tackle the see much closer co-ordination institutions of governance which between the international are overtly political. WFD brings programmes of the House of together these two vital fields Commons, National Audit Office of international assistance - and Commonwealth Parliamentary parliaments and political parties Association (UK Branch). Working - under one organisational roof; closely with them and others, such and it has unique experience of as the Universities of Cardiff and working with overseas Essex, the Reuters Foundation and political parties through their the International Bar Association, UK counterparts. we are already the UK’s most As an officially sponsored but important source of information independent political foundation, and expertise -
UK VISA REQUIREMENTS ALL Nationals of the Countries and Territories Listed Below in Red (Underlined) Need Visas to Enter Or Transit the UK
UK VISA REQUIREMENTS ALL nationals of the countries and territories listed below in red (underlined) need visas to enter or transit the UK. ALL nationals of the countries and territories listed below in black need visas to enter or transit the UK landside. ALL visa nationals may transit the UK without a visa (TWOV) in certain circumstances. Please see below for details. 1. Holders of diplomatic and special Afghanistan Comoros Indonesia (7) Morocco Sri Lanka passports do not require a visa for Albania Congo Iran Mozambique Sudan official visits, tourist visits or transit. Algeria Congo Dem. Iraq Myanmar (Burma) Surinam 2. Holders of diplomatic passports do not require a visa. Service passport Angola Republic Ivory Coast Nepal Syria (8) holders may transit without a visa. Armenia Cuba Jamaica Niger Taiwan (6) Holders of a public affairs passport Azerbaijan Cyprus northern Jordan Nigeria Tajikistan may not transit without a visa. Service Bahrain (1) part of (3) Kazakhstan North Macedonia Tanzania and public affairs passport holders do Bangladesh Djibouti Kenya Oman (5) Thailand not require a visa if travelling with a serving Chinese government minister Belarus Dominican Republic Korea (Dem. Pakistan Togo on an official visit to the UK. Benin Ecuador People’s Republic) Palestinian Tunisia 3. Passport not recognised by HM Bhutan Egypt Kosovo Territories Turkey (7) Government – visa should be issued Bolivia Equatorial Guinea Kuwait (5) Peru Turkmenistan on a uniform format form (UFF). Eritrea Uganda 4. Holders of diplomatic or official Bosnia and Kyrgyzstan Philippines passports may transit without a visa. Herzegovina Eswatini (Swaziland) Laos Qatar (5) Ukraine 5.