Islam, , Social Media, Divides Divides Media, Social Asia, Southeast , Keywords: division and uneasiness, Asia. Southeast across ambiguity, domains digital with engagement Muslim the marks that to this attention of special studies devote case the issue to critique, special ludic masculinities to Salafis, theologies serious to and Sufis identities, From queer divides. and sites discontent, become have ambivalence, latter the of how and realms digital Islamic of understanding mosaic our broad to a of contribute The they how Asia. highlighting by Southeast introduced are contemporary articles in developments of understanding sociopolitical our and to add religious considerably that phenomena such underexplored to or points un- contestations, introduction This complex uncertainty. of poignant locus and the affect, as unanticipated latter the understanding Asia, Southeast Islamic across media social and offline digital with with engagement by and afforded relation possibilities predicaments the close in uncover to often issue special this online, allows approach This expressions dynamics. their find they as Islamic Asia in phenomena Southeast socioreligious contemporary approaches issue special the which through – divides It discontent, media. ambivalence, – digital themes on key three the focus introduces particular a with Asia Southeast in Islam of field the in transformations latest the discusses Asia’s Realms Digital Southeast in Islamic Divides and Discontent, Ambivalence, issue special the to article introductory This Abstract: University Emory Hoesterey Bourk James AcademyAustrian of Sciences Slama Martin Asia’s IslamicDigitalRealms: An Introduction Ambivalence, Discontent,andDividesinSoutheast online worlds thathave becomesites ofreligious expression, connection, inSoutheast Asia have embracedarangeofdigital realmsand yber

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5 Corresponding author: Martin Slama, Institute for Social Anthropology, AAS, Hollandstrasse 11-13, Vienna, Austria. E: [email protected] online dating, prayer groupsassembling their owntheological education, as theybuild theirownmoralworlds, whether asactiveagents in halal sexual minorities alsodisplayakeensense ofhowtonavigatethese voices to therightsofgenderand sexualminorities,yetMuslimwomenand certainly provideaplatform forconservativecritiquesofgrowingclaims Islamic movements.Online spacessuchas YouTube sermons,forexample, Islamic livesonlineandthe debatestheycanelicitbetweenandwithin Furthermore, thearticlespayattentiontovisualrepresentations ofpious patriarchy, publicpietyandsincereconsumption. reflect thecomplexconnectionsbetweenIslamand gender, powerand digital romancenovelsandInstagrampagesofcelebrity Muslimconverts and debated;yet,theyalsogowellbeyondorthodox texts toconsiderhow movement. The articles consider Islamic texts as they are cited, circulated, Islamic preachers against an increasingly self-conscious Muslim LGBTQ tensions betweentraditionalistsandmoderniststothe culturalwarspitting the specifictheologicaloutlookoftheirrespectivemovements,from influential Islamicorganizations crossswordsonline,making the casefor saint venerationandgravevisitationasinnovation(bid’a).Similarly, saints, yettheseverydigitalrealmsarealsowhereotherssharplycriticize Muslims taketosocialmediaspeakofthemiraculousdeedsSufi by engagementwithdigitalandsocialmediaacrossSoutheast Asia. religious ground,attendingtothepossibilitiesandpredicamentsafforded Together, thesearticlescoverawiderangeofsocial,political,and around ideological,political,ororganizational differences. offers adifferent vantagepointthanapproachestoIslamstructuredsolely builds ontheoreticaldevelopmentsinthestudyofIslamandmedia trends inreligiousauthority, practice, andpolitics. This thematicemphasis how Muslimengagementwithdigitalandsocialmediareflectsbroader ambivalence, discontent, and divides – as a thematic approach to understand across a broad range of Islamic media to reflect on these latter keywords – discontent, and divides. For this special issue, we asked scholars working circulation ofIslamiconlinespheresarealsomarkedbyambivalence, and community. At thesametime,production,engagement,and yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

6 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey collective identities that are manifest in both offline space and digital and space offline both realms (Anderson2013). Emphasizing theseclose entanglements between in manifest are that identities collective constitutive for theformationandexpression ofIslamicsubjectivities and As withthepracticeofreligion itself,theusesofdigitalmediahavebecome Jones andSlama2017; andBarendregt2018). their religioususeshaving becomepartofeverydaylife(Slama2017; Asian Muslimswithnotonlysocialmediausageat large butparticularly account giventheproliferationofonlinereligiosity amongSoutheast affect, andpoignantuncertainty. And thereisindeedalottotakeinto understanding themasthelocusofcomplexcontestations, unanticipated more todiscoverthanthewidelycitedadversitiesof digitalplatformsby e.g., Nuraniyah2017),thiscollectionofarticlesdemonstrates thatthereis disputing thatthesetopicscanbepartofafruitful research agenda(see “radicalism,” or“extremism”thatalsohaunttoday’s socialmedia. Without that observersliketograspwithterms“Islamic fundamentalism,” sometimes playsignificantroles;nottomentionthespectersofphenomena spread of“fakenews”andformscyberbullyinginwhichreligiousactors discussions abouttheimplicationsofrisesocialmedia,suchas they dosobygoingbeyondtopicsthatarefrequentlyreferredtoin disturbing effects onthereligiosityofSoutheast Asian Muslims.However, They dealwithaspectsofthedigitalthathaveambiguous,dissociating,or explore Southeast Asia’s Islamicdigitalrealmsfrom particularangles. As theseopeningparagraphsindicate,thearticlesofthisspecialissue divide thusaddstootherdividesinSoutheast Asia’s Islamiclandscape. consequential forreligiouspracticeandcommunityformation. The digital the digitalduetosocioeconomicinequalityamongMuslims,whichcanbe might themselves beasourceofdiscontent regarding different access to realms. Moreover, withinbothminorityandmajoritycontexts,thelatter sensitive andperhapsevenmoredisconcertingifexpressedindigital with any accentuation of divides in the community being particularly further complicatedinconstellationswhereMuslimsconstituteaminority of theirconservativedetractors.Sucharticulationsandpracticesare or queerMuslimsturningtohumorasonewayrespondthetheologies yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

7 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey and Pramiyanti 2018). Inother words, theso-called Islamic resurgence female Muslim subjectivities,throughmediated piety(Beta2014; Baulch proselytization (Hew2018),andtheconstruction ofgender, especially of newIslamicmovements (Nisa2018),novelformsofaudiovisual 2017; HuseinandSlama 2018; seealsoHegazy2020),theemergence (re)contextualization of Islamic practices(Barendregt2012;Slama and equallyimportant,these platformsafford the(re)inventionand is oftenthecaseinSoutheast Asia (MüllerandSteiner2018).Moreover, especially iforthodoxyisdefinedandupheldbythe statebureaucracyas often hasatenserelationshipwithorthodoxyand religiousdogma, views (Varisco 2010,163). We mightalsonotethatonlinereligiosity can be reinforced orheterodoxiescan find anichefor expressing their 2018). These platformsconstituterealmswheredominant formsofIslam for Islamicauthorityarestaged(Schmidt2018; Postill andEpafras Similarly, theinternetandsocialmediaevolvedintositeswherecontests the regionbychallenginglong-establishedplayers (Hoesterey2016). preachers havingbecomeafixedinstitutioninthefieldofIslam enduring effects ontheSoutheast Asian Islamic landscapewithcelebrity Baulch 2020). Especially the rise of private television in the 1990s had a varietyofculturalandreligiousproducts(Millie2016;Hasan2017; Media havecreatednewpublicsinSoutheast Asia thatarefilledwith have played–andcontinuetoplayasalientroleintheseprocesses. Islam inSoutheast Asia isafielddrivenbytransformations,andmedia the highlydynamicdevelopmentsinregion’s Islamiclandscape. commitment andcreativityshouldnotbeignoredifoneseekstounderstand realms thatcangiverisetoprofoundanxietiesbutalsounprecedented Asia, wethereforeassert,thesediscomfortingaspectsofIslamicdigital time canfunctionastheverylocusoftheirproduction.Intoday’s Southeast for theexpressionofambivalence,discontent,anddividesatsame manifestations without the existence of digital realms that provide space issue discusses.Inotherwords,theywouldnotexistintheirrespective of theirconnectionthatcangiverisetothephenomenathisspecial the distinctionbetweenthemirrelevant,sinceitisoftenpeculiarities render to or two the conflate to mean not does spheres online and offline yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

8 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey in which Islam provided embodied sensibilities and affective attunements secular and non-liberal selves. Crucial to religious revival was the ways about religious revival,specificallythe forms ofethicalcultivation ofnon- discursive traditionand orthopraxy tooffer importantunderstandings (2005) and Charles Hirschkind (2006), built on his understanding of Asad’s studentsandinterlocutors,especiallyinthework ofSabaMahmood practice that,preciselybecause itisestablished,hasahistory”(1986,14). to instructpractitionersregardingcorrectformand purposeofagiven “discursive tradition”that“consistsessentiallyof discourses thatseek has beenespeciallyinfluencedby Asad’s formulationofIslamasa of Islam, the social scientific study of Islam (and religion more broadly) Ever since Talal Asad’s seminal 1986 essayon the idea of an anthropology Ambivalence explore howtheyinformSoutheast Asia’s Islamicdigitalrealms. the followingsectionswewillbrieflydiscussthesethreeconceptsand in multiple ways. Yet before we introduce the articles in more detail, in discontent, anddivides–towhichthearticlesofthisspecialissuerelate provided ampleroomfortheemergence andarticulationofambivalence, the rapidintroductionofmediatechnologiesthatcreatednewpublics Unsurprisingly, thisdestabilizingconstellationofgrowinginequalityand Asia’s mediascapethat,inturn,affected theregion’s Islamiclandscape. 2020). These emerging classdifferences hadramificationsinSoutheast and individesconcerningaccesstousesofthesetechnologies(Baulch societal transformationsthatalsoresultedinincreasingsocialinequality (Rudnyckyj 2015;Jones2018).Changesinmediatechnologythusmet consumption thatcomprisenotonlysecularbutalsoreligiouspractices of aMuslimmiddle class beingabletoengage in conspicuous actsof structure ofSoutheast Asian Islamicsocieties,mainlyduetotherise These developmentswereaccompaniedbyprofoundchangesintheclass and mutuallyconstitutivephenomenaofreligiositymediation. digital platforms. What weencounterhereareentangleddevelopments in Southeast Asia wenthandinwithasurge ofmediaoutletsand yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

9 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey and Dan Beekers(2018) argue, scholars would dowellto keep both complement, not replace,attentiontoethical cultivation. As David Kloos this studyof theeveryday, others argued thatsuch anapproachshould even justhumanlives)than Islamperse. As thependulumswungtowards of Islam.ForSchielke,the focus should be moreonMuslimlives (perhaps practices thatundergirded ageneral Asadian approachtotheanthropology into doubt the convenient historical genealogies of Islamic texts and incongruity, andcontradiction–refusesneatethicalcategoriescasts This attentiontotheeveryday–especiallyfocus onambivalence, solely withinIslamicdisciplinaryregimesanddiscursive traditions. refuses the totalizing logic of an Islamic studies that locates subjects at others,butoftenlivelivesthatlackboth”(2010, 3). Suchanapproach frustration andtragedy. They argue fordisciplineattimesandfreedom live arecharacterizedbycomplexity, ambiguity, reflectivity, openness, “the idealsandaspirationspeopleexpressthe everydaylivesthey as music, soccer, and romantic novels – Schielke argues compellingly that classical Islamictexts,devotionalpractices,andeliteinstitutions–such Schielke 2015).Bylookingforethicallifeinsourcesandplacesbeyond dimensions ofeverydayethicallifeinEgypt(Schielke2010;seealso in particularthewayswhichdoubtandmoralfailurearealsoimportant Jackson (2013),Schielkeaddressesthedifficulties ofleadingapiouslife, Osella 2009).MoreinlinewiththeexistentialistanthropologyofMichael the anthropology of Islam” (2010, 1; see also Marsden 2005; Soaresand the frameworkofasingletradition.Inshort,thereistoomuchIslamin the inconsistenciesandopennessofpeople’s livesthatneverfitinto to ethicalcultivationfailedacknowledgeoraddress“theambivalence, essay, SamuliSchielkeargues thatMahmoodandHirschkind’s approach formation andIslamicpublics.Inaparticularlyinsightfulinfluential to tellmorecomplicatedstoriesaboutMuslimlivesbeyondethical unanswered. A bodyofscholarshipintheanthropologyIslambegan understanding ofwhatcountsasIslamictradition,stillleftmanyquestions This focusonethicalperfection,anditsreliancearelativelynarrow that madeapiouslifepossible. yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

10 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey online–offline worldsdo notresemble theHabermasian coffee shop, religious authority andauthenticityare claimedandcontested. These with boththe everydayandthereligious, theonline–offline spaceswhere to BeekersandKloos,we understandambivalenceasdeeplyconnected digital worlds–anddivides –amongMuslimsinSoutheast Asia. Similar intersubjective, ethicalappraisals hasbecomeanimportantpartofthe As thearticlesinthisvolume suggest,muchofthisculturalwork the “real,”authenticIslam. of intersubjectiverelationshipsandethicalappraisals ofwhoembodies Moral ambivalenceisthusnotsimplyamatterofinterior affect, butalso Islamic dress,trendypietygeneratesitsownambivalence” (2010,625). of dresswiththefailuretochangeone’s behaviorinlinewithadopting and intent.Jonescogentlyargues that“connecting thecommodification regarding capitalist consumption as it relates to Islamic ethics of sincerity performance ofIslamicpietygeneratetheirownanxieties andsuspicions fashion industryinIndonesia,thematerialmanifestationandpublic materiality. As CarlaJones(2010)observeswithrespecttotheIslamic preclude attention to theimportant relationship between ambivalenceand Such an existentialist–phenomenological approach, however, does not not coherence). ethical registers)andatleastaspiretowardsacertainmoralfortitude(if Asia stillnonethelessdrawfromIslamicresources(ifonlyasoneofseveral predicaments ofpietywithoutlosingsighthowMuslimsinSoutheast authors inthisspecialissueattendtotheambivalence,ambiguity, and as partofreligiousethics,notseparatefromit(2018,14).Likewise,the reckoning, ambivalence,doubt,andtheeverydaycanalsobeunderstood dynamic andproductiveinteractionsbetweenthetwo”(2018,2).Inthis the domain of religious experience ‘proper,’ rather than examining the caution, “risksartificiallyplacingexperiencesandincoherenceoutside foundation ofsuchideals.Privilegingtheeverydayoverreligious,they specific ethicalframesoffailurecannotbeseparatedfromthereligious failures mightbepartofacomplex,everydayreligiouspractice,yetthe analytical framesinmind.People’s understandingsoftheirownmoral yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

11 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey of images hasgrown inbothquantity andspeed affording innumerable out. Yet with theincreasinguseofsocial media,themovingcharacter move circulated andtouchedpeople’s feelings. They “move around and[…] Islamic digitalrealms.Not justsincetheriseofsocialmediahaveimages This leadsustotheprominence ofthevisualingeneratingdiscontent media afford. is accompanied by a repertoire of sensuous mediation that today’s social the lattercasediscourseoftendoesnotstandaloneor speakforitselfbut personal pietyandtheonlinerepresentationofpious selves.Especiallyin only iftheycomprisetheologicaldebate but also iftheytouch on issues of social mediaplatformsarebothpronetoaffect Islamicsensibilities,not be observed(seee.g.Schäfer2018).Spokenandwritten wordsontoday’s publics ofdebate,doubt,andoffense where phenomenaofdiscontentcan latter. IslamicdigitalrealmsinSoutheast Asia haveevolvedintosuch religions comeunderattack,causingworriesanddiscontentamongthe where thefollowersofminorityfaithsorheterodoxversionsestablished the dogmasoforthodoxy. Conversely, digitalrealmscanbecomethesite rejected byothersifsuchdiscussionquestionslong-heldconvictions or is theologicaldebatethatmightbewelcomedbysomebelieversbut to thisandrevealspecificwaysthatdiscontentcanbegenerated.One them feeluneasy. Religiousdigitalrealmsarecertainlynotanexception content orengageininteractionsonlinethataredisturbingmake provoke discontentamongitsparticipants.Usersmightencountervarious Digital realmsareoftenunderstoodasthelocaleofoccurrencesthat Discontent ambivalence itselfisgenerativeofnewreligioussentimentsandpractices. that ambivalenceisnotsimplytheresultofethicalanxieties,but refusals). Taken together, thearticlesofthisspecial issuedemonstrate realms ofreligiosityandreligiousargumentation (bothitsassentsand the emphasisonambivalenceintheseessaysemphasizesaffective with itsrationaldebateamong(elite,white,European)men.Instead, us,” asPatricia Spyer andMarySteedly(2013, 8)haveaptlypointed yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

12 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey Islamic digitalrealms, theseideals oftransparent visibility canturninto relationship with thevisual(Strassler2020, 30).However, translatedinto of transparency havegainedconsiderable currencygeneratingan intricate relevant in the Southeast Asian context whereneoliberalinformed ideas act andthelatter’s interpretation asshowingoff. This isparticularly a thinlinebetweenthepractice ofIslamthroughsocialmediaasapious 2016; HuseinandSlama2018). Thus, inIslamicdigital realms,thereis as sinfulbehavior, thatistheexactopposite ofpiouspractice(Hoesterey piety –thatisstronglydiscouragedbyIslamicorthodoxy andregarded to particulartheologicalconcepts,suchasriya’–theshowingoff ofone’s the lattercase,mediatedIslamicpracticeonlinecan elicitdiscomfortdue Islamic performance,butalsothepiousactandits mediation assuch.In the actingpersonandbeholder. Discontentmayrelatetothecorrect and significations,discontentmayariseonbothends oftheplatform, becomes partofmediationsthatentailbasicallyuncontrollable circulations practices thatcanberecognizedbyothersindigital realms,andpiety nature ofone’s piety. When Islamicpracticesgohandinwithmedia to a (bigger or smaller) spectatorship, concerns canarise about the public prayers, topreach,etcetera,andsincethesepracticesoftenbecomevisible to recite can beutilizedtopracticeIslam,forexample,readtheQur’an, one isdiscontentthatarisesduetomediatedpractices.Sincesocialmedia however, onlyoneaspect;another, equallyimportant,butlessexplored Discontent due to particular and often visual content on social media is, as muchbythecirculationofimagesspreadingwords. follows from it is thus often not less an online than an offline affair elicited Islamic digitalrealms. Today, takingoffense andthediscontentthat least partly)religiouslydefined(Meyer, KruseandKorte2018),including of offensive imagesispronetoinformsocialmediapublicsthatare(at circulation” (SpyerandSteedly2013,29). This particularvisualgenre is anexampleofhowpublicsarealso“formedinrelationtoimages to geopoliticalcontestationandidentitypolitics(Flood2013),which on thepersonaland collective levels, especially if they becomesubject images oftheProphetMuhammedareprominentexamplesdiscontent possibilities fordisgruntlementtocomeabout.IntheIslamiccontext, yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

13 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey religious etiquettethat valuesemotional restraint anddiscourages direct in online exchanges also mark a departure from offline cultural and offline etiquette(Slama2017). The rancorandvitriol oftenfound through whichIslamicpreachers areapproachedbyoftenignoring class circlessocialmedia haveevolvedintothepreferredplatforms less tech-savvylower-class Muslims,whereasespeciallyinmiddle- among somegroupsofMuslims, suchasinSuficommunitiesandamong Southeast Asian Islamicdigitalrealmsthisseemstobethecaseonly instead offace-to-faceencounterscannotbeovercome. However, in is whentheuneasinessofusingaparticulartechnology forinteraction this particularpurposeofcommunicatingwithIslamic authorities,that This leadsusagaintotheoptionofforegoingsocial mediaifonlyfor witnesses ofone’s onlineinteractions. but alsodiscontentamongalarger groupof peoplewhohavebecomethe of socialmediacannotonlycausethediscomfort theaddressedperson communication. Notpayingsufficient respectinthe(semi)publicspaces relevance indigitalrealmsthatareknownfortheirmoreinformalformsof how toaddressanIslamicauthorityusingappropriatelanguageretainsits relationship inSufism(Alatas2017).Moreover, thesensitiveissueof would beareversaloftheclearhierarchythatdefinesteacher–student of aSufimurshidshouldalsofollowtheaccountshisdisciples,asthis discontent canbeprovokedbythequestionofwhether Twitter account is anacknowledgedreligiousauthority. Forexample,inSuficircles, online cangenerateconsiderableuneasiness,especiallyiftheotherperson men andwomen.Similarly, theways howoneapproachesotherpeople determine genderrelationsbyrestrictinginteractionbetweennon-related at allinonlinefora. These worriesreflectnormsandvaluesthatseekto of whetheroneshouldgetincontactandcommunicatewithotherpersons conventions. In fact, one can observe discontent concerning the question should socializeontoday’s socialmediathatareoftenrootedinoffline online aswell,beingcoupledwithparticularideasofhowMuslims When digitalrealmsbecomeIslamic,pioussocialityfindsitsexpression a majorsourceofdiscontent. yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

14 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey (Hoesterey 2018;Slama 2020). about authentic Islamisatonceaconversation aboutIndonesian Islam organizations aswellthe state-society divide,where theargument In thecaseofIndonesia, religious riftscutacrossbothmodernIslamic Tamil , thelatterofwhichmigratedaslaborersduringcolonial rule. is oftenseenatodds,and in unfaircompetitionwith,ethnicChineseand Malay andMuslimidentity (Peletz2020). The figureoftheMalayMuslim deep historiesinBritishcolonialadministrationand theconflationof nation-state (Bruckmayr2019).InMalaysia,religiopolitical divideshave minority and their histories detached from the origin story of the modern Islamic contestationoccurswithinanationalcontext whereMuslimsarea In Southeast Asia, suchdivideshavetakenmanyforms.InCambodia, religiopolitical divides(Hefner2005,10). religious authority as well as amplification and “contestivepluralization”of volume was published, social media) has led to a pluralization of voices of the pointiswelltakenthatriseofdigitalmedia(andshortlyafter would challengetheerrantviewthatIslamicmediawerebeyondstatereach, authorities” (2003,2). Whereas subsequenteventsduringthe Arab Uprising and participative, and not confined to formal institutions recognized by state that “feedsintonew senses of a public space that is discursive, performative, new mediaintheMuslimworldencouragesanawarenessofIslamicvalues which mediaoffer modelsofreligiosityandcitizenship. They argue that examine theroleofnewmediainthisprocess,particularlyways for Islam.Buildingontheseinsights,Eickelmanand Anderson (2003) institutions wasbeingpartiallyeclipsedby new voicesclaimingtospeak where thereligiousauthorityofmoreconventionalfiguresand “fragmentation” ofreligiousauthorityacrossMuslim-majoritysocieties, James Piscatori(1996)observewhattheydescribeastheincreasing In theirnow-classicbookMuslimPolitics,DaleEickelmanand Divides often shedlightonbroaderreligious,political,andideologicaldivides. confrontation. These onlinemomentsofcontestationanddiscontent yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

15 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey mostly fellinlinewith presidential candidate PrabowoSubianto. Online Ulama running mate,Ma’aruf Amin, whereas Muhammadiyahmembers supported Joko Widodo, popularlyknown as Jokowi,andhis Nahdlatul election, itbecameclearthat alarge majorityofNahdlatulUlamamembers Berkemajuan). During the run-up to the 2019 presidential Islam” () andMuhammadiyahpromoting theconceptof“Progressive Nahdlatul Ulamapromoting theideaof“Islam Archipelago” (Islam and Muhammadiyaheachheldtheirnationalcongress (muktamar),with to particular political figures. For example, in 2015 competing visionsforIndonesianIslamandrelatively distinctallegiances , recentlythesedivisionshave(atleastpartly) resurfacedwith modernist divideswerebeginningtosoftenin post-authoritarian Whereas JuliaDayHowell(2001,703)argued thattraditionalist– and consolidation. rule throughindependence,authoritarianrule,anddemocratic transition approaches tonavigatingIndonesia’s nationalpoliticsfromlatecolonial (and theologicalreasoningitself),buttheyhavealsotakendiffering have theseorganizations espouseddifferent interpretationsoftheology Muhammad, privilegingindependentreasoning(ijtihad).Notonly andtraditionoftheProphet religious educationprioritizestheQur’an religious educationemphasizesclassicalIslamicscholars,modernist traditionalistProphet Muhammadasinnovation(bid’a).Whereas visitation, beliefinsaintlyintercession,andcommemorationsofthe in 1926).Pointsofdifference includereformistcritiquesofgrave of political cleavagesmanifestinthemodernIndonesianorganizations centuries, reformistthoughthascreatedsustainedtheologicaland South, andSoutheast Asia (Bradley2015).Overthelastcoupleof and placesoflearningacrosstheMiddleEast,North Africa, Central, gone backandforthbetweenthearchipelagovariousholycities levels. Forcenturies,Southeast Asian Muslims(knownasJawi)have Asia’s religiopoliticallandscape,operateatglobal,national,andlocal more detailhereasanexampleofthecomplexdynamicsinSoutheast Religious dividesincontemporaryIndonesia,whichwediscuss (foundedin1912)andNahdlatulUlama yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

16 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey divides can also be understood as “global assemblages” of sorts that cleavages not onlyreflectvariousstrands ofIslamizationpersebut these a widerange ofplatformsdigitaland socialmedia.Religiopolitical created, shared,promoted, critiqued,refigured,andreimaginedacross various arguments, forms ofevidence,andatmospheresaffect are courtroom, congress,and presidentialpalace.Butallthemoreso, These dividesplayout in themosques,onstreets,and and secularstates. clashes betweenulamaandfolkIslamordichotomies betweenIslamists of theologicalandpoliticaldividesinIndonesiagoes beyondhistorical bars, brothels,anddiscotheques(Wilson 2015).Clearly, thelandscape (FPI) viewedthemselvesasmoralpolice,conducting raidsonvarious 2021); and,hardlinermilitantgroupssuchastheIslamic Defenders Front but tookoncausesforfemalemodestyandsharia banking(Chaplin 2008; Bruinessen2013);Salafistorganizations eschewedformalpolitics popular among theaspiring middle and upper-middle classes (Machmudi inspired prayergroups,civicorganizations, andpoliticalpartiesbecame campaigning for an Islamic state (Muhtadi 2009); Muslim Brotherhood- 2006); organizations such as tensions ineasternIndonesiaduringthelate1990sandearly2000s(Hasan Paramilitary organizations suchasLaskarJihadstokedethnoreligious to organize andparticipateinthepublicsphereelectoralpolitics. previously imprisoned or livinginexilenowhadthe political freedom vantage point,afterthefallofSuhartoin1998Islamistleaderswhowere affectionately known as Tuan Guru Bajang, or TGB. From another stage offormer governorMuhammadZainulMajdi, religion andpolitics,especiallytherecentrisetonationalpolitical in (founded in 1953) have also proved formidableplayersin and centralIndonesia,Islamicorganizations suchasNahdlatulWathan Beyond these organizations whose influence is largely confined to western term. online communities. This dividestilllingerstwoyearsintoJokowi’s final arguments weretense and many found themselves unfriended in their yber C yber O rient, Vol. ibt arr Indonesia began openly Tahrir Hizbut 15, Iss. 1, 2021

17 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey

of religiousand sociopoliticaldevelopments incontemporarySoutheast Asia. un- orunderexplored phenomenathatconsiderably addtoourunderstanding digital inIslamiccontexts newwaysbydirectingourattentiontohitherto introduce thecontributions, thisspecialissueinvitesustothinkaboutthe imply or generate. As will become apparent in the next paragraphs that briefly ambiguity, uneasiness, and division that engagements with digital realms can going onlineandbeingMuslimcanmanifestitself,again bypointingtothe And theydemonstratethevastvarietyofhowthis connectionbetween religious deeplyinformtheeverydaylivesofSoutheast Asian Muslims. discontent, anddivides. They indicate howthedigitalintandemwith of Islamicdigitalrealmsandhowtheyhavebecome sitesofambivalence, unfinished, still mosaic, broad a of understanding our to contributes article lifeworlds andpointstothefutilityofsweeping generalizations. Each religiopolitical across andconsumption production online of field vast the Southeast Asia. The impressiverangeoftopicsthatthe authorsexploreindicates tethered to larger intellectual projects about Islam, media, and public ethics in articlesinthisspecialissueareallbasedonoriginalresearch,often The The Articles instead, theyhelptocreateandsubsequentlythriveonsuchdivisions. their ownalgorithmsofcirculation,thusdonotsimplyrevealdivides; online sermonsthatsupporttheirargument. Digitalinfrastructures,with like-minded onlinealliesandrecirculatingnewsarticles,memes, Asia generallydointheirrespective(trans)nationalcontexts,seeking defend their positions within these divisions,asMuslimsinSoutheast the 2017 gubernatorial election (Fealy 2016). Many Muslims in Indonesia governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama and influence the outcome of a motleybunchof Muslims to protest the supposed blasphemy of former temporary alliances,aswiththe“defendIslam”movementthatunited also revealtheshallowandpoliticallyexpedientnatureofsomethese histories, yetoccasionalmomentsofpolitical(ifnottheological)unity Collier 2005;Peletz2020). At times,thesedivides havelong,complicated reflect multipleontologiesthatconnectthesacredandprofane(Ong yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

18 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey in Indonesia’s Islamic digital realms and can take place in this form only called piousmasculinities andtheirnonbinary othersthatcanbeobserved an important role inabroaderaffective politicsofthedivide betweenso- advocate fortheiragency asMuslims.”Inthisreckoning,humorplays slurs usedagainstthemand returningtotheirreligiouscommunities Fadhlina notes,“waria transphobic religiouslanguage. Well aware ofthesedemeaningdiscourses, social mediaplatformsbymakingwariathebuttsofjokesthatareladenin Ustad Abdul SomadandFelixSiauwpathologizeLGBTQcommunitieson (preaching; propagation),” Fadhlinaobserveshow popular preachers suchas religious discourse.Buildingonwhatsherefersto as“carpooldakwah and howgendernonconformingwariawadeinongenderedsexualized popular preachers,idealizedtypesofheteronormative Muslimmasculinity, and Preachers Islamic Between in Platforms Digital of Role The Masculinity: and “Conversations”Aiding of discourses,asdemonstratedin Amirah Fadhlina’s articleHumor, Piety, Digital andsocialmediamakepossibletheconvergence ofthemostunlikely as they enter Indonesian digital realms of a globally operating platform. and inIslamiccirclesIndonesiaparticular, thustakeonnewdynamics divides. DiscussionsaboutsaintlymarvelsthathavealonghistoryinIslam, how Muslims explore newways to articulate theirpositions within these community regardingparticulartheologicalissuesaswelldemonstrates saint veneration Alatas isfocusingonmakesvisibledividesintheMuslim of theology digital The interaction. offline during way same the in occur the opportunityforsomeintra-religiousdialogueanddebatethatdonot but alsohowtheverydigitalinfrastructureofonlinenetworksprovides shows notonlyhowtheologicalarguments extendintoonlineworlds of miracles and saintveneration(andtheirdoubters and detractors), Alatas positions, andcontestothers.Devotingspecialattentiontoonlinestories Muslims extendversionsofGod-talk,assenttocertaintheological into anIslamicdigitalrealmbyitsusers.Insuchonlineenvironment of theology. A socialmediaplatformlikeFacebookthuscanbeturned talks on Facebook makesclear, onlineworldscreatedigitalinfrastructures As IsmailFajrie Alatas’ articleDigital Theology: Saintly Marvels and God- yber C yber are alsoadoptinghumoras aresponsebyreclaiming O rient, Vol. in Indonesia. Itisconcernedwith in Waria 15, Iss. 1, 2021

19 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey Indonesia investmuch timeandenergy decidingon whichpreachers offer preachers truly embodyIslamicvirtue. Women’s Islamicstudy groupsin about whatconstitutes authenticIslam andambivalencesabout which shows howtheonlineworld ofdigitaldakwahisinformedbyanxieties Mediascapes Digital Indonesia’sIslamic in Preachers their and Groups preach. FatimahHusein’s article Yet preachers donotgowherevertheyplease;mustbeinvited to the self-assuredconservativepreacherconvincedofhis ownrighteousness. Plenty ofpopularpreachersonbothlocalandnational stagesfittheimageof this regard. into themajorsitesofthesecontestations–cannotbe ignoredanymorein Islam inIndonesiaandshowsthatIslamicdigitalrealms –havingevolved of howimportantIslamicplayersarepositioningthemselves inthefieldof the country’s traditionalistcampofIslam.Itthuscontributestothestudy also givesanaccountofhowdiscontentanddivide are negotiatedwithin intra-Islamic contestationsandtheironlinecirculationinIndonesiabut article notonlyprovidesdeepinsightsintotheemploymentofhumorin who show off their piety (riya’) and accuse others of being infidels. The out thehypocrisiesandethicalshortcomingsofthoseIndonesianMuslims religious sensibilities of humility andsincerityby humorously pointing online play, NahdlatulUlamaFunnyBrigadeadministratorsespouse and evenangersdiverseviewersinonlineencounters.”Morethanjust force of satire,particularly how itsummons,amuses, confuses, inspires, Islamic organization Nahdlatul Ulama, Hoesterey attends to “the affective Lucu ) ofthetraditionalist the riseofonline“FunnyBrigade”(Garis even try to suture varioussocial,political, and theological divides. Tracing examines hownetizensalsodeployhumortomitigateonlinevitrioland Divides Online Ulama’sIndonesian Piety,Satire,and Brigade:” “Funny divides anddiscontents,JamesBourkHoesterey’s articleNahdlatul Whereas popularpreacherscanusehumortofurtherentrenchpietistic as Fadhlina asserts, expressed through rather different types of humor. the two sides, social mediabringsthemneverthelessin“conversation,” social devaluationofLGBTQcommunitiespreventsadialoguebetween there. Whereas thedoctrinalpositionofpreachersthatrestsonagrave yber C yber O rient, Vol. eoitn Slfs: oe Prayer Women Salafism: Negotiating 15, Iss. 1, 2021

20 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey became abrandambassador forhalal beauty productsand Islamicfashion Sociality. Jonestraces thecareerofaSouthKorean converttoIslamwho Pious Indonesian in Mediation and Conversion Chic: analysis ofMualaf The worldofpopularonline cultureisalsoattheheartofCarlaJones’ in Malaysiatoday, thatis“necessarilysocial,emotive,andintimate.” of how not only gender relations but also Islamic authority is constructed digital realmsthatshemadeintoherobjectofanalysis andinformtheways governed byambivalenceanddiscontent,areconstitutive oftheIslamic that romanticloveandtheaffective registers relatedtoit,suchasfeelings dynamics thatdemandtheaffective laborofwomen. Izharuddinconcludes horizons ofreligioussensibilities,yettheyalsotendto reproducegendered of unpaidonlinelabor.” Inthisrespect,onlineworldscanopenupnew through emotionsandarange are contingentupontheactofworking that allowforthecreativeandinteractivereconstituting ofgenderrelations and reformulateoffline equivalents.Izharuddinargues that“affordances are calledtoperformvariousformsofaffective laborthatbothreproduce romance storiesarepresentedintermsofdakwahandtheirfemalereaders What Izharuddinreferstoasan“archiveofaffect,” Wattpad Muslim actively engage the Muslim love stories on the online platform Wattpad. which providesanincisiveunderstandingofhowMalaysianwomen Romance Muslim Digital the that isromanticlove,inherarticleReading Alicia Izharuddinexploresanotherrealmofambivalenceanddiscontent, and strictfollowersofSalafism. and onlinepublicswiththelatterconsistingalsoofotherSalafipreachers their audiences’ lifestylesaswellthedifferent compositionofoffline sermons thathavetonavigatethediscrepancybetweenSalafidoctrineand not onlyinformsthisrelationshipbuthasalsobecomepartofthepreachers’ latters’ preachingcontent.Moreover, herarticlerevealsthatambivalence comes totheirengagementwithSalafipreachersandthenegotiationof a repertoireofreligiousknowledgeandinspiration,especiallywhenit demonstrates, thesewomenareindeedactiveagentsinthebuildingof without insistingonstrictgenderedrestrictions. As Husein’s analysis the rightbalanceofpracticalreligiousguidanceandentertainingdelivery

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21 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey manage toreconcile discoursesthat emphasize thedangers thatlurk in the issueby the Indonesian Tablighi Jama’atleadership, andhowthey is alsofueled bythefactthatnoclearguidelines havebeenpublished on how theydealwiththeambivalence thatsurroundssocialmediause not necessarilyprevent Tablighis fromgoingonline. Kuncorodescribes are onamissionarytour. However, hisethnography revealsthatthisdoes media isgenerallydiscouraged among Tablighis, especiallywhenthey means ofmoderntechnologies.Kuncoropointsout that theuseofsocial that prioritizesface-to-faceencountersoverthemediation ofIslamby mobile formofproselytizingisbasedonaconcept ofmissionarywork their homesforparticularperiodsoftimetospreadthe wordofIslam. This emphasis onthemobilityoftheirmembers,whooblige themselvestoleave is knownasareformistproselytizationmovement thatputsparticular Social Media Uses among Tablighi Jama’at in Indonesia. in Wahyu Kuncoro’sVirtual articleAmbivalence, Piety, Rebranding:and The questionofsincerepietyanditsmediationisalso adominanttheme media) evokessuspicionaboutthesincerityofreligiouscommitment. lives onvisualdisplay(andthecirculationofimagestoday’s social by manyMuslimsasinherentlyambiguous,theworldoffashionthat At thesametime,pietyofstarunfoldsinarealmthatisperceived a piousMusliminthenon-IslamicenvironmentofSouthKoreansociety. accounts forexamplebypointingtothedifficulties ofassertingoneselfas representing theforeignandfamiliarisdisplayedonhersocialmedia conversion toIslambutalsouponherbeingKorean. This tensionbetween first instance,theallureofstar, obviously, restsnotonlyuponher the othertotroubledrelationshipbetweenfashionandpiety. Inthe how the foreigncan(atleastpartly) be appropriated inIndonesia and analysis, tworegistersofambivalenceconverge, onebeingconnectedto paying particularattentiontotheforeignnessofKoreanstar. Inher is construed here through the intersecting fields of fashion and religion, interest inIslamandpursuingapiouslifestyle.Jonesexamineshowpiety icon and role model for young Indonesian women who developed a deep social mediacelebrityaswell,cultivatingherimageanIslamicbeauty in Indonesia. As goesalmostwithoutsayingsheattainedthestatusofa yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021 Tablighi Jama’at

22 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey of Cambodian Muslims. Compared tothe considerable amountof Debates theyexplore theonlineactivities Muted and Divides Complex Scene: Media Social Muslim Cambodian the in Representations Islamic Alberto PérezPereirorepresents anexceptioninthisregard.InEmerging located inMuslimmajority contexts,thecontributionofZoltanPalland Whereas the examples in the articlesofthis special issue are generally ( process intoaSharia-compliantformoflearning to knoweachother young menandtheirparents;ontheother, theyremodelthematchmaking actively lookforapartnerprovidingthemwithroom foractionvis-à-vis ambivalent. Onthe one hand, the platforms afford young women to technologies. However, Nisapointsoutthat thisprocessismuchmore of anirrevocableindividualizationthatisaccelerated bytoday’s media finding apartnerbyoneself.Onemightunderstand thisprocessinterms especially restrictedinchoosingaspouse,thetrend clearlygoestowards were commoninIslamicSoutheast Asia, andtheagencyofwomenwas find asuitablepartner. Whereas notsolongagoparent-arrangedmarriages passage intheirlives,namely, tomarry, whichpreconditionsthatonecan have beenestablishedtoassistyoungMuslimsmasteramajorritede among youngMuslimsinthetwocountries. As Nisashows,theseplatforms in MalaysiaandIndonesiathathaveindeedgainedsomepopularity matchmaking platformsthathavebeendevelopedforanIslamicaudience Muslims . Nisainvestigatesmobiledatingapplicationsand Indonesian and Malaysian among Matchmaking of Shariatisation the and Ta’aruf, easily resolvedinthecaseofEvaNisa’s studyofOnline The issueifoneshouldornotgoonlineasapiousMuslimismore in Indonesia. the movementandtopositionitwithinmainstreamofIslamicactivism proximity toterroristgroups,whichheinterpretsasanattemptrebrand stereotypes andnegativeimagesof Tablighi Jama’atthatputthemin Moreover, Kuncoroshowsthatsome Tablighis usesocialmediatocounter that alsocomprisethedisplayoftheirpiousdeedsontheseplatforms. these newmediaforMuslimswiththeiractualsocialpractices ta’aruf) thatpartlyreintroducesgenderandgenerationalhierarchies. yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021 Dating, Halal

23 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey and socialities thatlargely remain amiddle-class affair inIndonesia. in Islamicdigital realmstoengage inparticularIslamicpractices long (ifatall)oneisableto beonlinebutalsowhetheronecanparticipate question ofbeingornot onlineisthusnotonlyaquestionofhow for theirexpression–through non-religiousandreligiouspractices. The media socialdividesamongMuslims have indeedfoundnewplatforms online socialities. The articleargues thatwiththeintroduction ofsocial unambiguous formsofexclusionlower-class MuslimsfromIslamic in approachingIslamicauthoritiesonline,whileitcan alsoleadtorather realms thatcaninvolverenegotiationsofclassboundaries anduneasiness sees suchmanifestationsofambivalencereemerging inIslamicdigital to questionsofbelongingarapidlydeveloping middle class.Slama in Indonesianconstructionsofsocialinequality, especiallywithregard builds onanthropologicalworkthatpointstotheambivalence inherent social mediaplatformshasforIslamicpracticeandsociality. Hisanalysis Islam inIndonesiaandaskswhatconsequencesunequalaccesstotoday’s Media of Class.Heappliestheconceptofdigitaldividetofield and Ambivalences Islam: Indonesian in Divides Digital Tracing media inSoutheast Asia isalsopursuedbyMartinSlamainhisarticle A hithertoratherneglectedtopicinthestudyofIslamicusessocial Islamic harmony. state anditsIslamicbureaucracythatiseagertoupholdanimageofintra- of ’s fieldofIslamandthestrongpositionCambodian divides andtheirdeemphasizingonline,whiletheypointtotheplurality and PérezPereiroexplorethisphenomenonbylookingatcomplexoffline is voicedinmutedandcamouflagedways,ifitconveyedatall.Pall and sometimes clash online, in the Cambodian social media scene critique Indonesia and Malaysia representatives of different Islamic currents meet contestation, discussionanddebatebyCambodianMuslims. Whereas in Asian Muslimmajoritysocieties,socialmediaaremuchlessusedfor territory withtheirstudy. Their articlerevealsthat,unlikeintheSoutheast of IndonesianandMalaysianMuslims,theyventureintocompletelynew literature thatwaspublishedinthe last yearson social mediapractices yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

24 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey suspected tobeundermined. Furthermore, and moregenerally speaking, remains ambiguous andcanleadtoresentment whengenderorders are regarded asacceptable, especiallybetween maleandfemaleusers, often online. The degreeof closenessbetweensocialmediausersthatis the latterbecomesarticulated inrelationships,socialities,andintimacies discontent notonly can begearedtowardsthevisual but alsothe social as and agitation. At the sametime,thearticlesofthisspecialissuesuggest, where conspicuous representations of piety can lead tosuspicion, debate, circulation ofimages,whichalsoappliestoSoutheast Asian digital realms In Islamiccontexts,discontentisoftencloselyrelated tothedisplayand one ortheotherbeholder. initial solutionbecomingasourceofdiscontent,ifnot foroneself,then this specialissuealsoteachus,asonecanevolveinto theotherwith but theveryreasonforambivalence;ortheycanbe linked, thearticlesof reversed formwithpiousonlinepracticesconstituting notanescapefrom desire for a (more) pious life. However, such dynamics can also occur in and discontentlieattheheartofone’s Islamiconlinepracticesorone’s with ortosolveproblemsinone’s privatelife,thatiswhenambiguity is especially the case when Islamic digital realms are navigated to deal of widersocialandreligiousphenomenafueledbyambivalence. This as ambivalent,especiallywhentheygoonline,orthatcanbetheresult Asian Muslims frequently find themselves in situations that they perceive region’s Islamiclandscape,itdoesnotcomeasasurprisethatSoutheast the dynamics,transformations,andcontradictionsthatcharacterize worship, ethicalframeworks,andemotionalvalences.Inlightofthis glimpses intotheintricaciesofeverydayreligiouslife–itsritual special issueattest. They demonstratehowdigitalplatformsprovide influences religiouslifeinSoutheast Asia today, asthearticlesofthis they constituteafieldofIslamicpracticeandsocialitythatconsiderably concepts canbeconnected. Taken togetherintheirvariedconstellations ambivalence, discontent,anddividesrevealsthemultiplicityofhowthese Looking atSoutheast Asia’s Islamicdigitalrealmsthroughtheprismof Concluding Remarks yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

25 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey participating inparticular online socialitiesand forumsof discussion. material divides thatcanbecomedigital throughexcludingMuslims from Southeast Asia’s Islamiclandscapefeaturing notonlyideological, butalso thus canprovideimportant insightsintothecontemporarydynamicsof Such ratherneglectedtopics inthestudyofIslamanditsdigitalrealms kit thatcanbeskillfullyapplied acrossdifferent platforms. seems toconstituteacentralweapon,strategy, and,forminorities,survival these divisions,albeitwithperhapslimitedsuccess. In thisregard,humor on thedigitalinfrastructuresofonlineworldstomend andtomitigate divides, yetthereisalsoevidenceofhowMuslimsin Southeast Asia draw debates. Moreover, digital platforms can both create and reflect offline clearly visiblemightnotalwaysbecomemanifest inloudandbitter embryonic stageorinsuppressedguises,thosedivides thatarealready us tomake:whiledivides might be traceable on social media in their leads ustoanotherobservationthatthearticlesofthis specialissueallow that havethepotentialtobecomemoresignificantinfuture. And this Islamic digitalrealms,however, canresultinearlydetectionofdivides of discontent.Payingheedtotheselesspronouncedsignsdiscontentin also reveal minor, yet not less significant fault lines and (still) low tides upheavals andideologicalfrictionsinIslamicsocieties,butthattheycan special issueindicatethattheysometimesindeedmirrorthebroadersocial a profounddivideamongSoutheast Asian Muslims. The articlesofthis to notethatnoteveryformofambivalenceanddiscontentisasign Given thesecontentiousaspectsofIslamicdigitalrealms,wewouldlike new roundsofdiscussionandcontestation. deemed ambivalent or become the sources of discontent, giving rise to and areexpressedthroughonlinepractices.Oftenitisthelatterthat articulation inIslamicdigitalrealms,ashierarchiesbecomemanifest is notonlyaquestionofdivergent viewsofthesocialworldandtheir of inequalitythatpervadetheconstructionIslamicauthority. Yet this but alsowithregardtohierarchiesbetweengenerationsandconcepts can easilybecomecontested,notonlyconcerninggenderasymmetries social mediaaresiteswhereIslamicideasofsocioreligioushierarchy yber C yber O rient, Vol. 15, Iss. 1, 2021

26 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey Asad, Talal. 1986.“TheIdeaofan Anthropology ofIslam.” Internet.” Anderson, Jon W. 2013.“OnlineandOfflineContinuities,Community Agencyonthe media. americanethnologist.org/features/collections/piety-celebrity-sociality/sufi-sociality-in-social- Jones, AmericanEthnologist A ForumonIslamandSocial MediainSoutheast Asia, editedbyMartinSlamaandCarla Alatas, IsmailFajrie.2017.“SufiSocialityinSocialMedia.”In References of thestudyMuslimsocieties. from novelangles,andtocontributeconsiderablyenrichingthepicture us to recognize newtopicsofresearchorapproachestablishedthemes ways, asthecontributionstothisspecialissueinspireusdo,willallow trajectories thatcrossonlineandoffline realmsinsometimesunexpected offline lives. Acknowledging thecomplexityandvarietyofIslamic audiovisual expressionsdeployedbyMuslimsintheireverydayonline– for theideas,theologies,formsofargumentation, affective registers,and and histories(mostoftenfromtheMiddleEast)butshouldalsoaccount must notonlyrelyonconventionalapproachestoparticularIslamictexts us thatourunderstandingsofIslamandMuslimpracticeslifeworlds ambivalence, discontent, and divides, this collection of articles reminds light oftheseintricateentanglementsthedigitalwithphenomena – expectedlyormuchlesssoinSoutheast Asian Islamiccontexts.In back againtotheambivalenceanddiscontentthatdigitalcangenerate And theseobservationsofinequalitiesandpowerasymmetriesbringus Heather Horst andDaniel Miller, 203–224.London: Berg. Barendregt, Bart. 2012.“DiverseDigital Worlds.” InDigital Anthropology, editedby Washington, D.C.:CenterforContemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University.

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28 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey Islam.’” In Hoesterey, JamesBourk.2018.“PublicDiplomacyandtheGlobalDisseminationof‘Moderate Stanford: StanfordUniversityPress. Hoesterey, JamesBourk.2016.RebrandingIslam:Piety, Prosperity, and aSelf-HelpGuru. Publics Hirschkind, Charles.2006. Propagation ofFelixSiauw.” IndonesiaandtheMalayWorld 46(134):61–79. Hew, Wai Weng. 2018.“The Art ofDakwah:SocialMedia, Visual PersuasionandtheIslamist Hegazy, Wael. 2020.“MuslimOnlinePrayerinaSocioculturalContext.”CyberOrient14(2):64–84. Hefner, 1–36.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress. Remaking MuslimPolitics:Pluralism,Contestation,Democratization Hefner, Robert W. 2005.“Introduction:ModernityandtheRemakingofMuslimPolitics.” In Amsterdam UniversityPress. Hasan, Noorhaidi.2017.PublicIslaminIndonesia:Piety, Politics,andIdentity Order Indonesia.Ithaca,NY: SouthEast Asia ProgramPublications. Hasan, Noorhaidi.2006.LaskarJihad:Islam,Militancy, andtheQuestforIdentityinPost-New 47–72. SantaFe:Schoolfor Advanced ResearchPress. ‘Cartoon Wars.’”In Jackson, MichaelD.2013. Lifeworlds: EssaysinExistential Anthropology. Chicago:University Anxieties onIndonesian SocialMedia.” Husein, Fatimah,andMartinSlama. 2018.“OnlinePietyanditsDiscontent:RevisitingIslamic Studies 60(3):701–729. Howell, JuliaDay. 2001.“SufismandtheIndonesianIslamicRevival.” 406–416. London:Routledge. . NewYork: ColumbiaUniversityPress. yber Routledge HandbookofContemporaryIndonesia Images ThatMove,editedbyPatriciaSpyerandMaryMargaret Steedly, C yber The EthicalSoundscape:CassetteSermonsandIslamicCounter- O rient, Vol. Indonesia andthe MalayWorld 46(134):80–93. 15, Iss. , editedbyRobert W. Hefner, 1, 2021 , editedbyRobert W. The Journalof Asian . Amsterdam:

29 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey Iwabuchi, 111–121. London:Rowman &Littlefield. Contemporary Culture and Mediain Asia, editedby Millie, Julian.2016.“Re-embedding Media Trajectories oftheIslamicResurgence.” In Birgit Meyer, and Anne-Marie Korte,9–16.Leiden:Brill. Offense: Religion, Art, andVisual Culture inPluralConfigurations Meyer, Birgit, ChristianeKruse,and Anne-Marie Korte.2018.“Introduction.”In Frontier. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress. Marsden, Magnus.2005.LivingIslam.MuslimReligiousExperienceinPakistan’s North-West Princeton: Princeton Mahmood, Saba.2005.PoliticsofPiety:theIslamicRevivalandFeministSubject Justice Party(PKS). Machmudi, Yon.2008. Berghahn. Failure InvigorateLivedReligion Failure inLivedIslamandChristianity.” InStrayingfrom theStraightPath:HowSensesof Kloos, David,andDanBeekers.2018.“Introduction: The ProductivePotentialofMoral 2020]. http://americanethnologist.org/features/collections/piety-celebrity-sociality/introduction. Slama andCarlaJones. American Ethnologistwebsite,November8. Accessed [September24, Celebrity, Sociality: A ForumonIslamandSocialMediainSoutheast Asia, editedbyMartin Jones, Carla,andMartinSlama.2017.“Introduction:Piety, Celebrity, Sociality.” InPiety, of ContemporaryIndonesia,editedbyRobert W. Hefner, 187–196.London: Routledge. Jones, Carla.2018.“ConsumptionandtheNewMiddleClasses.”In The RoutledgeHandbook Contemporary UrbanIndonesia.” American Ethnologist37(4):617–637. Jones, Carla.2010.“Materializingpiety:Gendered Anxieties aboutFaithfulConsumptionin of ChicagoPress. yber Canberra: ANU Press. UniversityPress. Islamising Indonesia:TheRiseofJemaahTarbiyah andtheProsperous C yber O , editedbyDaanBeekersandDavidKloos,1–19.New York: rient, Vol. 15, Iss. DanielBlack,Olivia Khoo,andKoichi 1, 2021 , editedbyChristianeKruse,

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32 Martin Slama, James Bourk Hoesterey