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Analele Universităţii Din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XVIII, Nr. 1(23)/2013 3 CONTENTS STUDIES and ARTICLES NOTES and REVIEWS

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Analele Universităţii Din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XVIII, Nr. 1(23)/2013 3 CONTENTS STUDIES and ARTICLES NOTES and REVIEWS Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XVIII, Nr. 1(23)/2013 CONTENTS STUDIES AND ARTICLES PORFIRIO SANZ CAMAÑES, ANGLO-SPANISH RELATIONS IN THE NORTH SEA IN THE EARLY 17 TH CENTURY. WAR AND DIPLOMACY ..................................................................... 5 IULIAN ONCESCU, LA POLITIQUE ETRANGERE DU SECOND EMPIRE FRANÇAIS (1852-1870) ................................................................................................................................ 23 RAMONA STANCIU, OUT OF TARGOVISTE TOWN CULTURAL REBIRTH: “PROGRESUL” CULTURAL SOCIETY (1876) ........................................................................ 35 SORIN LIVIU DAMEAN, THE ROYAL FAMILY OF ROMANIA AND THE NATIONAL REUNIFICATION WAR ............................................................................................................. 43 CONSTANŢIU DINULESCU, THE PARTICIPATION OF RADU R. ROSETTI AT THE NATIONAL REUNIFICATION WAR .......................................................................................... 51 ALEXANDRU OȘCA, AMERICAN MEDIA AND OFFICIAL POSITION ON ROMANIA. THE CASE OF THE CAPTAIN VASILE STOICA. 1917-1919 ........................................................... 63 CORNEL MĂRCULESCU, GENERAL TOMA DUMITRESCU (1877-1936) – A DIPLOMAT OF EUROPEAN RENOWN ........................................................................................................ 69 ALIN-SORIN MITRICĂ, THE DISMISSAL OF NICOLAE TITULESCU – A PREDICTABLE ACT WITH PREDICTABLE FOLLOWINGS .............................................................................. 83 UTE MICHAILOWITSCH, DER INTERNATIONALE FRAUENTAG IN DER SOZIALISTISCHEN FRAUENZEITSCHRIFT „FEMEIA” (1948-1989) ................................... 91 MARIAN-ALIN DUDOI, BUCHAREST AND THE IV TH WORLD FESTIVAL OF YOUTH AND STUDENTS (1953) IN WESTERN PRESS COMMENTARIES ................................................. 101 HADRIAN GORUN, CONSTANTIN COCOŞILĂ, LES JOURNAUX COMMUNISTES «SCÎNTEIA» ET «ROMÂNIA LIBERĂ» SUR LA MANIFESTATION DU 23 AOÛT 1984. COURTE ANALYSE SÉMANTIQUE ........................................................................................ 109 BRICE POREAU, LES SITES MEMORIELS PEUVENT-ILS ETRE PERENNES AU RWANDA? .......................................................................................................................... 117 DUMITRU-VALENTIN PĂTRAŞCU, 100 YEARS OF ALBANIAN INDEPENDENCE ....... 129 ARIADNA ANAMARIA PETRI, THE ISRAEL – TURKEY – PALESTINE TRIO – WHERE TO? TURKEY IS MAKING A POINT: THEY ARE FIT AND WILLING TO MEDIATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................................... 147 NOTES AND REVIEWS PORFIRIO SANZ CAMAÑES (ed.), TIEMPO DE CAMBIOS. GUERRA, DIPLOMACIA Y POLÍTICA INTERNACIONAL DE LA MONARQUÍA HISPÁNICA (1648-1700) , Madrid, Actas Editorial, 2012, 511 p. (Constanțiu Dinulescu) ........................................................................ 157 DINICĂ CIOBOTEA, AURELIA FLORESCU, BISERICA SF. GHEORGHE NOU DIN CRAIOVA – CTITORIA STOENEŞTILOR (L’ÉGLISE SAINT GEORGE NOUVEAU DE 3 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XVIII, Nr. 1(23)/2013 CRAIOVA – LA FONDATION DE STOENESCU), Craiova, Editura de Sud, 2011, 132 p., 10 Planşe, 42 p. Anexe (Ileana Cioarec) ........................................................................................ 158 MIHAELA DAMEAN, PERSONALITATEA OMULUI POLITIC DIMITRIE A. STURDZA (THE PERSONALITY OF THE POLITICIAN DIMITRIE A. STURDZA) , Târgovişte, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2012, 244 p. (Iulian Oncescu). .................................................................... 159 MARIUS SILVEŞAN, BISERICILE CREȘTINE BAPTISTE DIN ROMÂNIA ÎNTRE PERSECUȚIE, ACOMODARE ȘI REZISTENȚĂ (1948-1965) [THE BAPTISTE CHRISTIAN CHURCHES FROM ROMANIA AMONG PERSECUTION, ACCOMMODATION AND RESISTANCE (1948-1965)] , Târgovişte, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2012, 410 p. (Bogdan Emanuel Răduț) ........................................................................................................................ 160 4 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XVIII, Nr. 1(23)/2013 STUDIES AND ARTICLES ANGLO-SPANISH RELATIONS IN THE NORTH SEA IN THE EARLY 17 TH CENTURY. WAR AND DIPLOMACY Porfirio Sanz Camañes* Abstract Anglo-Spanish relations, deeply shaken during the governments of Philip II of Spain and Queen Elizabeth I of England, found new ways to understanding from their irreconcilable positions in the generational takeover in the courts of both countries. The foreign policy deployed by Philip II, based on the defense of catholicism and the preservation of an extraordinary territorial heritage, had left important military fronts open on the turbulent European scene. Spain’s largest-scale military intervention in Flanders and the defense of its rights to the throne in Portugal, whose kingdom was annexed to the Spanish monarchy in 1580, ended up arousing London’s fears before the appearance of a new empire whose dimensions in geography, politics and economics in fact supposed, according to some protestant chronicles of the era, a threat to peace and stability in the world. Peace with England, signed in London in 1604 and ratified in Valladolid the following year, serves to redefine an important period in English-Spanish relations and opened a new Era. Key words : Diplomacy , War , North Sea , Spain , England , The treaty of London , XVII CentUry The peace treaties of Vervins, London and the truce of Antwerp, those which determined the period of Pax Hispanica established in the course of a decade, marked the pulse in the international relations which began to take shape. The Spanish monarchy, thanks to its skillful maneuvers and its network of diplomats, had managed to make all of those agreements profitable. We should perhaps not interpret these years as simply those of a monarchy financially exhausted and politically conformist that accepts playing a secondary role in a Europe involved in permanent changes. As it can be demonstrated by analyzing the years running from 1620 to 1650, the years of truce and peace made it possible to reorganize finances and recover the war impetus lost following so many years of conflicts. 1 Philip IV’s monarchy would * Professor in Modern History of the University of Castilla-La Mancha, Facultad de Letras, Avda. Camilo José Cela, s/n – 13.071 – Ciudad Real, Spain, e-mail: [email protected] 1 See, P. Sanz Camañes: “La diplomacia beligerante. Felipe IV y el tratado anglo-español de 1630”, CUadernos de Historia de España , nº LXXXIII. Facultad de Letras. Buenos Aires, 2009. pp. 225-245; and “Conveniencia política y pragmatismo religioso en las relaciones entre Felipe 5 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XVIII, Nr. 1(23)/2013 once again situate a numerous plurinational Spanish army at the battlefronts with the aim of recovering lost positions and prestige on the international scene. In the early 17 th century, when attempts were being made between both countries to achieve an agreement which would enable peace to be reached, the expression “Peace With England and War With the Whole World” ,1 made its way around the gossip corners of the court in London, satisfying the English clientele with the aim of forgetting four decades of falling-out between both countries. First, it was necessary to bury the past which could be summarized in the certainly unfavorable acceptation towards Spain: “Spain rather pain” . The comment, uttered by sir Thomas Chaloner, the English ambassador to Spain in the first years of the 1560s, clearly reflected the trouble encountered by the diplomat in his work in Spain. His long experience acquired in the embassies in France, Scotland, Flanders and Germany was not enough to attend to one of the most important courts in Europe and delve into the ins and outs of Spanish politics. As pointed out by Chaloner, whose suspicions in the religious sphere had kept him isolated from the circles of power in the Madrid court, the progressive introduction of anglicanism in England and the development of the rebellion in the Netherlands beginning in the mid-1560s started to make English-Spanish relations grow tense. The apparent game of balance kept up until then in the North Sea offered serious symptoms of instability. England, seeking new allies which it would not take long to find among countries or provinces whose proximity to Spain had become complicated: France, the Netherlands and the Ottoman Empire. The statements by English ambassador Chaloner, the third to tread Spanish soil in the decade from 1559 to 1569, were the best proof of said instability. 2 The mutual distrust and the network of informers or spies deployed in each country in the years of the Counter Reformation darkened the political climate experienced following the England of Mary I. Rumors about overthrows, conspiracies and plots began to become a part of the vocabulary used between both courts, especially when there were sufficient reasons for the fulfillment of said predictions. The suspicious plots to dethrone Elizabeth I and Spain’s support of the Irish catholics were arguments used by London in facing up to England’s secret collaboration in the Netherlands, which led to IV y Cromwell”, in P. Sanz (ed.), Tiempo de Cambios. GUerra, diplomacia y Política internacional de la MonarqUía Hispánica (1648-1700). Ed. Actas, Madrid, 2012, pp. 311-340. 1 CH. Carter, The Secret Diplomacy of the HabsbUrgs, 1598-1625 (London and New York, 1964), p. 45. 2 J. Retamal, Diplomacia
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