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La Collaboration Dans La Production De L'ecrit Medieval MATERIAUX POUR L'HISTOIRE publies par l'Ecole des chartes ---------------------4--------------------- LA COLLABORATION DANS LA PRODUCTION DE L'ECRIT MEDIEVAL Actes du XlIIe colloque du Comite international de paleographie latine (Weingarten, 22-25 septembre 2000) reunis par HERRAD SPILLING PARIS ECOLE DES CHARTES 2003 c) l I/( C) Lt SIMULTANEOUS COPYING OF CLASSICAL TEXTS 800-1100: TECHNIQUES AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES BENJAMIN VICTOR We all know about the stemma codicum, the family-tree of manuscript sources used to trace their history and weigh their evidence. Editors of texts are agreed that the stem- ma is often useful, but that its usefulness knows limits; it is on the nature and extent of the limits that disagreement starts. I should like to consider a neglected aspect of the problem, namely a certain technique used by preference to copy poetical texts in the earlier Middle Ages. It is a fact of life among philologists that stemmata can be drawn for some authors, for others not. Indeed, it is such a fact of life that we have scarcely paused to think about it. Why do the manuscripts of one writer align themselves in a tidy genealogy, every one of them known to be cousin or brother to some other, whereas those of a different writer remain foundling children, their parentage only to be guessed at ? Our first thoughts are apt to run like this: «It's all to do with popularity: the more manuscripts of a text were out and about, the more chance to correct them and contaminate them. That means that the rare authors, like Lucretius, can be put into stemmata; the common ones, like Virgil, cannot ». Such an answer would be most incomplete. It does not explain why the chief manuscripts of Sallust admit readily of a stemma, while those of Statius, less numerous, resist. Now certain traditions are notoriously difficult to sort, but it turns out that patterns of relation can be seen even in them, though only by fits. Alfred E. Hausman remarked of Lucan : « The manuscripts group themselves not in families but in factions; their dissi- dences and agreements are temporary and transient, like the splits and coalitions of po- litical party» 1. Similar complaints are made of Virgil in the Middle Ages and of Juve- * The research presented here has been supported by a general grant of the Social Sciences and Hu- manities Research Council of Canada, administered by the Universire de Montreal. My thanks to the fol- lowing for answering queries, offering comments or providing other assistance: Franca Arduini and I. G. Rao (Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence), Robert Babcock (Yale University Library, New Haven), A. T. Bouwman (Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden), Veronika von Büren (IRHT, Paris), Renaud Gagne (Harvard University, Cambridge), Peter Gumbert (Leiden), Lise Otis (MeGill University, Montreal). 1. M. Annaei Lucani Belli civilis libri decem, Oxford, 1926, p. vii. LA COLLABORATION DANS LA PRODUCTION DE L'ECRIT MEDIEVAL, actes du xlIr colloque du Comite international de pateographie latine (Weingarten, 22-25 septembre 2000), reunis par Herrad Spilling, Paris, 2003 tMateriaux pour l'histoire publies par I'Ecole des chartes, 4). 348 BENJAMIN VICTOR nat2. Textual variants in the latter have been carefully tabulated so as to plot the chang- ing patterns of agreement among manuscripts; the shifts are numerous and sometimes radicat3. The tradition of Terence is perhaps most instructive of all. There mistakes in the division of verses remained and compounded each other right through the Middle Ages, for the versification of Roman comedy was not understood until modem times; by analysing such colometric errors it is possible to see through layers of contamination toward a detailed stemma. Nine Terence manuscripts of the ninth and tenth centuries have been studied in that way: at least one of them is seen to change affiliation every 255 lines on average". Such a state of affairs must be due to copying in teams, from multiple exemplars. To get to the bottom of it we must consider all the ways, in princi- ple four, to produce a book by team. I. - THE RELAY One scribe writes, then stops .. another continues. The models may be single or mul- tiple. In (I), each scribe writes until he is judged to have done enough or until he is needed for some other task; another then takes over. Though such a practice allows chores to be divided equitably, it saves no time. It will be at work in those books, which we have all seen, where the hands change in mid-page; it is also a possibility where hands change at the beginning of a structural unit. That sometimes the new scribe wrote from a different model is possible, though there was no advantage to doing S05. Now it may well happen that a copy must be produced quickly, as for instance when one foundation supplies books to another. In that case, other techniques were available. 2. For example, Leighton D. Reynolds in Texts and Transmission. A survey of the Latin classics, Ox- ford, 1983, p. 436 and Richard Tarrant, ibid., p. 201. 3. John G. Griffith, « A taxonomic study of the manuscript tradition of Juvenal », in Museum Helveti- cum, vol. 25 (1968), pp. 101-138. 4. Benjamin Victor (with Bruno Quesnel), « The colometric evidence for the history of the Terence- text in the early Middle Ages », in Revue d'Histoire des Textes, vol. 29 (1999), pp. 139-166; note also earlier work along the same lines by John N. Grant (« Contamination in the mixed manuscripts of Te- rence: a partial solution? », in Transactions of the American Philological Association, vol. 105 [1975], pp. 123-153). 5. This may have happened in Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 877, containing among other texts the verse of Sedulius copied by five scribes. In scribe D's portion (pp. 201 to 203), from Ill. 89 of Cannen paschale to the end (with the verses «A solis ortu ... »), it stands noticeably closer to manuscripts Land Z than in the preceding sections (or was a different model used for the end of the text because the principal model had lost leaves there ?). Note also Cittä del Vaticano, BibI. Apost. Vat., Reg. lat. 1703 (MS. R of Horace) : it has been argued that the two scribes who wrote fol. 125v line 7 - fol. 143 of this manuscript (= Sat. 11. 1.l6-end) followed a slightly different model from that of the preceding sections: Friedrich Klingner, Q. Horatius Flaccus. Opera, Leipzig, 1939, pp. XIII-XIV. SIMULTANEOUS COPYING OF CLASSICAL TEXTS 349 11. - THE SYSTEM OF THE VATICAN LIVY There is only one model. It is unbound and the quires distributed among the scribes. Once complete, their work is assembled into a volume. System (IT),like (D, puts several scribes to work, but now they write at the same time. They must take care, however, to return with one quire for each quire of their model. The method has been well studied by codicologists, thanks to cases where both copy and original survive", The best known book created by it is the Vatican Livy to which reference has been made: Cittä del Vaticano, BibI. Apost. Vat., Reg. lat. 762, copied about 800 by a large team of scribes at Tours; the model, an ancient uncial co- dex, is kept in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France as lat. 5730. The method carried serious disadvantages: not only the difficulty of reproducing eight leaves on no more and no less than eight leaves, but also the bother of undoing, then re-doing, a binding. Two further techniques, without these drawbacks, could be brought to bear. Ill. - DIVISION BY BOOK OR WORK Copying is done simultaneously from multiple models .. labour is divided according to the natural units of the corpus. Corpora of different works were no doubt so copied from time to time. However, the result is so hard to distinguish from a recueil assembled after the fact that clear instances are hard come b/. One such is Bruxelles, Bibliotheque Royale, 5337-5338 : earlyelev- enth century, of Gembloux provenance and (most certainly) origin, belonging among the distinctive products of Olbert's abbacy. Hand A has written Statius' Thebaid, ending it on the last page of a binion (fol. 146v), and also the first page of the Achilleid (fol. 147) ; B has copied the remainder of the Achilleid. The text of the Thebaid is note- worthy for occasional agreements with the codex Puteanus (Paris, BibI. Nat. de France, lat. 8051), which carries a rare and valuable strain of the tradition; these continue to the end of the Thebaid8 but cease in the Achilleid, though the Puteaneus there retains its 6. Best by Jean Vezin, «La repartition du travail dans les 'scriptoria' carolingiens », in Journal des savants, 1973, pp. 212-227. 7. For example, it would be tempting to adduce Firenze, BibI. Medicea Laurenziana, San Marco 257, a collection of philosophical works by Cicero apparently copied at Corbie in the mid-ninth century. The first six quires of the text proper (foIs. 1-50), containing De natura deorum and De divinatione, are the work of one scribe, the following quires (foIs. 51-90, Timaeus, De fato, Topica, Paradoxa stoicorum, Lucullus, De legibus) of another. Both models, as it happens, still exist today: Leiden, Universiteitsbiblio- theek, Voss. lat. F. 84 and ibid. Voss. Iat. F. 86. The first scribe of the San Marco manuscript copied Voss.lat. F. 86, the second Voss. lat. F. 84 (recognized ever since Paul Schwenke, «Apparatus criticus ad Ciceronis libros De natura deorum », in Classical Review, vol. 4 (1890), pp. 347-355, with continua- tions ; see esp. p. 349). The identical page-layout of the two parts would seem to indicate that a single volume was planned.
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