2015 Elections
AN ORGANIZATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
TOP SECRET Top Secret – 2015 National Congress Party Elections Strategy
In the Name of God the Merciful
An Organizational Perspective
In mid-2015, Sudan will be approaching free and democratic elections (presidential, parliamentary, executive-gubernatorial) amid difficult regional and international circumstances. Because of the seriousness of the approaching elections and what might follow in possible negative consequences to the country, the NCP and the Islamic Movement, we think the strategic vision should be (the implementation of the fourth phase of Salvation through administering all the components of elections and enabling ‘the NCP state’ through ballot boxes). As for the message, it is summarized as follows:
Strengthening the build-up of the strong, orderly National Congress Party according to an institutionalized basis, capable of withstanding the burden of democratic progress with all its constituents of awareness, democratic culture and freedoms; and to be both sophisticated and flexible, adaptable to the context, capable of mass mobilization and skilled in the technicalities of the election process.
Situation Analysis
We can discuss the mechanisms of the upcoming period through the following perspectives: The pre-registration period The registration period The voting period
First: The pre-registration period In this phase, and since the split in the ranks of the NCP that took place in December 1999, the party entered a new phase in which most of its members were focusing on conducting the affairs of the state, leaving a minority who took sides and initiated a new party (The Popular Congress Party). This split contributed to many unsatisfactory disadvantages in reality, which we are living through now, and that can be summarized as follows:
The weakness in the relationship between the country’s leadership and the party members at the rank and file level. It might be seen in the lack of attention of rank and file members towards many of the major roles of the leadership in the country and the purposes for which it was initiated. This led to a sort of abstention in public affairs, at least in comparison to what was the case at the beginning of the Salvation. The weakness in structures of the NCP (the National Congress Party), the Islamic Movement (the internal organic structure) and the People’s Committees in which the majority of members are from the NCP. Hence, the structural, educational and social systems have weakened to the point where they are now empty with nothing to show for the work, despite scattered efforts to energize them.
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The weak political awareness among some members, demonstrated by the lack of care to vote and continue the election process – whether within the totalitarian regime before 2010 to support its direction and to enhance its legitimacy-or within the pluralistic regime post the 2010 elections, in order to give preference for this regime over others and to enable it to rule. The lack of capabilities [mainly financial], which led to the failure of many programs and limited the activities of activists either organizationally, or in terms of advocacy, and in turn, this contributed to the isolation of rank and file members in terms of following up with and connecting to their leadership. The limited number of meetings with the members and hence limited political, intellectual or organizational briefings – tying the membership with the leadership, motivating members to support and inform the leadership, so as to expand the base of those defending NCP perspectives and programs. The marginalization of many of the genuine organizational leaders and employing others less competent, against the will of the membership. Hence the growth of cliques and depression among members, and the sluggishness of their ability and the restraint of their participation. The lack of training to enable members in organizational, advocacy and technical work – required to keep up with the qualitative shifts and the substantial changes in building the modern state of Sudan and to this end providing the prerequisites of empowerment [of NCP].
Second: The Registration Period This is an important phase and [represents] the computerized preparedness for the crucial stage of the election process. The organizational problems can be summarized as follows:
We notice over the previous years of the Salvation, especially during the period of transformation from the revolutionary legitimacy to the constitutional legitimacy, a severe weakness in members’ interest in the registration process, which in turn led to a failure in mobilization of others to register, even despite the fact that the registration process was door-to-door. This weakness of interest in registration mentioned above led to an upheaval in the procedures of the registration process, which governs the validity of the polling process. This weakness forced us to undertake exceptional measures that led to those shortcomings that affected the legitimacy of the elections and weakened its weight in the eyes of the audience. We mention a few of these shortcomings: a) The acceptance of the lists of registered names even including absentees, a registration process overall that might have had many errors; even including those who did not have the desire to vote at all. b) Registering the names from ration cards including youth and seniors in addition to fictitious names added by families for the purpose of sugar distribution at the time. c) In addition, we were forced to re-open registration even during the voting to add those who fell through the system – this led to a substantial increase in the number of those registered, which affected the overall electoral turnout and led to others attempting to manipulate this.
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The [NCP] organization dependence on People’s Committees to register names without them having a clear administrative role for follow up or to organize their functions. Furthermore, the lack of state motivation to provide the needed support [to these People’s Committees], which led to all the transgressions mentioned above because the People’s Committees did not show the necessary attention to the registration process nor to the later elections. The organization did not employ its varied fronts - though numerous - in order to contribute to the registration process through a kind of mission based approach to mobilize people in all of the stages so that the elections would succeed. This was despite the fact that elections during all its phases was considered a strategic issue targeted to mobilize people for this phase (the constitutional legitimacy phase) via winning the hearts of the people and ensuring the continuation of perceived State influence. This [lack of mobilization] contributed to destabilizing the image of State influence.
Third: The Election Process
All the above-mentioned shortcomings greatly contributed to the lack of expected election achievements whether legislative councils or presidential, hence we summarize the problems as follows:
The absence of a civilization [sic] and planning dimension of the elections, which completely emptied the elections of their contents and they became a form without substance. Many people did not know what was going on and maybe had never even heard of the elections until its end, as demonstrated by the weakness of participation. In addition, the elections did not interest any of the organizers, as there is no other reason to explain why most of the organizers, including some leaders, did not participate in voting. The absence of serious tactical mobilization for the elections (media and public) did not allow sufficient time to win over the public and create incentive to participate, even to a minimal degree or even just to care about the event. This led to the necessity for the election committees to move from door to door with the ballot boxes at some stages. The weakened competition as the NCP leaders were not enthusiastic to create any type of competition whether political, tribal or factional. This led to many of the Party candidates to be elected by default, which led to a complete reluctance in political participation from others [whether voters or candidates]. In addition, none of the Party or organizational circles made any effort to save face in this regard, but instead the matter was left until it further contributed to loss of prestige.
Fourth: The Challenges Activating structures and fronts at all levels , and mobilizing them to enter the fourth phase of the rule of the Salvation through the ballot box as a new phase of “Greater Empowerment”; or alternatively stopping the progress made until now leading to a return to secularism and cutting religion out of the reality of life. Defining the nature of the period - that is the promotion of freedoms and the peaceful transfer of power and related organizational and institutional work.
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Building a central countrywide database, capable of providing data as soon as possible and with extreme accuracy, with caution to classify the registry to the defined levels (loyalists, deniers, opponents, or the silent, abstainers or neutral etc.). Modernizing all organizational work and avoiding any sort of setback; in other words computerizing all aspects of organizational work.
Fifth: Chances of Success National, regional and local interest in the coming phase as well as the intensified pressure in the direction of overturning the Salvation regime and in turn the Islamic Movement. This puts the organization in a strategic battle - addressing all of these dimensions will oblige it to work on bridging the gaps that were damaged by the careless attitude during the previous phase. The great achievements accomplished by the Salvation in oil, economy, communications and education sectors were muted, although these sectors constitute a reservoir of substantial energy to direct the dialogue and to manage the ethics of competition with others in an unparalleled manner in Sudan. These achievements qualify the NCP to engage in a thorough political role and to ensure the best scenarios for this phase. The opposition circles have succeeded in weakening the luster of these achievements and branded the Salvation with corruption and failure. Changing and modernizing the structural skeleton of the State, contained in the federal system including the distribution of wealth and power. It is simple for the NCP to spread out in all of Sudan and to build federal states, some of which can be of the same size as the country of Sudan in the past, whether in terms of capacity, or legislative, executive and functional arrangements. The outcome of Jihad and mobilization, represented in organizations that can contribute to the protection of the State and maintain its stability, represent a strong background, which enables the organization towards accomplishing its goals (“rear is guarded, move forward’1). The battle to recapture Heglig in April 2012, the positive deterrence operations in Darfur and the Nuba Mountains proved that the Salvation is still capable of mobilizing its supporters, which is a strength lacking in the opposition. The moral focus here should be to activate the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and highlight it as an exceptional force to intimidate and deter enemies, reassure the undecided and increase the feeling of security for supporters. The conviction of most Sudanese that there is no alternative to the Salvation irrespective of their agreement or disagreement with it, in view of the historical and current status of alternative parties who do not hold a clear strategic vision to convince the people of Sudan in comparison with what the Salvation has to offer (see Part 2) The success of the efforts of the Salvation in imposing conditions to achieve peace in all areas of Sudan. By negotiating with all those who held weapons, there was the Naivasha Agreement, Abuja Agreement and previously the Agreement of the East. These agreements enabled the cadres of the NCP and the organization to proceed in the direction of other more pressing issues in the construction of the State. At the same time, these achievements give indicators of the acceptance of citizens of the rule of the NCP. Currently we face the foci of rebellion in Darfur, Abyei, the Nuba
1 War cry became famous through Sahat Al Fida (In the Fields of Redemption), the Popular Defense Forces (PDF) weekly TV show broadcasted starting from 1989 until the final stages of the CPA in 2004.
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Mountains and the Blue Nile. These are centers financed regionally and internationally, and we must be cognizant of that in developing the executive plan.
Sixth: Plan and Programs Determining the strategic plan and the necessary programs for the execution of strategy will be approved through the NCP bodies, once the conference concludes in October 2014.
2015 National Congress Party Election Strategy
Islamic Shar’ia has decided on higher principles, among them: Allowing people to respect others’ rights to believe what they wish and to leave each person to work according to their convictions. Anyone who disagrees with the Islamic ways must be convinced through setting an exemplary model of goodness; [And had your Lord willed, those on earth would have believed, all of them together. So, will you (O Muhammad peace be upon Him) then compel mankind, until they become believers2]. However, the Shar’ia at the same time urging those subscribing to the creed to work towards protecting their beliefs and not to take a passive stance, and fight for their thought asking for one of the best two [victory or martyrdom] . The Islamic method in preaching is through wisdom and good sermons and to debate with better arguments and not to speak bad words, and also to stay away from the ignorant thus preserving Muslim pride and avoiding minor transgressions. These are the principles of Shari’a that have been used to build democracy, to which the West has been paying lip service for centuries and did not know of them until the end of the 18th century, except some trials by ancient Greeks. Islam has been calling for these principles for centuries now not in response to the evolution of the ‘nation’ or to meet their desires, it rather aims at uplifting the believers towards refinement and advancement and to elevate them from being debased in barbarism. The verses on freedom are flexible, so no one could add to them irrespective of the changing environment, places or length of time. The modern world before the end of the 18th century vowed intellectuals and reform advocates with doom, woes and grand indictments and history is a witness to that repression.
Qur’anic verses, traditions, and Sayings of the Prophet prompt for elections and the choice within regulations and conditions, according to what the Lord said: [Verily, the best of men for you to hire is the strong, the trustworthy.]. As well as the saying of Peace be Upon Him (Whosoever uses a man from a group where there is another man more pleasing to God then he has deceived God, His Messenger and the Believers). In addition, his saying Peace be Upon Him (Whosoever is the guardian of Muslims affairs and orders Muslims to do something with prejudice, God curses him and does not accept from him purity nor righteousness). And it is known that Islamic Shari’a exhorts ‘Shura’ and we think the road to democracy passes through ‘Shura’ among the people with solutions and doctrine in order to choose the candidate according to strict guidelines specified by the organizational frameworks as per what appears later on in this strategy.
2 Quran 10:99 Source: King Fahd Complex For the Printing of The Holy Quran
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In the political field, the Salvation adopted the suggestion of the peaceful devolution of power and laid that down in good faith as proven in the Naivasha Agreement, and it embodied that in the legal framework of the Sudanese transitional constitution, and incorporated it in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). With that, the elections became in turn a fait accompli. We underwent the elections in 2010, and we were successful in managing it well and we managed to overcome bloody and violent events, which caused the death of thousands in other places (Kenya, Zimbabwe etc.). Despite the signing of the CPA (2005), the explosion of the situation in Darfur and the complex tensions in mid, East and South Kordofan, the regional escalation with neighboring countries and the international harassment using the language of war crimes, the presence of peacekeeping forces, none of these affected the overall resumption of the election process.
The advent of elections in 2015 is under different circumstances because it will receive regional and international monitoring conspiring against us and they are not neutral. This all comes within the wake of unparalleled international enmity towards Islamic thought as revealed in Egypt, Libya, Tunis, and previously in Algeria and Jordan. Moreover, the polarization initiatives led by Saudi, the UAE, Egypt and the arrogant Western countries. We expect the nations of non- believers to mobilize all opponents in one list, and they will nominate one candidate against us and pump large sums of money from the international Zionist circles and international Intelligence apparatuses. Even the Vatican have started revealing their morose fronts. They will use media circles, and they have experience in this direction from the student elections in which they achieved some success in favor of their alliance. They attempted to repeat the experience with the workers, farmers and business owners’ elections. But we were able to surpass them; through early preparedness, precise organization, unity, and by reading the reality around us very well; carefully assigning roles and unifying the command, along with concerted official, political, factional as well as popular efforts, and preparing for the elections and halting decisions that could weaken us. Presenting incentives by paying rights, removing grievances, making available the necessary funds and careful follow-up and quick intervention to erase any trace of opposition parties. We conclude, as until we enter these elections we must take hold of key elements of success to these elections, which we can call universal elections and these are:
Proper planning Precise information to us and for others Necessary adequate funding Training for everyone working in the election process Precise coordination Census
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Reality Analysis
Residents in Sudan from 15 to 25 years old comprise 58% (i.e. they are approximately 19.5 million) meaning that this is the approximate eligible number to enter the elections during 2015. Women represent 49%, those of student age 20% and those who work in the state departments or receive pensions from it are 2 million. Farmers and shepherds comprise 70% of the remainder or approximately 5 million and seniors represent about a million or a little over. This is a necessary to-know plan according to which we must organize. This is in addition to making use of the trends of the 2010 election results (See appendix A page 11)
Grassroots Level
The NCP suffers at the membership level from problems that can be easily and effortlessly solved or side tracked, if we plan well and follow up. The NCP has organizational structures spread out all over Sudan but they are not activated, not out of incapacity but its rank and file members have been absorbed in unions, professional associations, work sites, and student unions, women’s unions and youth unions each with their own organizations. In addition, all of these people work in non-residential areas, which has drained the NCP cadres’ in the neighborhoods. Despite many of those who lead the NCP at the rank and file level being either historical figures or qualified leaders they are however not sufficiently empowered. Therefore, the first step in the next phase must be settling all committed members in active sectors and settling those in constitutional and executive positions in the structure of the NCP where they reside. Activating these [residence-based] bodies is contingent upon them entering the structures of the NCP with care and under their orders, so as not to enter into conflicts that lead to failure. Troublemakers should not be allowed in. Entry should aim to eradicate social injustice for the citizens and to provide services in the areas of health, education, water, and reducing poverty, and to work hard with local authorities to reduce taxes, other levies and almsgiving imposed on people. The Commissioners should perform their political role by sitting with people at Locality level in Shura meetings; and hearing and addressing their complaints whenever possible.
Preparing for the Election Process
The membership of the NCP must be activated and securely connected with the structures of the NCP to give them insight into the challenges surrounding them and this election strategy, which covers the period from January 2014 to June 2015 and Shar’ia will be active, God willing, if we prepare well and activate the membership.
The previous elections had as terms of reference the 2005 transitional Sudanese constitution (Chapter 15, Section 2, Article 216) which depended on the election law authorized by Parliament on the 7th of July 2008. This time we need to review the electoral law of 2008 and to bridge the gaps that have been obvious during the 2010 elections, and as a matter of prime importance to prepare the legal and technical fields for the coming elections and its subsequent results. Preparations must be finished to present the
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amendments and to get official approval before July 2014, and this will firmly act as a reference for the entire coming period to usher in the start of the actual election process.
Supporting initiatives for national dialogue, and the execution of an all-encompassing media campaign around the national dialogue, focusing on giving priority to Sudan’s security over the party interests, and strengthening the national dialogue by linking its outputs to the stability of Sudan, and supporting national unity and the participation of all the political forces. These themes must be used and employed from the media angle to the maximum, in order to increase the pressure on the opposition, isolate it and split its ranks while at the same time as winning the public opinion and neutralizing western diplomacy.
We must as well be cognizant of the fact that the opposition parties are not weak. It is not correct to describe them as frail because they moved early to organize their ranks and they are planning for early alliances (internally and externally) that could be sponsored by arrogant countries who will pay their funds hoping to overthrow the Salvation [regime].
At the rank and file level, we need the command of one body (central committee), which is aware and which will take over the planning and coordination between all the active segments and employ the entire potential capabilities.
We, as NCP must as well take early precautions to demarcate and re-plan constituencies in a manner that will benefit us. Here, we must pay attention to the importance of the ministries of Local Governance in all states and the necessity of supervising them directly by state governors (Wali) in the coming period.
We must also define the committees that will supervise the elections and they must be clean and pro- NCP. It is known that the committees are comprised of administration officers, law professionals and teachers and here there is an important role for our secretariat in determining the employees from the three categories in all of Sudan. We will provide another list in May 2014 after reviewing it with the concerned security apparatus regarding the members of the three categories and their backgrounds, which some could be a cat’s claw for international monitoring or opposition parties. The goal here is to distance those rejected through different means (transfer, assigning them duties in other states, secondment, training missions etc.)
We must also mobilize supporters and increase their morale through publishing the achievements of the Salvation on a national level, while each state and municipality has to prepare its own publication as well. We should put in mind that everything can be defined by its opposite and that the media campaign (domestically and internationally), which will be directed against us, will be strong and we must arm ourselves through early skilled preparedness.
Creating committees through the settlement of members and drawing a detailed work map, and ensuring that our organizational bodies must be based on Emir (leader) for each constituency, Naqib for each neighborhood, head of 100-man team who supervises heads of 10-man teams. The most important function of this committee and the conscience coordination campaign among the important sectors and Fronts is [sic].
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Preparing action papers and national training TOT workshops (15 participants from each state) with representation from each municipality, with people carefully selected for their personal skills and their ability to convey the message, which requires they be from the important four sectors.
We were able to secure the sum of $50 million to finance our 2010 elections campaign. Preliminary estimates point to an increase in expenses and the necessity of providing no less than $70 million this time to ensure our crucial success. There must be available an appropriate budget which can meet the challenge awaiting us. It is preferable to provide specific direct aids [in kind] rather than cash so that we can employ it in the best manner.
It is widely known that the most important phase is that of renewal of registration records during the registration period of the voters. In the past, each party recorded its affiliates and during the Salvation rule, we used to take the People’s Committee records (each of these approaches has its own advantages and disadvantages). We outweigh that each party record its affiliates because it will ease the processing but the disadvantage is that those who will participate in the elections will be few.
In the coordination, we must employ each of the front entities represented by the following:
Mosque Imams Mosque committees Alms-giving committees Syndicates Professional unions Student, women and youth unions, and student associations in universities Sports clubs and sports unions Sufi groups Civil society associations (Orphans and Elders) Cooperatives The Housewives’ association Working Women Association Student Support Fund (Student Sponsorship Project) Savings Bank projects Tribal leaders and Sultans etc… Farmer’s Union, plus the shepherds and business owners ‘Khalawi’ [Qur’anic schools attached to mosques]
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Anticipations
The coordination of opposition parties in all their different versions (National Consensus, Revolutionary Front, National Front etc. ) are amassed against us with regional funding (UAE, Saudi and Egypt) and internationally (European Union, Britain and the United States).
The intense international monitoring blinded by purpose. Expected defection of some traditional party members who joined the NCP in the last period, to split the ranks and cause confusion in some regions where regionalism and ethnicity prevail. Precaution for the fraudulent attempts, which the opposition will carry out, and the provoking of security problems in the constituencies and voting centers where they have a majority, and the cessation of work for as long as possible so the voters lose patience and leave. Observing opposition party movements from now on (through a specialized committee that coordinates with NISS at state level) concerning the entire election process (boycotting or participating), and neutralizing opposition party movements through shrewdness without creating fuss over what is raised. Observing the influx of external funds (cash, transfers, in kind), restricting, and obstructing any cash or in kind contributions provided by supporters and sympathizers with the opposition; and to retain such funds whenever possible.. It is preferable to send verbal and firm warnings in advance to those willing to support the opposition through businessmen associations and indigenous institutions. Restructuring the National Election Commission in a decisive manner to our advantage using the benefits of the 2010 experience. Its new form, where a presidential decree is expected to be issued by the end of June 2014, necessitates that we present the most capable and efficient candidates (especially its administrative and executive apparatus) at the level of the General Headquarters or state offices. We must supply the suggested NEC head Dr. Mokhtar Mohamed Al-asm and the Secretary-General Dr. Galal Mohamed Ahmed with the Party vision as early as possible and in a comprehensive manner. We must intensify preparedness for leadership of the technical/security team (led by Lieutenant General Abd Allah Al-Herdlow and Lieutenant General Al-Hady Mohamed Ahmed) by assigning a number of employees from NISS and police to work within the Commission, in enough time (i.e. latest by August 2014). A careful review of the voter registration and presenting the highest number of appeals against members of the opposition parties, and guaranteeing the voter does not vote more than once. A committee will be decided upon, comprising of five lawyers full-time in each state for this purpose in November 2014.
Precautions
The prior agreement with NEC leadership on the time frame for election execution (October 2014 to open registration, January 2015 nomination requests, April 2015 voting and sorting), and opposing any effort to change that under any pretext and so adjusting and tightening our readiness according to this schedule in a decisive way.
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Creating early alliances on the national, state and neighborhood levels. Encouraging and financing a number of candidates from loyal and sympathized parties (review the attached list, appendix B page 15) to give legitimacy to the electoral process in light of the threats of boycotting by the opposition, and in the face of regional and international encouragement to strip the Salvation of its legitimacy. One must put in mind the 1986 elections where the number of parties was 29, which rose to 74 in 2010, among which were 28 parties nominated and supported President Omar Al Bashir. Today the number has risen to 77 registered parties and over 15 unregistered political movements. We must be cautious toward repeating the “Trojan Horse” strategy that the opposition have approached before in 2010 to seek a moral victory and bring down the legitimacy of elections; through participating and then withdrawing (Yaser Arman, Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, Mubarak Al-Fadel, and Mohamed Ibrahim Nugud) – they withdrew when they felt near to their loss in March 2010. We must conduct early communications with a number of overseas organizations that support us, and urge them to send representatives to monitor in our favor, and in order to weaken any signs of monitoring by the opposition organizations and factions and to completely benefit from the experience of monitoring the 2010 elections. In 2010, 18 International organizations joined by distributing 840 monitoring delegates, and 232 local organizations worked with International funding to provide 20, 278 local monitors. We expect an unprecedented increase in International monitors this time. We must prepare a media strategy of the highest caliber of coordination and follow-up (TV, Radio, Newspapers and Electronic) and the formation of a higher secret committee to head the media campaign in a harmonized manner starting mid-2014. We must continue precautionary measures with opposing foreign media bodies and increase the cooperation with the sympathizers. Deciding whether to launch a satellite channel in London or Ankara (Turkey) before long enough and providing the necessary funding to circumvent the state of polarization in Arabic media and Arabic-speaking Western media. Simultaneously we should avoid chaos in the media scene through reports that are lacking veracity and neutrality, and even inciting (Gulf, Egyptian and Western media. Issuing firm orders to suspend and dissolve all civil society organizations (national or foreign) proven to oppose the NCP in the previous period (focusing on leftist organizations and on those linked with the SPLM-N). With concentration on paralyzing the abilities of these CSOs and distracting their leaders in complete coordination with the NISS and the Humanitarian Aid Commission, at both national and state levels. This must be done before mid-2014 so that in the minds of the public it could not be linked to the elections. Early communication with Sufi groups considering them as providing guidance for citizens in their worldly and religious affairs, and communication with the heads of tribes and clans through ways that convince them. The setting up of an early committee qualified to study and determine the weights for all those willing to run, and to present the one most likely to win in his constituency. To have in mind the tribal perspective in the constituencies and accurately reading the reality of each geographic constituency.
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That the NCP has only one candidate and encouraging all other parties to have more than one candidate (firm steer) The NCP political and executive leaders must go down to the communities and regularize the membership of the Party, and link them to continuous briefings and to several meetings from now on. If we delay, they will retort, “When you need us you come to us”! Glorify teachers, administrative officers, and legal representatives before the elections by handing out their dues and what is owed to them in adequate time. We suggest the settlement of all arrears before July 2014, and to guarantee its regularity until the end of the election process. A community-level analysis of the reality of the previous 2010 elections, and remedying the weak points whilst capitalizing the strengths. Attracting key individuals of election experts, male or female, youth and students and giving them incentives that are permanent such as insurance cards or health care etc… and the formation of a specialized committee in each state before October 2014. Avoiding decisions that will mobilize the street against the Salvation, such as raising fuel prices or strategic goods or decreasing levels of service. Delivering a package of community service achievements that will directly and positively affect the citizen, and systematically managing the almsgiving and organizations so they work in that direction and take favorable economic measures for the citizens. Women are a key element in deciding this battle; therefore they need our utmost care, and to organize their ranks, choose women in the neighborhoods, enable and train them early on. Unifying Ahl al-Qibla [council of the people of the Qibla] and conducting talks early on with them and working towards not nominating strong cadres from among them as this might generate opponents and then comparison between the candidates. Computerizing the work of each committee that has a ballot box and the disabled members of society will supervise this once they receive early training. Dividing the work into three phases (Pre-elections, registration and elections). Formation of an elections committee in each state, municipality, administrative unit, and election center.
During Elections
The registration will be opened only once and then closed permanently. A single leadership, controlling expenditures and proper follow up, in addition to the availability of a permanent operational room for immediate remedying. Training disabled individuals to become elections officers, as they would be trained to control the members’ movement among those who voted and to follow up with the Heads of 100-man and 10-man teams Complete freeing up of members for registration and election days by considering these are days of collecting rewards and keeping the flame of Shari’a on. Prepare the appeals processing against non-loyalists and taking up all the cases filed against us.
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Early determination of representatives, and training them on the art of election, voting, sorting and how to deal with international monitors and with the voting center officers and other representatives. Securing the centers and ballot boxes during voting and the closing of the ballots. Employing our experience in elections and passing it to members, considering this is a playoff battle.
Epilogue
We conclude that the NCP Workers’ Secretariat has rich experience in conducting elections of syndicates, and of professional associations/unions, considering it was an original partner in previous parliamentary elections. As well as the holder of the biggest achievement in the 1986 elections of the graduates’ constituencies, which had pushed the Islamic Movement up to third place in the country at the time, as well as proving its efficiency in 2010:
It is preparing today for the elections with a credit of excellent experience and with an accomplishments record for the Salvation, which is unparalleled since Sudanese Independence. Trusting without bounds in God’s victory for us and as long as we maintain the careful planning to settle all members in their neighborhoods, so that members become living social leaders interacting with social issues and reacting to them. As long as we lead an conscience coordination campaign with the People’s Committees using all capacities and fronts for engagement, and as soon as we pump our young membership into the NCP arteries, we are confident of an impressive victory God willing. We must also observe carefully and have a high sense of security, about what is going on in the constituency, and to effectively deal with any issues; avoiding disagreements that undoubtedly lead to failure - while others will attempt to split our ranks we all must stand firm against them. NCP Workers’ Secretariat will update and revise the “Salvation Gains” booklet so it would be a moral addition to our members informing them that what the Salvation has offered was not without facing the hate of the conspirators. We state that accomplishments were achieved with our intellect, our effort, our sweat and dear blood spilled from pure bodies of ‘Al- dababin’ [jihadists] who have gone before us to Heaven, victorious for the ideal, which draws its power from God Almighty. Otherwise, the Salvation would not have withstood all this despite the stalking of the international Zionist movement and the International crusade “…someday the believers will be happy with God’s victory…” on that Day shall the Believers rejoice … With the help of Allah”.
It is God whom we have in mind and He guides the way.
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Annex A
2010 Elections Indicators
Nominations and results in 2010:
Candidate Age (2014) % of Votes Omar Hassan Al-Bashir 70 68.3 Al-Sadiq El-Sidddig Al-Mahdi 78 1 Yassir Sa’eed Arman 53 22 Abdallah Deng Nhial 60 4 Mubarak Abdallah Al-Fadel 63 0.5 Abdulaziz Khalid Osman 69 0.4 Mohamed Ibrahim Nugud Passed away, (was 79 in 2010) 0.3 Hatem Al-Sir Ali 54 2 Kamil Al-Tayeb Idrees 68 0.8 Mohamed Ahmed Giha 73 0.7 Fatima Abd Al-Mahmoud 70 0.3 Monir Sheikh Al-Deen 53 0.4
In the Presidential elections in 2000, Field Marshal Omar al-Bashir won more than 86% of the vote. In the 2010 elections, he won 6.9 million votes, by 68.3% of the vote.
The final results were as follow:
OMAR AL-BASHIR Region Total votes % of votes Northern Region (Northern State 525866 7.6 + Nile State) Khartoum 1241260 18 Eastern Region (Kassala + 1315093 19 Gadaref + Red Sea States)
Central Region (Al-Gezira + White 1910030 28 Nile + Sennar + Blue Nile)
Kordofan (North and South 743121 10.8 States)
Darfur (North + South + West) 748129 10.8
South Sudan (10 States) 354695 5 Outside Sudan 63500 0.9 Total votes 6901694 68.3%
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YASSER ERMAN Region Total votes % of votes Northern Region (Northern State 1528 0.1 + Nile State) Khartoum 17949 0.8 Eastern Region (Kassala + 10053 0.5 Gadaref + Red Sea States)
Central Region (Al-Gezira + White 94907 4.3 Nile + Sennar + Blue Nile)
Kordofan (North and South 17384 0.8 States)
Darfur (North + South + West) 35574 1.6
South Sudan (10 States) …….. 89.9 Outside Sudan …. 0.01 Total votes 2193826 22%
AL SADIQ al-MAHDI Region Total votes % of votes Northern Region (Northern State 1148 1.9 + Nile State) Khartoum 5526 5.7 Central Region (Kassala + 5276 5.5 Gadaref + Red Sea States)
Central Region (Al-Gezira + White 23023 23.8 Nile + Sennar + Blue Nile)
Kordofan (North and South 17406 18 States)
Darfur (North + South + West) 33839 35
South Sudan (10 States) 10426 10.8 Outside Sudan 224 0.24 Total votes 96868 1%
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HATEM AL-SER Region Total votes % of votes Northern Region (Northern State 32467 16.6 + Nile State) Khartoum 23958 12.2 Eastern Region (Kassala + 39159 20 Gadaref + Red Sea States)
Central Region (Al-Gezira + White 41655 21.3 Nile + Sennar + Blue Nile)
Kordofan (North and South 17455 8.9 States)
Darfur (North + South + West) 32671 16.7
South Sudan (10 States) 8303 4.2 Outside Sudan 1736 0.9 Total votes 195668 2%
MOHAMED IBRAHIM NUGUD Region Total votes % of votes Northern Region (Northern State 614 2.3 + Nile State) Khartoum 1501 5.7 Eastern Region (Kassala + 1829 6.9 Gadaref + Red Sea States)
Central Region (Al-Gezira + White 3277 12.4 Nile + Sennar + Blue Nile)
Kordofan (North and South 2492 9.4 States)
Darfur (North + South + West) 5660 21.4
South Sudan (10 States) 11005 41.6 Outside Sudan 64 2.4 Total votes 26442 0.3
By reviewing the above figures and percentages, we will find that the opposition will face a tough challenge in standing against NCP candidates. We need to focus on closing the gaps at an early stage.
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Total Votes and Percentage (by Region) Region Total votes % of votes Northern Region (Northern State 575340 5.7 + Nile State) Khartoum 1356250 13.4 Eastern Region (Kassala + 1412810 14 Gadaref + Red Sea States)
Central Region (Al-Gezira + White 2151436 21.3 Nile + Sennar + Blue Nile)
Kordofan (North and South 915040 9.1 States)
Darfur (North + South + West) 853428 8.4
South Sudan (10 States) 2572165 25.4 Outside Sudan 68143 0.67 Total votes 10114310
If we now drop the percentage of South Sudan, we will observe the importance of focusing our work to correspond to the electoral weight of the voters. The priority of the battlefield proportionate with the number of the actual votes rather than with those registered. We also note the low participation of Diaspora communities. The total who participated from outside Sudan did not exceed 70, 000 citizens. This low figure will be a primary focus in our operational plan, as it would become unbelievable if such a small number were to participate in the upcoming important and decisive elections.
Northern 6 Population
Eastern 14 39154490
Khartoum 14 Number Central 21 of those voted Register Kordofan 9 1011410,114,331010 15788154 Darfur 9
South 26
Diaspora 1 Geographical constituencies and percentages of voters in each region
In 2010 elections, the number of geographical constituencies were 207 (60%). Women representation was 112 seats (25%). Proportional representation of political parties was 68 seats (15%)
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Annex B List of Political Parties
The number of registered parties in the "Political Parties Affairs Council" are 77 parties; in accordance with the provisions of the Political Parties Act, 2007. The council is considered the sole sovereign entity entitled to register and monitor the political activity.
Loyal and Sympathizing [Parties] (green) Hostile [Opposition Parties] (red)
Federal Democratic Party Dr. Galal Yousif al-Diqeir National Congress Party Field Marshal Omar Al-Bashir Muslim Brotherhood Party Al-Hebir Yousif Nur Al-Da'yem National Reform Party Ali Hamouda Salih Nile Valley Conference Lt. General Omar Babiker Zarouq United Nile Valley Party Abdul-Hakim Mohamed Osman Sudanese National Front Organization Aboud Gabir Sa’eed National Islamic Front Suliman Hussein Osmanab United National Sudanese Party Bako Tali Ramboi Islamic Umma Party Wali Al-Deen Al-Hady Abdulrahman Al-Mahdi Liberal Democrats Party Dr. Al-Samou'al Hussein Osman Mansour Organization of the People's Congresses Mohamed Salih Al-Tayeb People's Workforce Alliance General Khalid Hassan Abbas Nationalistic Rally Ahmed Al-Tayeb Habib Allah Progress and Social Justice Party Mukhtar Ebaid Mukhtar Popular Conference Party Dr Hassan Abdullah Al-Turabi Organization of Modern Sudan Dr. Siddiq Ahmed Masaad Islamic Path Party Mohamed Ahmed Al-Qalla Revolutionary Committees Movement Mahmoud Abdeen National Justice Party Amin Banani Niew Free Sudanese National Party Morsi Abdullah Mursal Umma Party - Collective Leadership Dr. Al-Sadiq Al-Hady Al-Mahdi New Sudan Party Dr. Kamal Mohamed Osman Hassaballah Islamic Centrist Party Dr. Yousif Ali Taha Al-Koda National Liberation Party Mohamed Abdulraheem Khalifa Al-Beja Congress Party Musa Mohamed Ahmed Justice Party Mekki Ali Blayel National People's Alliance Party Osman Ali Hussein Abulmagd Sudanese Democratic Socialist Union Party Fatima Ahmed Abdul-Mahmoud Democratic Unionist Party (Original) Mohamed Osman Al-Merghani National Socialist Arab Ba'ath Party Hamed Al-Na’im Al-Ma’azoul Gabo Sudanese Ba'ath Party Mohamed Ali Gadain
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Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party Al-Tigani Moustafa Yassin Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party (Original) Ali Al-Rayah al-Sheikh Al-Sanhouri Democratic Conscience Movement Party Mohamed Yehia Salih Hussein General Union of South and North Al-Funj Al-Hady Al-Tangour Fadlallah Federal Umma Party Ahmed Babkir Nahar Sudanese Communist Party Mohamed Mukhtar Al-Khateeb National Umma Party Al-Sadiq Al-Siddig Al-Mahdi Democratic Unionist Nasserist Party Dr. Gamal Abdul-Nasser Idriss Al-Kinain New Democratic Forces Movement Party Hala Mohamed Abdulhalim Free Sudanese Lions Party Mabrouk Mubarak Saleem Sudanese Arab Socialist Nasserist Party Mustafa Ahmed Mahmoud The Truth Federal Party Fadl Al Seed Eissa Salih Organization of Sudanese Socialist May Union Fakhr Al-Din Ahmed Al-Fekky Social Democratic Congress for Eastern Sudan Party Taher Ali Hammad Sudanese National Alliance Party Amir Babkir Abdullah United Forces of Sudan Party Ahmed Ali Torain National Party Nation Abdullah Ali Masar The East Democratic Party Dr. Amna Mohamed Salih Dirar National Renaissance Party Musa Mohamed Abdullah Popular Forces Movement for Rights and Democracy Hashim Norain Mohamed Nour Party Sudanese Congress Party Ibrahim Al-Sheikh Abdul-Raheem Unified Democratic Unionist Party Galaa Ismail Al-Azhari White Brigade Party Babkir Khalifa Gali Umma Party for Reform and Development Al-Zahawi Ibrahim Malik Free Will Party Ali Magouk Al-Mo'men The New National Democratic Party Munir Sheikh Aldeen Socialist Democratic Unionist Party Siddiq Mohamed Mahgoub Democratic Unionist Party Yousif Mohamed Zein Platform of Just Peace Al-Tayeb Abdul-Rahman Mustafa Al-FunjNational Union Party Badr Al-Deen Al-Mahi Al-Sheikh Sudanese Solidarity Democratic Party Sineen Eissa Al-Tigani I'm Sudan Party Ibrahim Mohamed Musa Madibo East Party for Justice and Development Abd Al-Qadir Ibrahim Ali Party of the Mother Sudan Liberation Mohi-Al-Deen Abdullah Abduljabar Democratic Forum for East Sudan Party Amal Ibrahim Mohamed Idriss Communication Party Hamid Mohamed Ali Omar National Movement for Peace and Development Sirag Ali Hamid Party People’s Movement Party Danial Kodi Anglo National Independents Party Malik Hussein Hamed
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Centerist Rally Party Mohamed Malik Osman Union of Umma Forces Party Abdul-Mahmoud Abdul-Jabar Rahmatallah Nation Party Omran YehiaYounis Rabat National Party Salih Yehia United Umma Party Babkir Ahmed Al-Amin Degna Reform Now Movement Party Dr. Ghazi Salah Ald-Din
The Revolutionary Front and the National Consensus Forces (NCF) are both considered the core of the opposition, who exchange roles in complete coordination with regional and international powers, hostile to the Salvation.
Alliance of National Consensus Revolutionary Front Notes Forces Umma Party (Nasr el-Deen Al- Umma Party (Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi) Exchanging roles Hadi Al-Mahdi) The Communist Party is Communist Party (Mohamed Al- Siddig Yusif (Central Committee, coordinating through Khatib) Communist Party) signing the "New Dawn Charter" in Kampala JEM (the militarized arm of the Popular Congress Party (Al-Turabi) Popular Congress. Dr. Jibreel Coordination is clear Ibrahim Mohamed) SPLM-North: Constitutes the link between the opposition and dominates its leadership [Opposition]. Malik Agar Ayer is the Chairman of the SRF, Yasser Said Erman is responsible for Foreign Relations, Abdul Aziz El- Hilo is their Field Commander of the troops. Exchanging roles and The Unionist Movement The Unionist Party (Al-Tom Al- abided by the instructions (Abulhassan Farah) Sheikh Hajo) of the Egyptian Intelligence New Forces Movement (Hag) Hala Mohamed Abdulhalim Secret Coordination SLM (Minni Arko Minnawi), Dep.
Chairperson of the SRF SLM (Abdulwahid Mohamed Nour), Dep. Chairperson for Humanitarian Affairs Leadership by a member in the central committee of The Coordination with
Communist Party - Farouk Abu Egyptian Intelligence Eissa
Other small opposition groups like the Wide National Front are very weak, and have no weight or influence whatsoever.
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2015 Elections
Executive preparedness in Britain
The new changes in Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain, and the resulting closing in on the Islamic Movement activities endeared London’s position as an important station to manage the elections outside of Sudan. We believe the decision to choose London as a center for overseas work for the NCP is correct, owing to the absence of legal or political impediments that would limit its activities or affect the position of the Party’s affiliates. Especially important since our base and presence was exposed to substantial regression with the rise of the anti-Salvation campaign. All expectations point toward the rising nature of this campaign. This is in addition to the 2010 election experience, which should have been enough of an opportunity to penetrate the largest community of opposition overseas. Britain remains one of the most important centers for the opposition and a substantial media starting point.
Despite the fact that the Darfuri armed movements have a solid presence in the UK with their various denominations, the NCP managed to develop a good database for the Sudanese community. Since 2012, there has been a special committee to revise and tabulate previous election records with additions and deletions based on data gathered by the Migration and the Consulate Department at the embassy. For that purpose, a permanent committee was developed on the 15 December 2013 consisting of: Ambassador Bukhari Ghanem Effendi (Liaison person between the Embassy and the NCP Central Elections Committee in Khartoum)
Gaafar Somi Koko (Committee Rapporteur) Abdel Gadir Mohamed Osman Mekki (Database Supervisor) Mekki Awad Mohamedain (Coordination officer with NISS) Mohamed Abdel Hamid Abdel Karim (Financial Officer) Dr. Mowafak Mahdy al-Fahl (President of the NCP in the UK)
This committee will be directly supervising the development process and tabulation of the database for the Sudanese community in Britain and Ireland. From the database and its classifications, 100 members will be identified to implement this elections plan with its organizational, mobilization and media aspects. Thus, this committee will conduct its work on a permanent basis until the end of the election process.
There are no detailed statistics as to the number of Sudanese individuals [in UK and Ireland] but approximations point to their numbers exceeding 55, 000 individuals, 60% of whom carry the British nationality, 10% the Netherlands, and small number carry other European nationalities, and their presence is concentrated in:
London Brighton Oxford Reading Cardiff
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Swansea Bristol Nottingham Birmingham Manchester Liverpool Bradford Leeds Newcastle Edinburgh Glasgow Dublin Galway NCP representatives are present in each city (with a check mark above). It is important to complete the presence of representatives in the remaining cities. A budget has been prepared for that task permitting the completion of the network of representatives with the advent of the month of June 2014.
The Origins
In the framework of activating the role of the NCP, the main entry point will be social work and specifically originating from the Capital City of London, followed by the systematic application in the rest of the cities, and in particular regarding the following:
Sports activities Medical Association Sufi groups
‘Al-Hilal’ and ‘Al-Marikh’ [Football Clubs] fans had a pivotal role in the 2010 elections. Al-Hilal club was the headquarters of the launching of the President’s campaign. It was essential to build on this qualitative experience in our continued efforts to create a unique presence for our supporters in Britain. Preparations for launching this strategy practically was through establishing “The Sudanese Sports Union in Britain,” where its activities were formulated through the organization of a football tournament, the first of its kind in the history of the Sudanese community in Britain. This football tournament was the actual inauguration for the launching of the political role of the NCP, and publicizing it initially from London, and preparations are now underway to carry on the experience gradually to other cities. The success this penetration achieved led the way in neutralizing large numbers of the community and among them prominent opposition members (Ahmed Badry, Mohamed Al Fateh Al-naim, And Abdullah Sayed Ahmed Ramram, Awad Soliman, Goma Kabashy Adam for example). Through this entry point, the NCP was able to establish 10 sport teams from the capital city areas and they are:
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Om Dom Brent South London West London Al-Gireif Brighton Um-Durman Southern Forum Shepherd's Bush Regency Park
Moreover, we were able to provide a social cover by an organizing committee:
Abdel Gadir Mohamed Mekky (Head) Ameer Alam Alhoda (Financial Officer) Esmat Mostafa (Farfoor) Abdallah Mohamed Abdallah Hassan Hamed Mohamed Ahmed Essam Abu Nayeb
Through “The Sudanese Medical Association” and the efforts of Drs. Babiker Mostafa Ismail and Abu Bakr Shadad we were able to create professional and trade-union bridges between the members of the largest professional community in Britain. Assisting us in completing the community database, and overseeing the communist medical union and the political classification for its membership; the bureau composed of:
Dr. Khalifa Al-moshref Dr. Noha Kamal Ahmed Dr. Mohamed El-shafee Dr. Abdel Rahman Elias Al-amin Dr. Faisal Mehaimeed
. Through this channel, we were able to reach 820 medical doctors and coordinate their efforts in connecting with Sudan’s needs. At the same time, reducing the impact of the opponent union and a gradual weakening of the hold the Communist Party has on it. With financial backing from the NCP, Zain Communications and the Sudanese Working Abroad Organization amounting to £30, 000 we were able to provide stability for this work by focusing on the intern doctors especially those who come for postgraduate studies from the Gulf countries. We have also developed a plan to hamper the Medical Union investing in the initial disagreements within the Communist Party wings, through encouraging a number of new doctors to join it so there would be a possibility to influence in the coming elections. Now there is a permanent office for following up in Dublin, Cardiff and Newcastle, while work to install this
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association must continue with a gradual direction of its activities towards complete integration with the NCP Strategy for 2015 Elections.
The third element is the systematic briefing of the Sufi groups amongst the community (Burhaniya, Gadireya, Khatmiya, Tijaniya etc.). Sheikhs Abdel Mahmoud Hassan, Babkir Ahmed, Abdel Hady Almahasy played central roles in providing appropriate entrances into these communities. The number of members in the Capital city are no less than 15, 000 direct and indirect members. Up until now, we have not needed financing to facilitate our work in this growing milieu, which is attracting increasing numbers of the community, especially youth and women. The NCP Bureau assigned Sheikh Shehata Mohamed Abdullah to present an account and classification of all the Sufi groups known for their complete distance from opposition movements’ activities and their concentration instead on the spiritual activities.
There is a simple and slow process to aggregate the Copts in Brighton. Their numbers have exceeded 5, 000 in London and Brighton, and their lives are orderly and stable relative to the rest of the Sudanese community in general. Their activities are separate from the Egyptian Copts and they are careful to confirm they belong to Sudan. In the last few years, a large number of them were successful in renewing their Sudanese passports and registering newborns in Britain. However, in general they do not want to participate in any open activities but Father Feltaweth Farag’s visit to the UK last year helped achieve some progress. It was through this that we were able to assign Dr. Hany Fawzy to help us in pooling the doctors, and Atef Michel Guirguis and Magdi Wahba helped us in finalizing the Copts database in different cities by the end of March 2014.
Results
Between October 2012 and November 2013, these activities produced a number of results indicating the possibility of creating a stable infiltration and achieving consensus between the different categories of Sudanese communities, with their different political orientations. Re-affirmed the importance of social work as an entry point to neutralize the opposition that active with rival currents against national choices and which impede national and patriotic work. Assured the possibility of controlling social and mobilization work especially as all other political parties are working to attract the Sudanese through political debates, whereas the Sudanese community needs a social and spiritual mobilizing work to serve their interests as well as artistic, leisurely and athletic activities. Through Ramadan [football] tournaments and the support of regular religious educational sessions through pilgrimage or Hajj and Umrah groups, a substantial number from the Sudanese community from various cities has been assembled. The Sudanese community has confirmed the genuine desire of youth willing to work within this activity and to both support it and those supporting it with no reservations. Assurance came from what we saw from sports activities that started with six teams and the numbers of its players reached 120, not counting the audience, those in administration and the technical committees for the teams. In 2013, the numbers doubled where 12 teams participated in our activities and the number of players reached approximately 640 players in addition to the audience, administration and technical staff.
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The nomination of a number of youths to join on a regular basis at the youth children of expats forum. We succeeded in sending 15 young men and women last summer and they have firmly decided to work with the NCP. We agreed with the Sudanese Working Abroad Organization to send 50 of those youth for this summer. We will also participate with a number of them in the sixth conference for expats that is to be held in Khartoum by mid-August 2014. The importance of this work is that the opposition is not interested in it, in a time during which families are facing serious challenges concerning their children’s identities and their exposure to temptations and crimes (drugs, alcohol, gangs, immorality etc.). We can tutor and discover talents in sports or social work. This will feed into our work in Britain, to refine talents and keep youth away from irrational groups. That is why our target should be to distance these youths away from destructive political activities as well as the influence of the opposition. Most of them belong to refugee families and they are still suspicious toward any activity related to the Salvation. We succeeded in breaking the chain by concentrating on families that came to Britain through the Gulf countries, and we discovered that attracting them was easier than reaching those communities who came straight from Sudan.
The Goals
We achieved our first goal through neutralizing and infiltrating the opposition groups in Britain, and imposing the NCP role, from behind the scenes, as a fait accompli. The time between May to November 2013 was the first official inauguration of establishing the NCP work to enter the 2015 elections in an effective manner. We achieved our second goal through the formation of a Sudanese Sports Union to be the first body (front organization) addressing the youth without reservation nor objection of the family (parents) in the United Kingdom. This was done by cementing the relationship with the youth and stimulating them financially and morally to join the NCP. Then other channels will be opened to reach Sufi groups and their diverse circles. Re-establishing the “Family Association” company as a front for the work of the NCP, as it was registered as a non-profit company in August 2013 under the name (Sudanese Family Alliance) but it must be renamed with a more general name so we can attract larger numbers of members to it, and the new name has been chosen (Social Family Programme) and its board of directors are: o Dr. Babikir Ismail o Haider Idris Nouri o Samy Ali o Abdel Hady Abd Elhamid
The work through it will be to amass a number of members from the communities already present, without competing with them nor conflicting with their ongoing activities. It is important to focus on the same strategy by intensifying the social, leisure and service dimensions.
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The next and most important phase of goals lies in:
Targeting Sudanese third generations (age between 14 to 25 years old) of those expected to assume important positions in countries of migration, which would enable the creation of a supportive lobby for our national concerns in a country considered the most important of European countries. There may be among them a number of over achievers in scientific realms that could be of particular interest to their motherland. Creating constant activity for Sudanese youth in Britain to protect them from severe political polarization and effects of the opposition, as well as to lure them away from the pitfalls of drugs and alcohol that could be a temptation during their free time, which European youths are suffering from. As well as the lack of a social and religious climate akin to the one offered to their relatives in their motherland and other Islamic countries. Through continued activities, new cadres would be recruited and those remaining are to be neutralized. Disabling of the systematic targeting by opposition groups, especially the activities of those groups take place during the weekend, which is the same time as our alternate activities, to make it difficult for the opposition to succeed in these destructive activities. Benefiting from the size of consensus among the Sudanese community [on our activities] that confirmed [our] ability to mobilize the Sudanese positively in Britain. Hence, the ability to direct the Sudanese public opinion to support the national and nationalistic issues, therefore snatching the carpet from under the feet of the groups adverse to national work. The formation of a specialized committee for media follow up, but we face the problem of not having enough time for it because the task will need daily interaction. Dr. Khaled Elmubarak Mustafa afforded us the list of communications available in the office of the Embassy’s Media Attaché and it encompasses British and Arab media residents in Britain. Our endeavors must be condensed to win over the media personality Omar Eltayeb Ahmed to assist us in supporting our communications with the BBC. In a visit to Sudan, Dr. Omar Eltayeb Ahmed was invited to a special meeting and he agreed to cooperate on the condition that he is not in the limelight due to the sensitivity of his position. Media personality Nezar Daw al- Naaim agreed to arrange enough time to cooperate as a media expert but he asked for a fee, which will be approved following the final discussion of the media strategy with Khartoum. NISS has extended a list of the participators in the Sudanese electronic platforms (Sudaneseonline, Al-Rakoba, Sudanile, Sudan Tribune, Sudan Info, , Sudanray etc.) We agreed with the overseas media department to receive weekly briefs of the tendencies of these electronic platforms so we can benefit from it in our fieldwork.
Obstacles
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This type of activity required financial resources and incentives for a number of active youths amongst the community whom we were successful in recruiting for the task (560 youths in 10 main cities – out of 18 city with Sudanese presence). Thus, the financial resources were of primary concern to launch the preparatory 2015 election plan and hence to guarantee the activity continuity. Therefore, we expect provide the proper amount of funds to implement this plan as soon as possible but no further than mid- February in any event.
We faced some troubles regarding the arrival of a certain amount of funds from Khartoum, as the procedures concerning money transfers was the reason during last year. However, the necessary support of £50, 000 was secured to execute phase one of the establishment of this activity. This took place with support from the Sudanese Working Abroad Body and with a personal gesture from Minister Haj Magid Sowar. There were contributions from the NISS office in London (and a generous donation from Brigadier- General Mekki Awad Mohamaden), contributions collected from currency transfer offices in Sudan (thanks to brother Amir Alam Al-Hoda) and some membership paid by some teams that were established, though we could not depend on them for a continuous activity. We contacted ‘Zain Communications’ and ‘Sudani’ Companies and they promised to deliver £100, 000 in February 2014. In addition, businessmen Nader Ibrahim Alqady and Hossam Mahgoub Ali contributed through the communications by Ambassador Abdullah Hamad Al-Azrak with £10, 000 for the coming election campaign as well as promising to cover any future expenses pertaining to cultural or social activities, far from direct political activity.
The continuation of this activity rests on receiving regular financial support to continue this work which will establishment a substantial and effective national project through which control over all social activities can be exercised and which always leads to control over politics. The dangers of any failure of this activity through which we actually control the sports field and open channels with Sufi groups will give the opportunity to others to control and direct it to another direction. This danger is especially the case since our entry into establishing this activity was a hard blow to other bodies, which started thinking later on in the same direction in order to regain grounds they had lost. The importance of supporting this activity is due to it being more effective than direct political activity, which instead has the effect of providing incentives to other political entities and their activation.
General Cost
This activity needs an annual sum of approximately £150, 000 that includes holding regular events over the year, reserving halls and squares, for presents and incentives for the participants, and rewards and other items. In addition, the efforts to establish a permanent place for the Sudanese community in London will be a substantial turning point especially if we were capable of convincing the Presidency to allocate a sum from the sale of the government’s real estate in Britain. This item was discussed with Dr. Mustafa Osman Osman Ismail, and Minister Haj Maged Sowar in addition to the Assistant of the President Dr. Ibrahim Ghandour and they all expressed unparalleled enthusiasm in driving this project forward. God Willing.
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“Act! Allah will behold your actions and (so will) His messenger and the believers”
Dr. Mowafaq Mahdi Al-Fahl The National Congress Party The United Kingdom and Ireland
January 7th 2014
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