List of Political Parties Enlisted on Our Record
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General Election 2018 Update-Ii - Fafen General Election 2018
GENERAL ELECTION 2018 UPDATE-II - FAFEN GENERAL ELECTION 2018 Update-II April 01 – April 30, 2018 1. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) initiated its assessment of the political environment and implementation of election-related laws, rules and regulations in January 2018 as part of its multi-phase observation of General Election (GE) 2018. The purpose of the observation is to contribute to the evolution of an election process that is free, fair, transparent and accountable, in accordance with the requirements laid out in the Elections Act, 2017. Based on its observation, FAFEN produces periodic updates, information briefs and reports in an effort to provide objective, unbiased and evidence-based information about the quality of electoral and political processes to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), political parties, media, civil society organizations and citizens. General Election 2018 Update-II is based on information gathered systematically in 130 districts by as many trained and non-partisan District Coordinators (DCs) through 560 interviews1 with representatives of 33 political parties and groups and 294 interviews with representative of 35 political parties and groups over delimitation process. The Update also includes the findings of observation of 559 political gatherings and 474 ECP’s centres set up for the display of preliminary electoral rolls. FAFEN also documented the formation of 99 political alliances, party-switching by political figures, and emerging alliances among ethnic, tribal and professional groups. In addition, the General Election 2018 Update-II comprises data gathered through systematic monitoring of 86 editions of 25 local, regional and national newspapers to report incidents of political and electoral violence, new development schemes and political advertisements during April 2018. -
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The Role of Political Parties in the 2002 National Elections of Pakistan Altaf Ullah ∗ Major decisions of the government in democratic countries, rest directly or indirectly on the freely given consent of a majority of the adult elected representatives of the citizens. The formal process of selecting a person for public office or accepting or rejecting a political proposal, by voting is called election. An election is one of the means by which a society may arrange itself to take the decisions of their national interest. It is a process for choosing offices or making binding decisions concerning policy by the vote of those formally qualified to participate. Indeed it is a formal procedure by which public offices are filled. Elections and political parties have a direct relationship with each other. Election is the mechanism through which modern states create amongst its citizens a sense of involvement and participation in public affairs. Citizens derive a sense of satisfaction from participating in the selection of their governmental leaders, and the selection of leaders through proper election procedures gives to the government a base of support, a sense of legitimacy among the masses. It is through popular elections that authority of a government is clothed with legitimacy and peaceful transfer of authority to elected representatives is ensured. When the election programmes were announced by the government both small and big parties applied for the eighth national parliamentary elections. The major parities contesting the elections included Pakistan People’s Party Parliamentarians, Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz Group), Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-i-Azam Group) and the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), an alliance of six religious political ∗ Research Fellow, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. -
Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11 -
Religious Extremism and Sectarianism in Pakistan: JRSP, Vol
Religious Extremism and Sectarianism in Pakistan: JRSP, Vol. 58, No 2 (April-June 2021) Samina Yasmeen1 Fozia Umar2 Religious Extremism and Sectarianism in Pakistan: An Appraisal Abstract Pakistan, which was created on the basis of religion have had to face sectarian violence and religious intolerance from the very beginning. This article offers an in-depth analysis of sectarianism and religious intolerance and their direct role in the current chaotic state of Pakistan. This article revolves around the two main research questions including the role of religion in the state of Pakistan as well as the evidences depicting sectarian violence in Pakistan. The main objective is to analyze the future situation of the rampant sectarian condition in the society and to study the role of Pakistan’s government so far. Qualitative methodology using primary as well as secondary sources are used to gather the data. Post-dictatorship era, after 2007, is being analyzed in this article, keeping in view the history of sectarian violence, future and stability of the state. Last comments lead to the recommendations and ways to tackle the sectarian divide and religious extremism. The researchers conclude that religion is core at the Pakistan’s nationalism however, religious extremism weakens national and social cohesion and also divides loyalties. There is a need for strict blasphemy laws, banning hate speeches which incites the violence and most importantly, eradicating poverty and unemployment, so no foreign elements can bribe anyone for sectarian terror within the state. Introduction Pakistan was a country that was created on the basis of religion, its main goal was to provide a homeland for Muslims where they will live in freedom and harmony and it was established that it will be governed according to the principles set by Islam. -
From the Editor
EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists. -
Religious Movements, Militancy, and Conflict in South Asia Cases from India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan
a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religious Movements, Militancy, and Conflict in South Asia cases from india, pakistan, and afghanistan 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Authors E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Joy Aoun Liora Danan Sadika Hameed Robert D. Lamb Kathryn Mixon Denise St. Peter July 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-738-1 Ë|xHSKITCy067381zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religious Movements, Militancy, and Conflict in South Asia cases from india, pakistan, and afghanistan Authors Joy Aoun Liora Danan Sadika Hameed Robert D. Lamb Kathryn Mixon Denise St. Peter July 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. -
List of Political Parties Enlisted on Our Record
List of Political Parties Enlisted on our Record SS.NN oo.. NNaammeoo fPP oolliittiiccaalPP aarrttyy NNaammeoo fPP aarrttyLL eeaaddeer DDeessiiggnnaattiioonn Address Baacha Khan Markaz, Pajaggi Road, 11 Awami National Party Asfandyar Wali Khan President Peshawar. Ph: 92-91-2246851-3, Fax:92-91- 2252406 No.1, National Park Road, Rawalpindi **** 88, 22 AAwwaammiQQ iiaaddaatPP aarrttyy GGeenneerraal(( RR)MM iirrzzaAA ssllaamBB eegg CChhaaiirrmmaann Race Course Road, St:3, Rawalpindi. Ph: 051- 5510761/5563309 Fax:5564244 Al-Jihad Trust Building, Block 52-B, Satellite 33 AAzzmmaatt--ee--IIssllaamMM oovveemmeenntt ZZaahheeeerr--uull--IIssllaamAA bbbbaassi(( MMaajjoorGG eenneerraall)) AAmmeeeer r Town, Rawalpindi.051-4419982 Headquarter Office, Balochistan National 44 BBaalloocchhiissttaanNN aattiioonnaalCC oonnggrreessss AAbbdduulHH aakkiimLL eehhrrii PPrreessiiddeenntt Congress Thana Road, Quetta. Ph:821201 22-G, Khayaban-e-Sahar, Defence Housing 55 BBaalloocchhiissttaanNN aattiioonnaal DDeemmooccrraattiic PPaarrttyy SSaarrddaar SSaannaauullllaah KKhhaanZZ eehhrrii PPrreessiiddeenntt Auithority, Karachi Istaqlal Building, Quarry Road, Quetta. 66 BBaalloocchhiissttaanNN aattiioonnaalPP aarrttyy SSaarrddaarAA kkhhtteerJJ aanMM eennggaall PPrreessiiddeenntt Phone:081-833869 Ashraf Market, Fawara Chowk, Abbottabad Markazi 77 HHaazzaarraQQ aauummiMM aahhaazz MM.AA ssiifMM aalliikk (Hazara) Ph: 0992-341465,330253, Fax: 0992- Chairman 335448 Cell 0332-5005448 Central Secretariat: Batala P.O Kahota, District 88 IIssllaammiSS iiaassiTT eehhrreeeekk -
Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-For-Tat Violence
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Occasional Paper Series Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence Hassan Abbas September 22, 2010 1 2 Preface As the first decade of the 21st century nears its end, issues surrounding militancy among the Shi‛a community in the Shi‛a heartland and beyond continue to occupy scholars and policymakers. During the past year, Iran has continued its efforts to extend its influence abroad by strengthening strategic ties with key players in international affairs, including Brazil and Turkey. Iran also continues to defy the international community through its tenacious pursuit of a nuclear program. The Lebanese Shi‛a militant group Hizballah, meanwhile, persists in its efforts to expand its regional role while stockpiling ever more advanced weapons. Sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shi‛a has escalated in places like Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, and not least, Pakistan. As a hotbed of violent extremism, Pakistan, along with its Afghan neighbor, has lately received unprecedented amounts of attention among academics and policymakers alike. While the vast majority of contemporary analysis on Pakistan focuses on Sunni extremist groups such as the Pakistani Taliban or the Haqqani Network—arguably the main threat to domestic and regional security emanating from within Pakistan’s border—sectarian tensions in this country have attracted relatively little scholarship to date. Mindful that activities involving Shi‛i state and non-state actors have the potential to affect U.S. national security interests, the Combating Terrorism Center is therefore proud to release this latest installment of its Occasional Paper Series, Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan: Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence, by Dr. -
Pakistan's Violence
Pakistan’s Violence Causes of Pakistan’s increasing violence since 2001 Anneloes Hansen July 2015 Master thesis Political Science: International Relations Word count: 21481 First reader: S. Rezaeiejan Second reader: P. Van Rooden Studentnumber: 10097953 1 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations and Acronyms List of figures, Maps and Tables Map of Pakistan Chapter 1. Introduction §1. The Case of Pakistan §2. Research Question §3. Relevance of the Research Chapter 2. Theoretical Framework §1. Causes of Violence §1.1. Rational Choice §1.2. Symbolic Action Theory §1.3. Terrorism §2. Regional Security Complex Theory §3. Colonization and the Rise of Institutions §4. Conclusion Chapter 3. Methodology §1. Variables §2. Operationalization §3. Data §4. Structure of the Thesis Chapter 4. Pakistan §1. Establishment of Pakistan §2. Creating a Nation State §3. Pakistan’s Political System §4. Ethnicity and Religion in Pakistan §5. Conflict and Violence in Pakistan 2 §5.1. History of Violence §5.2. Current Violence §5.2.1. Baluchistan §5.2.2. Muslim Extremism and Violence §5. Conclusion Chapter 5. Rational Choice in the Current Conflict §1. Weak State §2. Economy §3. Instability in the Political Centre §4. Alliances between Centre and Periphery §5. Conclusion Chapter 6. Emotions in Pakistan’s Conflict §1. Discrimination §2. Hatred towards Others §2.1. Political Parties §2.2 Extremist Organizations §3. Security Dilemma §4. Conclusion Chapter 7. International Influences §1. International Relations §1.1. United States – Pakistan Relations §1.2. China – -
Buffer Zone, Colonial Enclave, Or Urban Hub?
Working Paper no. 69 - Cities and Fragile States - BUFFER ZONE, COLONIAL ENCLAVE OR URBAN HUB? QUETTA :BETWEEN FOUR REGIONS AND TWO WARS Haris Gazdar, Sobia Ahmad Kaker, Irfan Khan Collective for Social Science Research February 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © H. Gazdar, S. Ahmad Kaker, I. Khan, 2010 24 Crisis States Working Paper Buffer Zone, Colonial Enclave or Urban Hub? Quetta: Between Four Regions and Two Wars Haris Gazdar, Sobia Ahmad Kaker and Irfan Khan Collective for Social Science Research, Karachi, Pakistan Quetta is a city with many identities. It is the provincial capital and the main urban centre of Balochistan, the largest but least populous of Pakistan’s four provinces. Since around 2003, Balochistan’s uneasy relationship with the federal state has been manifested in the form of an insurgency in the ethnic Baloch areas of the province. Within Balochistan, Quetta is the main shared space as well as a point of rivalry between the two dominant ethnic groups of the province: the Baloch and the Pashtun.1 Quite separately from the internal politics of Balochistan, Quetta has acquired global significance as an alleged logistic base for both sides in the war in Afghanistan. This paper seeks to examine different facets of Quetta – buffer zone, colonial enclave and urban hub − in order to understand the city’s significance for state building in Pakistan. State-building policy literature defines well functioning states as those that provide security for their citizens, protect property rights and provide public goods. States are also instruments of repression and the state-building process is often wrought with conflict and the violent suppression of rival ethnic and religious identities, and the imposition of extractive economic arrangements (Jones and Chandaran 2008). -
Politics and Pirs: the Nature of Sufi Political Engagement in 20Th and 21St Century Pakistan
Ethan Epping Politics and Pirs: The Nature of Sufi Political Engagement in 20th and 21st Century Pakistan By Ethan Epping On November 27th, 2010 a massive convoy set off from Islamabad. Tens of thousands of Muslims rode cars, buses, bicycles, and even walked the 300 kilometer journey to the city of Lahore. The purpose of this march was to draw attention to the recent rash of terrorism in the country, specifically the violent attacks on Sufi shrines throughout Pakistan. In particular, they sought to demonstrate to the government that the current lack of action was unacceptable. “Our caravans will reach Lahore,” declared one prominent organizer, “and when they do the government will see how powerful we are.”1 The Long March to Save Pakistan, as it has come to be known, was an initiative of the recently founded Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), a growing coalition of Barelvi Muslims. The Barelvi movement is the largest Islamic sect within Pakistan, one that has been heavily influenced by Sufism throughout its history. It is Barelvis whose shrines and other religious institutions have come under assault as of late, both rhetorically and violently. As one might expect, they have taken a tough stance against such attacks: “These anti-state and anti-social elements brought a bad name to Islam and Pakistan,” declared Fazal Karim, the SIC chairman, “we will not remain silent and [we will] defend the prestige of our country.”2 The Long March is but one example of a new wave of Barelvi political activism that has arisen since the early 2000s. -
Swat De-Radicalization Model: Prospects for Rehabilitating
A PIPS Research Journal Conflict and Peace Studies VOLUME 4 APR-JUN 2011 NUMBER 2 Editor Muhammad Amir Rana Associate Editor Najam U Din Pak Institute for Peace Studies 1 2 Contents Comment Swat De-radicalization Model: Prospects for Rehabilitating Militants Muhammad Amir Rana 5 Abstracts 13 Papers State-building in Afghanistan: Are Reforms Sustainable? Umar Riaz 15 The Process of Radicalization: Contextualizing the Case of Pakistan Syed Manzar Abbas Zaidi 41 Modes and Scale of Conflict in Pakistan’s Swat Valley (1989-2008) Khadim Hussain 63 Politics of Radicalization and De-radicalization: Impact on Pakistan’s Security Dynamics Salma Malik 79 Backgrounder Evolution of Militant Groups in Pakistan (1) Muhammad Amir Rana 91 Notes on Contributors 127 Guidelines for Contributors 129 3 4 Swat De-radicalization Model: Prospects for Rehabilitating Militants Comment Swat De-radicalization Model: Prospects for Rehabilitating Militants Muhammad Amir Rana Countering terrorism needs a multi-faceted approach, which focuses not only on confronting it through the coercive apparatus of the state but also through disengagement strategies. Disengaging a militant from violence and extremist tendencies is an uphill task because of his or her ideological and political association with a cause. A number of countries have developed de- radicalization programs to deal with the issue but the extent of their success remains debatable, notwithstanding the claims made by the states. Rehabilitation of detained militants becomes an integral part of any such program as part of the prevention strategy. The prison holds crucial significance in the de-radicalization strategy as many of these programs— including those in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the United Kingdom—run in prisons.