Iran's Evolving Way Of
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Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs
CARNEGIE COUNCIL ANNUAL REPORT 2015 Studiojumpee / Shutterstock .com TABLE OF CONTENTS Page 1 Page 12 Page 24 Mission and Purpose Education Section Carnegie New Leaders Page 2 Page 14 Page 25 Letter from Stephen D. Calendar of Events, Podcasts, Global Ethics Fellows Hibbard, Vice Chairman of the and Interviews Board of Trustees Page 26 Page 20 Ethics Fellows for the Future Page 4 Financial Summary Letter to 2114 from Joel H. Page 28 Rosenthal, Carnegie Council Page 21 Officers, Trustees, and President A Special Thank You to our Committees Supporters Page 6 Page 29 Highlights Page 22 Staff List 2014 –2015 Contributors TEXT EDITOR: MADELEINE LYNN DESIGN: DENNIS DOYLE PHOTOGRAPHY: GUSTA JOHNSON PRODUCTION: DEBORAH CARROLL MISSION AND PURPOSE Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs works to foster a global conversation on ethics, faith, and politics that bridges cultures, ethnicities, and religions. Broadcasting across a spectrum of media channels, Carnegie Council brings this conversation directly to the people through their smartphones, tablets, laptops, televisions, and earbuds. WE CONVENE: The world’s leading thinkers in conversations about global issues WE COMMUNICATE: The best ideas in ethics to a global audience. WE CONNECT: Different communities through exploring shared values. Carnegie Council: Making Ethics Matter 1 LETTER FROM STEPHEN D. HIBBARD, VICE CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES Dear Friends, This past year, with the glow of the wonderful two-year celebration of the 100th Anniversary of its founding still lingering, the Carnegie Council energetically began its second century of work. The Council’s longevity is remarkable in itself since institutions, like nations, rise and fall. -
The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: a Graphic Analysis
Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: A Graphic Analysis Anthony H. Cordesman and Abdullah Toukan With the Assistance of Max Molot Working Paper: Please send comments to [email protected] REVISED December 9, 2019 Photo: ARASH KHAMOUSHI/AFP/ Getty Images Introduction 2 The military balance in the Gulf region has become steadily more complex with time. Conventional forces have been been reshaped by massive arms transfers, and changes in major weapons, technology, and virtually every aspect of joint warfare, command and control, sensors, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems. Missile warfare is changing radically as diverse mixes of ballistic and cruise missiles, UAVs and UCAVs, and missiles are deployed. Precision-guided, conventionally armed missiles are becoming a key aspect of regional forces, and so are missile defenses. The threat of nuclear pro0liferation remains, and at least one state – Iran - is a declared chemical weapons power while the Assad regime in Syria has made repeated use of chemical weapons At the same time, asymmetric forces, “proxy” forces, and various forms of military advisory and support missions are playing a growing role in local conflicts and gray area operations. So are local militia and security forces – often divided within a given Gulf state by sect and ethnicity. Terrorist and extremist forces continue pose serious threats, as do political tensions and upheavals, and the weaknesses and failures of some regional governments to meet the needs of their people. The most serious sources of Gulf conflicts are now the tensions between Iran and the Arab Gulf states, and the role played by terrorists and extremists, but civil war and insurgencies remain an additional threat - as does the links between Iran, Syria, and the Hezbollah. -
The Evolution of Russian, Syrian, and Iranian Actions Against the Jihadist Movements and Turkish-U.S
ISPSW Strategy Series: Focus on Defense and International Security Issue The Evolution of Russian, Syrian, and Iranian Actions Against the No. 394 Jihadist Movements and Turkish-U.S. Responses Jan 2016 Yossef Bodansky The Evolution of Russian, Syrian, and Iranian Actions Against the Jihadist Movements and Turkish-U.S. Responses Yossef Bodansky January 2016 Abstract Almost three months into the Russian military intervention in Syria and Iraq - a clear strategy has emerged. Russia is spearheading a regional allied effort to consolidate tangible gains - to stabilize the lines before Winter freezes the fighting. When fighting resume in early Spring 2016, the Jihadist forces will no longer be able to threaten the Fertile Crescent of Minorities and the buffer areas surrounding Shiite Iraq. Emboldened, better equipped and retrained - the forces allied with Russia will then be able to go on the strategic offensive under a unified master-plan. In mid-October, the Kremlin clarified that the Russian strategic-political objectives in Syria are to stabilize and consolidate the Assad administration as the key to defeating the Jihadist forces, as well as to compel the US-led West to accept and acknowledge this reality. For the Kremlin, all anti-Assad forces are terrorists. In mid-November, Putin returned to Moscow from the G-20 summit convinced that any attempt to deal with Obama was an exercise in futility and that a major face-off, even crisis, over Syria was only a question of time. Hence, the Kremlin resolved to seize the strategic initiative. Thus, the Russian military intervention has already had a profound impact on the region’s strategic-political posture. -
1.Dergi Ingilizce.Pdf
2016/1 DENGE JOURNAL Journal owner Thinking platform for international Iranian Turks Editor Prof. Dr. Haydar Çakmak Associate Editor Assoc. Prof. Dr. ġennur ġenel Prof. Dr. Yonca Anzerlioğlu Editorial Board Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nail Alkan Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bilal Karabulut Assoc. Prof. Dr. KürĢat Turan Assis. Prof.Dr. Fatma Güngör Akkan Dr. Hatem Cabbarlı Peer – Review Board Prof. Dr. Haydar Çakmak Prof. Dr. Çınar Özen Prof. Dr. Yonca Anzerlioğlu Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin Erol Prof. Dr. Süleyman Erkan This is a trianval peer-reviewed academic journal. Address 1669.Cad.No:16 Filiz Site-Beytepe Ankara E-mail: [email protected] (Journal Free) I II PREFACE Publishing a new journal is demanding effort and time; because, it is not also demanding, but also it is hard to find articles in quality continuously. Higher Education Institution gives more grades to the articles published in foreign languages. Those who make academic career have to publish books and articles. It results in increase in scientific writings which is expected and needed. Developed countries encourage their citizens to write scientific writings in their own languages. They create opportunities, provide basis, and encourage reaching scientific writings more in quantity and in quality. Quantity of scientific publications is closely related to the scientific life and development levels of those countries. In this respect, Western academicians are more fortunate, because they have been encouraged publishing in their own languages. Turkey must also have to encourage academicians publishing in their own languages. The country wins; correspondingly, academic journals do not have difficulties to find academic articles. In addition to this, it will lead Turkish language to become a science language. -
Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2017, Volume 5, Issue 3, Pages 130–145 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v5i3.1015 Article Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine Douglas Irvin-Erickson The School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Arlington, VA 22201, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 2 May 2017 | Accepted: 14 August 2017 | Published: 29 September 2017 Abstract This paper presents the concept of “genocide discourses”, defined as a type of strategic narrative that shapes the way individuals and groups position themselves and others and act, playing a critical role in the production of violence and efforts to reduce it. Genocide discourses tend to present genocide as fundamentally a-political, and hold that genocidal systems are dislodged only when they are swept away through external violence. Secondly, genocide discourses are built on an assumption that the victims of genocide are necessarily moral innocents, not parties in conflict. These two factors make genocide discourses highly effective in conferring moral capital upon certain actors in a conflict. The two principles converge to produce strategic narratives that direct political and military actions in certain ways in the context of con- tentious conflicts and political violence, motivating humanitarian responses in defense of certain groups, or sustaining popular support for foreign wars. The paper illustrates the argument by examining two case studies between 2014 and 2017: the debates in the United States over Islamic State genocides, and the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. Keywords genocide; Iraq; Islamic State; Russia; strategic narratives; Ukraine Issue This article is part of the issue “Narratives of Global Order”, edited by Matthew Levinger (George Washington University, USA) and Laura Roselle (Elon University, USA). -
“The Gulf and Iran's Capability for Asymmetric Warfare” (.Pdf)
Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy The Gulf and Iran’s Capability for Asymmetric Warfare Anthony H. Cordesman Burke Chair in Strategy Working Paper: Please send comments to [email protected] January 10, 2020 Photo: ARASH KHAMOUSHI/AFP/ Getty Images Introduction 2 Much of the reporting on the clashes between Iran and the United States that began in late December 2019, that led to the strikes that killed the commander the Iran’s Quds force, Qasem Soleimani, and led to Iranian missile strikes on U.S. bases in Iran, have focused on the Quds force and treated it as the dominant element of Iraq’s military forces and Iran’s asymmetric capabilities. The Quds force is only part of a much broader and steadily growing mix of Iranian asymmetric warfare capabilities. Its role must be kept in careful perspective in evaluating the threat of any major escalation in the tensions and military exchanges between Iran and the United States and the risk of a major war in the Gulf. Furthermore, much of the recent news reporting on Iran has misstated the nature of Iran’s forces and capabilities. It is critical to assess Iran’s actual military capabilities, and the developments in its approach to asymmetric warfare, as accurately as is possible at the unclassified level and put them in the broader context of the capabilities that the U.S. and its Arab strategic partners can bring to bear in deterring and defending against Iran. This analysis focuses on both Iran’s overall capabilities for asymmetric warfare and the overall military balance in the Gulf – including U.S. -
Strategic Narratives and Alliances: the Cases of Intervention in Libya (2011) and Economic Sanctions Against Russia (2014) Laura Roselle 99–110
Politics and Governance Open Access Journal | ISSN: 2183-2463 Volume 5, Issue 3 (2017) NarrativesNarratives ofof GlobalGlobal OrderOrder Editors Matthew Levinger and Laura Roselle Politics and Governance, 2017, Volume 5, Issue 3 Narratives of Global Order Published by Cogitatio Press Rua Fialho de Almeida 14, 2º Esq., 1070-129 Lisbon Portugal Academic Editors Matthew Levinger, George Washington University, USA Laura Roselle, Elon University, USA Editors-in-Chief Amelia Hadfield, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK Andrej J. Zwitter, University of Groningen, The Netherlands Available online at: www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance This issue is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY). Articles may be reproduced provided that credit is given to the original andPolitics and Governance is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. Table of Contents Narrating Global Order and Disorder Matthew Levinger and Laura Roselle 94–98 Strategic Narratives and Alliances: The Cases of Intervention in Libya (2011) and Economic Sanctions against Russia (2014) Laura Roselle 99–110 Russia’s Narratives of Global Order: Great Power Legacies in a Polycentric World Alister Miskimmon and Ben O’Loughlin 111–120 Study of Strategic Narratives: The Case of BRICS Carolijn van Noort 121–129 Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine Douglas Irvin-Erickson 130–145 Normal Peace: A New Strategic Narrative of Intervention Nicolas Lemay-Hébert and Gëzim Visoka 146–156 -
Saudi Arabia and Its 40 Allies What the Islamic Alliance Really Means by Florence Gaub
Security Policy Working Paper, No. 6/2016 Saudi Arabia and its 40 Allies What the Islamic Alliance really means by Florence Gaub In December 2015, Saudi Arabia announced that an alliance of almost 40 Muslim countries would coordinate their counter-terrorism efforts with immediate effect. Is it a Muslim version of NATO or just political PR? First of all, the idea is not new. Many Middle Eastern alliances have been announced since World War II. In 1950, the wording of the defence pact signed by Arab League member states was practically identical to that of NATO’s Article 5 on collective self-defence. At about the same time, the United Kingdom’s attempts to tie the countries of the region to NATO via Middle East Command, and later to at least coordinate them via the Middle East Defence Organisation, were both unsuccessful. In 1955, Iraq and Turkey launched the Baghdad Pact (officially known as the Middle East Treaty Organisation), which was also joined by Iran, Pakistan, and Britain. The member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have been working towards joining forces militarily – not just by words but by action – since 1982: first they created a joint task force (known as the Peninsula Shield Force), and since 2000 they have had a NATO-style defence agreement, institutionalised in the form of a defence council. However, the fact is that alliances of all kinds in this region usually fail when put to the test. The Arab League could not agree on whether (or how) to help counter attacks on Lebanon in 1982, Libya in 1986, Kuwait in 1990, and Iraq in 1991 or 2003. -
Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine Irvin-Erickson, Douglas
www.ssoar.info Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine Irvin-Erickson, Douglas Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Irvin-Erickson, D. (2017). Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine. Politics and Governance, 5(3), 130-145. https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i3.1015 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2017, Volume 5, Issue 3, Pages 130–145 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v5i3.1015 Article Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine Douglas Irvin-Erickson The School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Arlington, VA 22201, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 2 May 2017 | Accepted: 14 August 2017 | Published: 29 September 2017 Abstract This paper presents the concept of “genocide discourses”, defined as a type of strategic narrative that shapes the way individuals and groups position themselves and others and act, playing a critical role in the production of violence and efforts to reduce it. Genocide discourses tend to present genocide as fundamentally a-political, and hold that genocidal systems are dislodged only when they are swept away through external violence. Secondly, genocide discourses are built on an assumption that the victims of genocide are necessarily moral innocents, not parties in conflict. -
An Iraqi Military Perspective of the Iran-Iraq
Kevin M. Woods, Williamson Murray, and Thomas Holaday with Mounir Elkhamri INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIVERSITY WASHINGTON, D.C. 2009 The opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of Defense or any other agency of the Federal Government. This pub- lication is cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Except for the maps on pages 47, 51, 52, and 68, portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included. NDU Press would appreciate a courtesy copy of reprints or reviews. This work was conducted under contract DASW01-04-C-003, Task ET-8-2579 for the National Intelligence Council. The publication of this IDA document does not in- dicate endorsement by the Department of Defense, nor should the contents be construed as reflecting the official position of the Agency. © 2007, 2008 Institute for Defense Analyses, 4850 Mark Center Drive, Alexandria, Virginia 22311-1882 • (703) 845-2000. This material may be reproduced by or for the U.S. Government pursuant to the copyright license under the clause at DFARS 252.227-7013 (Nov 95). First printing, March 2009 ISSN 1071–7552 NDU Press publications are sold by the U.S. Government Printing Office. For ordering information, call (202) 512-1800 or write to the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402. For the U.S. Government On-line Bookstore, go to: <http://www.access.gpo.gov/su_docs/sale.html>. -
Combined Rules & Playbook
COMBINED RULES & PLAYBOOK 2 Labyrinth: The Awakening 10.0 INTRODUCTION TO AWAKENING Labyrinth: The Awakening, 2010 - ? is a 1-2 player card-driven boardgame expansion simulating at the strategic level the ongoing bid by Islamist extremists to impose their brand of religious rule on the Muslim world. It continues where Labyrinth: The War on Terror, 2001 - ? left off and adds new rules and cards to cover the T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S last five years of history. Since publication, fans of the game have expressed a desire to update it based on more recent events, and a 10.0 Introduction to Awakening ................. 2 variety of Event cards and variants have been freely shared on the 11.0 What’s Changed? ........................ 2 web. This expansion to the Labyrinth game fulfills that interest by 12.0 Jihadist Bot (Solitaire) .................... 7 providing up-to-date Events and allows the game to continue to serve as an effective strategic level model of the ongoing struggles 13.0 US Bot (Solitaire) ........................ 9 in the Muslim world. Sample Turn (Using Jihadist Bot & US Bot Flowcharts) .. 11 Labyrinth: Awakening uses the exact same rules, victory conditions, Scenarios ................................... 15 map, components, and charts as its predecessor game. Ownership of Optional Rules .............................. 18 Labyrinth is required for play. If you are new to this series, become familiar with Labyrinth first, then add in the elements presented Designers’ Notes ............................. 19 below to explore what has transpired in the five years since the Abbreviations & Acronyms .................... 25 publication of that game. Follow the setup procedure as described Card List .................................. -
After the Earthquake – Perpetual Victims No
ISPSW Strategy Series: Focus on Defense and International Security Issue After the Earthquake – Perpetual Victims No. 524 Yossef Bodansky Dec 2017 After the Earthquake – Perpetual Victims Yossef Bodansky December 2017 Executive Summary * The unfolding of the crisis in Kurdistan in the aftermath of the referendum on Kurdish independence has become the focal point of the regional powers’ quest for long-term power. Most significant is the struggle between the lust for lasting power of the leaders of states and the yearning for self-rule at the sub-state level by the grassroots - both Arabs and minorities. * At the core of the still unfolding all-out campaign to crush the Kurds is the exploiting of the referendum by Tehran and Ankara, as well as a reluctant Baghdad, in order to consolidate their regional hegemonic aspirations in the name of saving the Iraqi, and for that matter the Syrian, state from a Kurdish menace. * With the major road system in the Khanaquin area secured after the Kurdish withdrawal, Tehran moved in early November to expedite the consolidation of the Iran-Mediterranean route in a major offensive by diverse Shiite forces. The Iran-sponsored and Shiite-controlled major road from Iran to the shores of the Mediterra- nean is now open and secure. This would not have happened had the Kurds were able to continue to control the Khanaquin district. * The Kurds and their dreams of freedom and statehood are but the latest victims of Washington’s irrationality and betrayal, Tehran’s resolve and audacity, and the ineptitude of their own Erbil leadership.