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ANOS 1970 E 1980 CECÍLIA AZEVEDO a Memória Dominante S

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ANOS 1970 E 1980 CECÍLIA AZEVEDO a Memória Dominante S CONTRA A CORRENTE: A AMERICA LATINA E OS EMBATES POLÍTICOS NOS EUA – ANOS 1970 e 1980 CECÍLIA AZEVEDO A memória dominante sobre a segunda metade do século XX pretende confinar nos anos 60 todo ativismo político e cultural de dissenso que, não por acaso, teriam incluído entre suas preocupações o Terceiro Mundo e a América Latina. A revolução cubana e os movimentos guerrilheiros que sonhavam transformar Nuestra America em muitos Vietnãs; a Teologia da Libertação; uma suposta relação mais harmoniosa com a natureza, sexualidade e os sentidos e, acima de tudo, a condição de alvo do imperialismo americano chamaram a atenção de intelectuais, artistas e ativistas. No final da década de 70, o senso comum aponta que a chamada “maioria silenciosa” teria imposto seu projeto, abafando os protestos das minorias sociais e políticas. Com o refluxo dos movimentos negro, pacifista, estudantil, a América Latina também teria deixado de ser objeto de interesse e envolvimento por parte de um segmento político nos EUA que poderíamos qualificar de liberal-left. Este trabalho pretende caminhar na direção contrária do senso comum acima referido, procurando estabelecer uma relação de continuidade entre as décadas de 60, 70 e 80 no que diz respeito ao envolvimento com a América Latina que, antes de diminuir, ampliou-se ao longo deste período. A campanha contra o sistemático desrespeito aos direitos humanos pelas ditaduras da América do Sul apoiadas pelos Estados Unidos na década de 70, a revolução nicaraguense e as intervenções promovidas na América Central nos anos 80 foram as questões que mais mobilizaram e orientaram o debate e as ações de intelectuais e ativistas, ganhando também repercussão significativa num círculo mais amplo da opinião pública. Os planos de intervenção de baixa e alta intensidade levados a cabo pelos EUA, foram rechaçados não apenas pelos chamados radicais de esquerda, mas igualmente por muitos liberais escandalizados com a truculência dos aliados de Washington, que não poupou religiosos, inclusive norte-americanos, na sua ação repressiva aos movimentos de oposição, principalmente em El Salvador e Guatemala. Em meados da década de 80 as pesquisas de opinião apontavam que apenas 3% da população apoiavam a política de Reagan para a América Central. Antes e mesmo durante a emergência da Maioria Moral e do fundamentalismo evangélico conservador que compôs a aliança neoliberal de Anais do XXVI Simpósio Nacional de História – ANPUH • São Paulo, julho 2011 1 Reagan, inúmeros grupos religiosos, protestantes, católicos e judeus mobilizaram-se por pautas políticas progressistas. A presença de organizações religiosas foi extremamente importante nas críticas à política externa, o que reforça a idéia de que a associação entre moral religiosa, ativismo e de critica social, de longa tradição nos EUA, desde a campanha abolicionista, se fez presente nas décadas de 60, 70 e continuou a se fazer sentir mesmo nos anos em que o discurso conservador ganhou novos espaços de poder na década de 80. A despeito de uma clara oposição entre velha e nova esquerda no inicio dos anos 60 e entre essas e os liberais, houve a possibilidade de recomposição entre diferentes correntes e grupos políticos em torno de estratégias e objetivos comuns, entre eles, e com importância considerável, a oposição à política externa para a América Latina. Além da composição – inclusive a participação efetiva de veteranos desses movimentos - e das estratégias que foram implementadas – como a desobediência civil -, é importante ressaltar também que na memória e na narrativa de vários integrantes e protagonistas de diversas organizações dos anos 80, a referência aos anos 60 e a diferentes processos do passado – como a guerra do Vietnã e Cuba – são recorrentes, consolidando uma visão do processo histórico e das relações interamericanas marcada pela continuidade. A leitura de matérias dos periódicos NACLA Report e The Nation entre os anos 60 e 80, e do San Jose Mercury News e Washington Post1 dos anos 80 nos sugerem essa percepção, além de permitir adentrar nas discussões a respeito dos processos políticos latino-americanos, das iniciativas do governo norte-americano e as dos indivíduos e organizações da sociedade civil mobilizados para protestar e resistir às políticas oficiais do governo dos EUA. Os dois primeiros periódicos foram escolhidos por reivindicarem filiação à esquerda, sendo que o NACLA Report dedica-se exclusivamente à América Latina. O San Jose Mercury News foi incluído na pesquisa por ser um jornal de uma localidade da Califórnia que abrigou grande contingente de refugiados salvadorenhos. Como um jornal local, serviu como contraponto ao Washington Post, no sentido de verificar as diferenças na cobertura dos assuntos relacionados ao ativismo político que tiveram a America Central como foco. O Washington Post também é uma fonte importante por 1 Pretendemos incluir na pesquisa o Dissent, o Christian Science Monitor e o Los Angeles Times. Anais do XXVI Simpósio Nacional de História – ANPUH • São Paulo, julho 2011 2 ecoar as reações do governo e também as manifestações conduzidas pelos ativistas no Capitólio, Casa Branca e Pentágono. Além disso, Washington, depois de Los Angeles, foi a cidade que mais atraiu refugiados da América Central nos anos 80. A NACLA – National Congress on Latin America – foi criada em 1966, em Nova York, por estudantes da New Left interessados em denunciar e inibir as ações do governo e das grandes corporações norte-americanas na América Latina. A intervenção na República Dominicana em 1965 e o aumento dos efetivos norte-americanos no Vietnã causavam grande impacto, sendo que alguns dos fundadores do NACLA eram especialmente vinculados à República Dominicana neste período. No site da organização explica-se a origem do termo “Congresso” pela aproximação com o Congress of Unrepresented People, organismo que integrava pacifistas, ativistas vinculados a lutas pelos direitos civis, sindicalistas e outros, numa alusão ao não reconhecimento das instituições nacionais e do discurso dominante sobre a identidade nacional norte-americana. Além da promoção de conferências e workshops, em 1967 a organização iniciou a publicação de um boletim um tanto rudimentar, que em 1971 se transformou numa revista impressa e ilustrada – o Nacla Report on the Americas, que afirma ser ainda hoje o mais lido periódico de língua inglesa sobre a América Latina. Muito embora os responsáveis pela revista tivessem formação acadêmica, a idéia era construir um produto que não fosse um periódico acadêmico pesado, mas também não fosse uma mera reportagem de ocasião. Para compor dossiês temáticos ou country studies, seus redatores viajavam para colher dados e estabelecer contatos com organizações, movimentos e intelectuais nos diferentes países da região, convidando-os muitas vezes a escrever na revista, que também publicava artigos ou discursos de líderes políticos e lideranças religiosas de esquerda, e depoimentos de vítimas de tortura, mantendo-se o anonimato com vistas a preservar suas vidas. A NACLA e sua revista efetivamente se transformaram numa referência para estudantes, jornalistas e interessados na região. Com freqüência seus integrantes eram chamados a participar em debates em instituições de ensino, programas de rádio e televisão, confrontando muitas vezes funcionários do Departamento de Estado e outros representantes do governo. Um dos episódios mais realçados na história da organização é a afirmação de Allende, em entrevista à imprensa depois do famoso discurso nas Anais do XXVI Simpósio Nacional de História – ANPUH • São Paulo, julho 2011 3 Nações Unidas em 1973, de que se alguém quisesse saber o que estava acontecendo no Chile, deveria ler o NACLA Report. Mas o ativismo da NACLA não se expressava apenas nas pesquisas e textos publicados na revista. Nos anos 60 e 70 foi muito importante a participação em comitês de solidariedade a presos políticos e imigrantes, como nos anos 80 o empenho na campanha de solidariedade a Nicarágua e a El Salvador, enfatizando uma vez mais a necessidade de combater a política e o discurso governamental sobre a América Latina. Fundado em 1865, The Nation é jornal mais antigo dos EUA. Seu perfil liberal- left, assumido explicitamente pela revista que se auto-nomeia “the flagship of the left”, também pode ser aferido pelos célebres nomes que abrigou e pelas causas que promoveu. O periódico foi fundado pelo abolicionista e entusiasta da Reconstrução William Lloyd Garrison. Depois de Wendell Garrison, filho de Lloyd Garrison, Norman Thomas, líder pacifista e candidato à presidência pelo Partido Socialista da América por seis vezes e precursor da American Civil Liberties Union, foi outro proeminente editor do The Nation. Quanto à America Latina, posicionou-se contra o que qualificou como "roubo" do Canal do Panamá, a anexação do Havaí e a invasão das Filipinas. Na década de 20, o jornal enviou o lendário jornalista Carleton Beals à Nicarágua, onde conseguiu entrevistar Sandino pouco antes de sua morte. O The Nation foi o primeiro jornal a denunciar a preparação de guerrilhas e a invasão da Baia dos Porcos em 61 e foi veemente na denúncia da invasão da Republica Dominicana. No plano geral das relações hemisféricas, denunciou a perversão dos princípios da OEA, a expulsão de Cuba do organismo, a Conferência de Punta del Este de 1961, cujo foco não seria o esforço de desenvolvimento da região, mas a constituição de um programa de segurança contra o comunismo que apenas beneficiaria os ditadores da região. Desde outubro de 63, portanto ainda durante governo Kennedy, em editorial, o jornal aponta a possibilidade de intervenção militar e defende a suspensão de toda ajuda militar dos EUA à região, sublinhando que a preocupação de Washington não era o bem estar da população, e sim a preservação dos investimentos americanos e a contenção ao comunismo. Em editorial em novembro de 1965, o jornal ironiza suposto choque de Washington com o recrudescimento do golpe no Brasil e assinala que desde 64 o jornal vinha apontando essa direção e que, significativamente, o Brasil se tornara favorito de Washington e enviara tropas a Santo Domingo.
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