Pahari Language of Azad Kashmir: a Corpus Based Grammatical Description

PAHARI LANGUAGE OF AZAD KASHMIR: A CORPUS BASED GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION

SHAHIDA KHALIQUE

(Regd. No.2001-Gpig-2756)

Session 2011-2014

Department of English Faculty of Arts University of Azad Jammu & Kashmir, Muzaffarabad, Pakistan

PAHARI LANGUAGE OF AZAD KASHMIR: A CORPUS BASED GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION

SHAHIDA KHALIQUE

(Regd. No. 2001-Gpig-2756)

A Thesis

submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

English

Session 2011-2014

Department of English Faculty of Arts University of Azad Jammu & Kashmir, Muzaffarabad, Pakistan

DEDICATED TO…….

MY FAMILY

Who not only raised and nurtured me but also taxed themselves dearly over the years for my education.

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CERTIFICATION

It is certified that the contents and the form of the thesis entitled “Pahari Language of Azad Kashmir: A Corpus Based Grammatical Description” submitted by Ms.

Shahida Khalique, in the partial fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy is satisfactory for the requirement of the degree.

Supervisor: ______

Member: ______

External Examiner: ______

Chairman Department of English

Dean Director Faculty of Arts Advanced Studies & Research

CONTENTS

Contents Page LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………….xiii LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………...... xvi ABRIVATIONS…………………………………………………………………... xvii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT……………………………………………………...... xix ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………...…xxi 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………..…1 1.1 PAHARI LANGUAGE………………………………………………...... 1 1.1.1Historical Background of Pahari……………………………………………….2 1.1.2 Script of Pahari …………………………………………………………...... 3 1.1.3 Pahari Dialects ………………………………………………………...... 3 1.1.4 Position of Pahari in Indo- Aryan Language Family……………………….....4 1..1.5 Influence of other Languages on Pahari…………………………………...... 8 1.1.6 Previous Linguistics Research on Pahari……………………………………...8 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ……………………………………. 10 1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY .... ……………………………………………11

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS .... …………………………………………………11

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ...... ………………………………………11

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... ……………………………………12

1.6.1 Fieldwork Setting ...... …………………………………………………………12

1.6.2 Data Analysis ...... ……………………………………………………………12

1.7 Thesis Organization ...... …………………………………………………………13

2. NOUN, PRONOUN AND ADJECTIVE MORPHOLOGY…………………14 2.1 NOUN MORPHOLOGY ...... 14

Gender Marking in Pahari ...... 14

2.1.1.1 Semantic Gender Assignment ...... 15

2.1.1.2 Overt Gender Marking in Pahari ...... 18

2.1.1.3 Suffixation ...... 19

2.1.2 Pluralisation ...... 22

2.2 CASES IN PAHARI ...... 26

2.2.1 Nominative Case ...... 27

2.2.2 Ergative Case ...... 28

2.2.3Accusative Case...... 33

2.2.4. Dative Case ...... 38

2.2.5 Instrumental Case ...... 40

2.2.6 Genitive Case...... 41

2.2.7 Locative Case ...... 43

2.2.8 Vocative Case ...... 44

2.3 DEFINITENESS ...... 46

2.4 PRONOUNS ...... 48

2.4.1. Personal Pronouns ...... 48

2.4.1.1 Case Marking on Personal Pronouns ...... 52

2.4.2 Demonstrative pronouns ...... 54

2.4.3 Interrogative Pronouns ...... 57

2.4.4 Possessive Pronouns ...... 59

2.4.5 Relative Pronouns ...... 62

2.4.6 Reflexive pronouns ...... 63

2.4.7 Indefinite Pronouns ...... 65

2.4.8 Reduplicated Pronouns ...... 66

2.5 ADJECTIVES ...... 68

2.5.1 Non-inflected Adjectives ...... 68

2.5.2 Inflected Adjectives ...... 69

2.5.3 Adjective derivation through suffixes ...... 71

2.5.3.1 Derivation of Adjectives from Nouns ...... 71

2.5.3.2 Adjectives Derived from Verbs ...... 73

2.5.3.3 Adjectives Derived from Adjectives and Pronouns ...... 74

2.5.3.4 Adjectives Derived through Compounding ...... 77

2.5.3.5 Reduplicated Adjectives………………………………………….……………...78 2.5.3.6 Degrees of Adjectives ...... 80

2.6 SUMMARY ...... 81

3. VERB AND ADVERB MORPHOLOGY ...... 83

3.1 VERBS MORPHOLOGY...... 83

3.1.1 The Verb Root in Pahari ...... 83

3.1.2 Verb Sub-Classes...... 83

3.1.2.1 Transitive verbs ...... 85

3.1.2.1.1 Transitive Verb Derivation ...... 86

3.1.2.2 Intransitive Verbs ...... 87

3.1.2.3 Ditransitive Verbs ...... 88

3.1.3 CAUSATIVES ...... 88

3.1.3.1 Direct Causatives ...... 89

3.1.3.2 Indirect Causative ...... 92

3.1.4 COMPLEX VERBS ...... 95

3.1.4.1 Conjunct Verbs ...... 95

3.1.4.2 Compound Verbs ...... 98

3.1.5 PARTICIPLES ...... 99

3.1.5.1 Conjunctive Participle ...... 100

3.1.5.2 Perfective Participles ...... 100

3.1.5.3 Imperfective participles ...... 103

3.1.6 INFINITIVES ...... 104

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3.1.6.1 The Oblique Infinitive ...... 105

3.1.7 TENSE AND ASPECT ...... 106

3.1.7.1 Auxiliaries ...... 106

3.1.7.2 Tenses in Pahari ...... 108

3.1.7.2.1 The Present Tense ...... 108

3.1.7.2.1.1 Uses of Present Tense ...... 113

3.1.7.2.2 The Past Tense ...... 113

3.1.7.2.2.1 Remote Past ...... 114

3.1.7.2.3 The Future Tense ...... 115

3.1.7.3 Aspects ...... 117

3.1.7.3.1 Imperfective Aspect ...... 118

3.1.7.3.1.1 Past Habitual Aspect ...... 118

3.1.7.3.1.2 The Past Progressive Aspect ...... 119

3.1.7.3.2 Perfective Aspect ...... 119

3.1.7.3.2.1 Present Perfective Aspect ...... 120

3.1.7.3.2.2 Past Perfective Aspect ...... 120

3.1.7.3.2.3 Future Perfective Aspect ...... 121

3.1.8 MOODS IN PAHARI ...... 122

3.1.8.1 Imperative Mood ...... 122

3.1.8.2 Subjunctive Mood ...... 124

3.1.8.3 The Presumptive Mood ...... 127

3.1.8.3.1 Progressive Presumptive ...... 128

3.1.8.3.2 The perfective Presumptive Mood ...... 129

3.2 ADVERBS ...... 131

3.2.1 Adverbs in Pahari ...... 131

3.2.1.1 Classification and Derivation of Adverbs in Pahari ...... 133

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3.2.1.1.1 Manner Adverb ...... 133

3.2.1.1.2 Manner Adverbs Derived from Adjectives ...... 134

3.2.1.1.3 Manner Adverbs Derived from Nouns ...... 135

3.2.1.1.4 Manner Adverbs derived from verbs ...... 136

3.2.1.1.2 Adverb of Time ...... 137

3.2.1.1.2.1 Adverbs of Time Derived from Nouns ...... 139

3.2.1.1.2.2 Time Adverbs Derived from Pronouns ...... 140

3.2.1.1.3 Adverb of Place ...... 141

3.2.1.1.4 Adverb of Degree ...... 143

3.2.1.1.5 Frequency Adverbs ...... 144

3.2.1.1.6 Adverbs Derived through Reduplication ...... 145

3.3 SUMMARY ...... 147

4. SYNTAX OF SIMPLE CLAUSE STRUCTURES ...... 148

4.1 WORD ORDER IN PAHARI ...... 148

4.1.1 Word order in Copular Clauses ...... 149

4.1.2 Topicalization and Pragmatic Functions ...... 150

4.2 NON-DECLARATIVE CLAUSES ...... 152

4.2.1 IMPERATIVE CLAUSES ...... 152

4.2.2 INTERROGATIVE CLAUSES ...... 155

4.2.2.1 Polar questions...... 155

4.2.2.1.1 Plain polar interrogatives ...... 155

4.2.2.1.2 Alternative Polar Questions ...... 156

4.2.2.2 Confirmation or Tag Questions ...... 157

4.2.2.3 Content Questions ...... 159

4.2.3 NEGATIVE CLAUSES ...... 165

4.2.3.1 The Distribution of the Negators /nei/ and /nɑ̃/ ...... 166

4.2.3.1.1The Negator /nei/ ...... 167

4.2.3.1.2 The Negative Marker /nɑ̃/ ...... 170 4.2.3.2 Clauses with double negation ...... 172

4.2.4 EXCLAMATIVE CLAUSES ...... 172

4.3 SUMMARY ...... 174

5. SYNTAX OF COMPLEX STRUCTURES ...... 176

5.1 COORDINATION ...... 176

5.1.1 Asyndetic Coordination ...... 177

5.1.2 Syndetic or Conjunctive Coordination ...... 178

5.1.2.1 Addition ...... 178

5.1.2.2 Disjunctive Coordination ...... 180

5.1.2.2.1 Inclusive disjunction ...... 180

5.1.2.2.1.1 Symmetrical inclusive disjunction ...... 180

5.1.2.2.1.2 Interrogative inclusive disjunction ...... 181

5.1.2.2.2 Exclusive Disjunction ...... 182

5.1.2.3 Adversative Conjunction ...... 182

5.1.2.4 Cause-effect Clauses ...... 183

5.2 SUBORDINATION ...... 184

5.2.1 COMPLEMENT CLAUSES ...... 184

5.2.1.1 Structure of complement clauses ...... 185

5.2.1.1.1 Sentence-like Complements ...... 186

5.2.1.1.1.1 Knowledge and acquisition of knowledge ...... 187

5.2.1.1.1.2 Immediate perception predicates ...... 187

5.2.1.1.1.3 Propositional attitude predicates ...... 188

5.2.1.1.1.4 Manipulative complements ...... 189

5.2.1.1.2 Infinitival Complements ...... 189

5.2.1.1.2.1 The desiderative predicate ...... 190

5.2.1.1.2.2 Ability Predicate ...... 190

5.2.1.1.2.3 Phasal Predicates ...... 191

5.2.1.1.3 Participle Complements...... 191

5.2.2 CONDITIONAL CLAUSES...... 192

5.2.2.1 Improbable Condition ...... 194

5.2.2.2 Probable conditions ...... 195

5.2.2.3 Counterfactual conditionals ...... 196

5.2.3 ADVERBIAL CLAUSES ...... 197

5.2.3.1 Temporal adverbial ...... 197

5.2.3.1.1 General time reference ...... 197

5.2.3.1.2 Specific Time Reference ...... 198

5.2.3.2 Manner adverbials ...... 199

5.2.3.3 Purpose Clauses ...... 200

5.2.3.3.1 Finite Purpose Clauses ...... 200

5.2.3.3.2 Non-finite Purpose Clauses ...... 201

5.2.4 CONCESSIVE CLAUSES ...... 202

5.2.5 RELATIVE CLAUSES ...... 202

5.2.5.1 Position of RCs in a Sentence ...... 203

5.2.5.1.1 The position of the RCs with respect to the head ...... 204

5.2.5.1.1.1 Pre-posed Relative Clauses ...... 204

5.2.5.1.1.2 Post-Posed Relative Clauses ...... 205

5.2.5.1.1.3 Extra-posed Relative Clauses ...... 206

5.2.5.1.1.4 Internally headed Relative clauses ...... 206

5.2.5.2 Relativization of Various NP positions ...... 207

5.2.5.2.1 Subject Relative Clauses ...... 208

5.2.5.2.2 Direct Objects Relative clause ...... 208

5.2.5.2.3 Indirect Objects ...... 209

5.2.5.2.4 Ergative arguments ...... 209

5.2.5.2.5 Instrumental arguments ...... 210

5.2.5.2.6 Locative case and postpositional arguments ...... 210

5.2.5.2.7 Genitive arguments ...... 210

5.3 SUMMARY ...... 211

6. CONCLUSION ...... 213

LITERATURE CITED ...... ………223

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LIST OF TABLES

Table No. Page

Table 2.1: Nouns marked with semantic gender…………………………...... 15 Table 2.2: Gender assignment in inanimate nouns………………………...... 17 Table 2.3: Nouns with overt gender marking…………………………………….. 18 Table 2.4: Gender marking in nouns denoting casts, profession and family names…….. 20 Table 2.5: Plural marking on nouns………………………………………………... 22 Table 2.6: Invariable nouns in terms of number…………………………………… 24 Table 2.7: Number marking on feminine nouns ending with /ɑ:/ and consonants.... 25 Table 2.8: Nouns pluralized through vowel modification…………………………. 26 Table 2.9: The vocative case suffixes……………………………………………... 44 Table 2.10: Case suffixes in Pahari………………………………………………………..... 45 Table 2.11: Personal pronouns……………………………………………………... 49 Table 2.12: Case marking on personal pronouns…………………………………... 52 Table 2.13: Demonstrative pronouns……………………………………...... 55 Table 2.14: Interrogative pronoun...... 57 Table 2.15: Possessive pronouns...... 60 Table 2.16: Relative Pronouns…………………………………………………...... 62 Table 2.17: Indefinite pronouns…………………………………………………… 65 Table 2.18: Reduplicated pronouns..…...... 66 Table 2.19: Non-inflected adjectives……………………………………………..... 68 Table 2.20: Inflected adjectives...... 69 Table 2.21: Adjectives derived from nouns………………………………………... 71 Table 2.22: Adjectives derived from nouns with genitive marker /nɑː/………….... 71 Table 2.23: Adjectives derived from verbs...... 73 Table 2.24: Adjectives derived from adjectives and pronouns…………………….. 74 Table 2.25: Degree adjectives derived from adjectives…………………………..... 76 Table 2.26: Adjectives derived through compounding………………………...... 77 Table 2.27: Degree adjectives derived through reduplication………….………….. 78 Table 3.1: Simple Verb Root…………………………………...………………….. 83

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Table 3.2: Transitive verb derived through vowel modification...... ……. 85 Table 3.3: Transitive verbs derived through suffixation...... 85 Table 3.4: Direct causative derived through suffixation…………………………… 89 Table 3.5: Direct causative derived through vowel modification………………….. 90 Table 3.6: Direct Causative derived from vowel final roots...... 90 Table 3.7: Causative derived from roots ending in long vowel…………………..... 91 Table 3.8: Indirect causatives derived from intransitive roots with suffix /aː/…….. 91 Table 3.9: Indirect Causatives derived through vowel modification……………..... 92 Table 3.10: Indirect causative derived through Infixation………………………... 92 Table 3.11: Indirect causatives derived from transitive root.…………………….... 93 Table 3.12: Conjunct verbs……………………………………………………… 95 Table 3.13: Compound Verbs in Pahari………………………………………...... 97 Table 3.14: Perfect participles suffixes …………………………………………..... 100 Table 3.15: Formation of perfect participle from irregular verbs…………………. 100 Table 3.16: Imperfective participles form of the verb nʌs ‘run’...... 102 Table 3.17: Infinitive formation…………………………………………………..... 103 Table 3.18: Oblique forms of Infinitive…………………………………………..... 104 Table 3.19: Present forms of auxiliary /d̪ ɑː/ ……………………………………….. 106 Table 3.20: Past forms of auxiliary /d̪ ɑː/ ………………………………...... 106 Table 3.21:The Inflectional Endings of Verbs in the Simple Present Tense………. 108 Table 3.22: Conjugation of verb /nʌs/ ‘run’ in past tense………………………….. 113 Table 3.23: Conjugation of verbs ending in vowels…………………………...... 113 Table 3.24: Future tense endings…………………………………………………. 115 Table 3.25: Conjugation of verb /sәt/…………………………………………….... 115 Table 3.26: Negative future sentences…………………………………………...... 116 Table 3.27: Imperative forms derived from Infinitive…………………………….. 122 Table 3.28: Derivation of the Plural forms of Imperatives…………………...... 123 Table 3.29: Plural Imperatives derived through suffix /jɑː/…………………...... 123 Table 3.30: Plural Imperatives derived through suffix /vɑː/……………………….. 124 Table 3.31: Subjunctive mood endings…………………………………………..... 124 Table 3.32: Subjunctive forms of verb /go:ʈʃʰ / ‘go’……………………………….. 125 Table 3.33: Phrases requiring the subjunctive…………………………………...... 125

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Table 3.34: Verb inflection in Progressive Presumptive mood……………………. 128 Table 3.35: Progressive Presumptive Paradigm of: kәpnɑː ‘to cut’……………….. 128 Table 3.36: Verb inflection in perfective presumptive mood………………...... 129 Table 3.37: The perfective subjunctive forms of the verb nʌsnɑ……………...... 129 Table 3.38: Perfective Presumptive Paradigm of transitive verb kʊtnaː ‘to beat….. 130 Table 3.39: Adverbs derived from adjective……………………………………….. 134 Table 3.40: Adverbs derived from adjectives by adding suffix /ɪɑ̃ː/...……………... 134 Table 3.41: Manner adverbs derived from nouns………………………………….. 135 Table 3.42: Manner adverbs derived from verbs……………………………...... 136 Table 3.43: Non-derived adverbs………………………………………………...... 137 Table 3.44: Noun phrases used as time adverb…………………………………..... 138 Table 3.45: Adverbs of time derived from nouns………………………………… 139 Table 3.46: Adverbs derived from nouns and locative postposition…………...... 139 Table 3.47: Adverbs of place……………………………………………………..... 141 Table 3.48: Place adverbs derived from nouns and postposition /ɪʈʃ/……………... 142 Table 3.49: Adverbs of frequency…………………………………………………. 143 Table 3.50: Frequency adverbs derived from numerals and noun vɑːriː ‘turn’…..... 144 Table 3.51: Adverbs derived through reduplication………………………………... 145 Table 4.1: Question Words in Pahari ………………………………………...... 158 Table 4.2: Exclamatory particles in Pahari...……………………………………… 172

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure No. Page

Fig.1.1: Nigram’s (1972) Classification of the Indo Aryan Languages ……………5

Figure1.2: Lothers and Lothers (2010) classification of the Indo-Aryan languages…6

Figure 1.3: Classification of Indo-Aryan languages by Karnai (2007)……………..7

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ABBREVIATIONS

1 First Person 2 Second Person 3 Third person A Argument ACC Accusative AJ&K Azad Jammu and Kashmir CAUS Causative COMP Complementizer DAT Dative DEM Demonstrative DIST Distal ERG Ergative EMPH Emphatic F Feminine FUT Future GEN Genitive HAB Habitual IMPER Imperative INDF Indefinite INF Infinitive INST Instrumental IMPF Imperfective IPMER Imperative LOC Locative M Masculine NEG Negation, Negative NOM Nominative NP Noun Phrase OBL Oblique OIA Old Indo Aryan

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PERF Perfective P Patient PL Plural POSS Possessive PP Prepositional Phrase PRS Present PROG Progressive PROX Proximal/ Proximate PST Past SUBJ Subjunctive SG Singular T Theme VOC Vocative VP Verb phrase

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

My heart abounds with gratitude towards God who gave me the opportunity and the ability to write this thesis.

I owe a special debt of gratitude to my Supervisor Professor Dr. Nadeem Haider

Bukhari, for all the time, energy and devotion he put into this thesis during the past three years. He has been a source of encouragement and inspiration for me and without whom I would never have moved in the direction of linguistics. Very special thanks to him for actively supporting me in my determination to find and realise my potential, and to make this contribution to our world.

I am greatly indebted to the Higher Education Commission of Pakistan that awarded me the research support scholarship. Without that scholarship, I would not have been able to benefit from the pleasant working environment and facilities at

Department of Linguistics and Literature Newcastle University UK.

During my stay at Newcastle University I worked under the supervision of Dr.

William van. der. Wurrf. I want to especially thank him for his feedback and constant appraisal of my work. Thank you for everything you have taught me and for the opportunities I have been given.

I also wish to thank Professor Anders Holmberg for his constructive comments on an early draft of this thesis during my stay at Newcastle University.

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This thesis would not have been possible without my informants. I am appreciative to all the native speakers who allowed me to record their conversations and who provided valuable data for my research.

My heartfelt gratitude goes to Qudsia Ishaq, and Zafar Iqbal who have helped me throughout these 5 years of PhD in many different ways.

I am grateful to my teachers and colleagues at department of English University of

Azad Kashmir for their encouragement and support at the various stages of the research.

Last but not least, I cannot express how grateful and strengthened I feel for getting the most loving, caring and accepting parents and siblings. I deeply thank my family for always being there to support me no matter what, for believing in me and always encouraging and motivating me.

ABSTRACT

This study aims to present the description of Pahari, a hitherto undocumented South Asian language spoken in the Azad State of Jammu & Kashmir (henceforth AJ&K), Pakistan. The analysis presented in this study is based on the data collected between 2013-2016 from Pahari speakers. The data consists of word lists and recorded texts which were recorded and transcribed from ten informants. This description is divided into two sections focusing on morphology and syntax of the language. Part one of the study deals with morphology of word classes, while the later part analyses the syntax of simple clauses and syntax of complex clauses. This work has established that Pahari has distinctive morphological properties parallel to other languages across South Asia. Pahari has both inflected and uninflected words. It uses suffixes on verbal and nominal categories to provide information about tense gender, and number. Along with the main verb, auxiliaries in Pahari are also used to represent correct tense, mood and aspect. Pahari auxiliaries like main verb inflect for tense, aspect, number and gender. The language also exhibits the morphological processes such as derivation, reduplication and compounding. Pahari distinguishes two genders, two numbers, and seven cases. The verb has four forms: an unmarked form or the root, and three marked forms that are perfective, imperfective and infinitive. These forms of verb are regular and inflect for tense, aspect, mood, number and gender. The grammatical relations in the language are marked through postpositions rather than prepositions. Except nominative that is bare, all other cases in Pahari are marked by a postposition. Pahari has a split-ergative system with ergative case marked on the agent subjects when the verb appears either in the perfective aspect or past tense. Furthermore, unlike its sister languages, it exhibits ergativity on some phonological grounds. The ergative case marker does not appear on subject that ends with vowel while subjects that end with consonants are overtly ergative marked. The accusative case marking in Pahari is also not totally akin to the accusative marking in its sister language of the region. Direct objects in Pahari independent of whether they are animate or inanimate are accusative marked. The accusative marker is usually dropped in the sentence where the subject- object distinction is clear. In Pahari, suffixes on verb encode the habitual and progressive aspects while the perfective aspects are encoded by light verbs in complex predicates. The study also reveals that typologically Pahari is a left branching verb-final language. The canonical word order of Pahari is SOV but for some pragmatic reasoning it also shows flexible word order. In complex structures the unmarked order is a main clause followed by the complement clause. Adverbial clauses in Pahari often precede the main clause however; they may follow the main clause for some pragmatic functions. The relative clause commonly appears to precede the correlative clause. Nevertheless there are the instances where the relative clause follows the correlative clause. In conditional clauses, either the if-clause precedes the main clause or the main clause precedes the if-clause but the if-clause preceding the main clause is the preferred order. Primarily the verb agrees with a nominative subject or a nominative direct object, i.e., an unmarked noun. In addition, the Pahari verb also shows a pronominal agreement.

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Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

This thesis aims to provide a description of Pahari, a South Asian language spoken in the state of AJ&K. This chapter provides some general information about

Pahari, its speakers and the region in which Pahari is spoken together with the classification and a brief overview of the linguistic situation of the region. It also provides an overview of the fieldwork methods used and discusses how the data was collected.

1.1 PAHARI LANGUAGE

Pahari is an unwritten Indo Aryan language spoken along the Pir Panjal range of mountains in Jammu & Kashmir. It is spoken in the state of AJ&K, in the northern areas of Pakistan (Pothwari), especially in the Murree and Hazara districts as well as in the hilly areas of Nepal, Himalaya region, a northern

Indian province Himachal Pradesh, and in the Indian controlled Kashmir

(Grierson (1917). Estimates of the number of Pahari speakers in AJ&K vary depending on the source. The 1998 census report states that there are 2.973 million Pahari speakers in the state of AJ&K which is estimated to have risen to around 4.059 million by the year 2011 (Sarwar, 2014). Pahari is also spoken by the immigrants to the UK who originate from Pakistan held Kashmir. The migration of people to the UK from Pahari speaking areas of Azad Kashmir has in fact made it the largest South Asian language in Britain. There are about 0.6 million Pahari speakers in the UK (Lothers & Lothers, 2013). Adalat (2014)

writes that in Britain 80% to 90% of the so-called Pakistanis are in fact of

Kashmiri origin. According to him nearly all of the people immigrated to the UK from the state of Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan, speak Pahari. This arguably makes Pahari the largest language in Britain after English. Abbas

(quoted in Adalat 2014) sates:

There are 747,000 Pakistanis in Britain. I estimate that about 80% of

Pakistanis are from the Mirpur region which means that over half a

million people are Pahari speakers in this country. In Birmingham, there

are 100, 000 Pakistanis – one in ten of the population. Therefore, with

80-90,000 speaking Pahari they are by far the second largest language

group in the city.

1.1.1 Historical Background of Pahari

Shakil (2011) reports that proto-Pahari was introduced by Buddhist writers in

2nd century A.D. in Sharda University. This university was located at Sharda in

Neelum Valley near Muzaffarabad AJ&K. Masoodi (1987) claims that Pahari was spoken in the reign of King Ashok almost two and half thousand years ago.

According to him, King Ashok demonstrated his personal interest in the promotion of Pahari. He laid foundation of the first university of Asia at Sharda in Neelum and declared Pahari as the official language of his state. With the help of this language, Buddhism was spread among the masses in the Pahari belt at

King Ashok’s time. However, due to the historical challenges and religious revolutions, Buddhism disappeared from Northern India up to 9th century AD and Hinduism had been re-established in this belt. In this way Sanskrit became

the language of Darbars. Therefore, with the downfall of Buddhism, Pahari which was introduced for flourishing Buddhism had got serious setback

(Karnai 2007).

1.1.2 Script of Pahari

Pahari does not have its own script. Poonchi (2004) and Shakil (2004) assert that

Pahari was written in Sharda script which was developed by Buddhist monks.

This script acquired its name from a valley ‘Sharda’ which is situated in Neelum

Valley near Muzaffarabad, AJ&K (Shakil, 2004). Pahari was initially written in

Landa script which is a form of Sharda which was invented by

Buddhists. Miani (2010) claims that Pahari was written in Shah Mukhi script.

According to him “Saif-ul-Malook” is the first book that was written in Shah

Mukhi script which is believed to be the first Pahari book written by Hazrat

Mian Mohammad Bakash of Khari Sharief Mirpur in between 1892-1907 AD.

According to Miani (2010) the period of written form of Pahari in Shah Mukhi script is very short as later it was replaced by Sharda script. Now-a- days Urdu script is being used by the Pahari writers to produce the available literature i.e some poetry books (Nasar, 2002).

1.1.3 Pahari Dialects

As far as the number of Pahari dialects is concerned, a detailed dialectal survey has not yet been conducted. There are several sources that report on the number of Pahari dialects but there is no consensus. Ahmad (2002) claims that there are three dialects of Pahari i.e. Poonchi, Pothwari and Mirpuri. Karnai (2007) identifies four dialects namely the Mirpuri, Kotli, Poonchi and Muzaffarabadi

dialects, spread over ten districts in the state of AJ&K. Lothers and Lothers

(2010) report the three major dialects of Pahari namely Pahari, Pothwari and

Mirpuri. But according to Abbasi (2010) Pothwari is a slightly different form of

Pahari that is used mainly in the Pothohar region of province Punjab including

Rawalpindi, Gujar Khan, Islamabad, Kahuta and Texila. Sarwar (2014) claims that there are three main dialects of Pahari namely: Poonchi, Mirpuri and

Muzaffarabadi that are spoken in Poonch, Mirpur and Muzaffarabad region. All these sources have different approximations. None of them specifies the types of differences that define the boundaries between the several dialects. All the sources mentioned above used synchronic descriptive means in their studies to identify Pahari dialects. The data for this study indicates that differences exist even in Pahari spoken in nearby villages, particularly with respect to

Phonology. So a detailed dialectal survey is needed to be carried out.

1.1.4 Position of Pahari in Indo- Aryan Language Family

Grierson (1917) glossed the term Pahari as the language of people who live on mountains. He used this term to classify the languages of the Himalayan and adjoining ranges that spread from Kashmir to East Nepal. Pahari is classified by

Grierson (1917) with some other Indo-Aryan languages in a group called

‘Lahnda’. He classifies Pahari languages into three main groups. The first group is the Western Pahari that is spoken in Shimla Hills and Western Kashmir. He called second group Eastern Pahari this includes only one language, Nepali and he named third group of Pahari the central Pahari languages that include languages like Garhwali and Kumaoni spoken in India. According to Grierson

(1917):

The Pahari language falls into three main groups. In the extreme east

there is khas-kura or Eastern Pahari, called Nipali, the Aryan language

spoken in Nipal. Next in Kumaoni and Garwal. We have the central

Pahari languages Kumaoni, and Garwali. Finally in the west we have the

west Pahari spoken in Junsar, Bawar, the Simla Hill, Kulu, Mandi and

Suket, Chamba and Western Kashmiri.

Nigram (1972) divided Indo-Aryan languages into two groups: the central-northern group and the eastern group. According to him Pahari comes under the central northern group of Indo Aryan languages. The classification of central-northern group given by Nigram (1972) is given below:

Indo Aryan

Central Northern group

Northern-north-western Central

N W Central Southern

Kashmiri Sindhi Punjabi remaining Gujarati Sinhalese Konkani Marathi Languages Central Rajasthani Languages & Bhili

‘’Lahnda’’ Punjabi

Fig.1.1: Nigram’s (1972) Classification of the Indo Aryan Languages (Central+ Northern Group)

Nigram (1972) divides Indo Aryan central group of languages in two north-north western and central groups. He further classifies north-north

western group of Indo Aryan languages into Kashmiri, Sindhi and Punjabi languages. According to Nigram (1972) Pahari is included within ‘’Lahnda’’ which comes under Punjabi languages. Nigram (1972) does not give further details about the Lunda subgroups. A proposal for this is put forward by Lothers and Lothers (2010) who offer the sub tree shown in figure two below:

Nothern Lahnda

Western Central Eastern

Dhanni& Peshawari Attock Northern Pahari Pothowari Chibhali Punchi Sawain Hindko Hindko most (Dhundi- Kairali

Hazara Tinauli Hindko

Figure 1.2: Lothers and Lothers (2010) classification of the Indo-Aryan languages

Karnai (2007) divides the western Pahari into four dialects and presents the following classification of Pahari:

Indo European

Indo Aryan

North-west group

Pahari

Western Central Northern

AJ&K Pahari Sammori Mandiyali Garhali Kameni Nepali

Western Eastern

Mirpuri Kotli Poonchi Muzaffarabadi

Figure 1.3: Classification of Indo-Aryan languages by Karnai (2007)

Karnai (2007) classifies Western Pahari further into four dialects namely

Mirpuri, Kotli, and Poonchi and Muzaffarabadi dialects. Following the classification of Indo Aryan Languages by Karnai (2007), the focus of the present study is the Poonchi dialect of Pahari particularly spoken in the District

Sudhnoti. There has been very little work done on Western Pahari and its dialects. The reason of choosing Poonchi dialect is that the largest Pahari speaking community lives there. Secondly, regional languages like Hindko,

Punjabi, Kashmiri and Gojri are also spoken in other Districts. The Pahari

dialects of these districts are influenced by these regional languages but the selected district is more uniformly monolingual.

1.1.6 Influence of other Languages on Pahari

Although Pahari is the major language spoken in AJ&K in terms of its number of speakers yet it has been greatly influenced by other languages of the state including Urdu, Kashmiri and Hindko, which are all Indo-Aryan languages. In

AJ&K, Pahari speaking community is surrounded by more prestigious and influential language Urdu, the national language of Pakistan. Pahari happens to be a home language and it is mainly confined to family domain. It does not have its own script. Whatever is written now-a-days is written in Persian script. The languages of instruction in schools are Urdu and English. Pahari speakers learn

Urdu and English at schools. Consequently, educated Pahari speakers do not bother to speak Pahari. The new generation of this community prefers to use

Urdu and English for official purposes and even in their everyday conversation.

All these factors endanger the future of this language quite significantly. Hence, there is a dire need to document this language. Therefore, the present study is an effort to present the grammatical description of the language, focusing on its morphology and syntax.

1.1.7 Previous Linguistics Research on Pahari

Despite its large number of speakers and the spread in the State of AJ&K,

Pahari remains under-described when compared to its sister languages like

Urdu, Punjabi, Pashto, and Hindi. In the field of research, it is a lesser studied

language addressed by a small number of researchers only. Recently a few scholars tried to study this language from phonological point of view. Ahmad

(2002) presented a comparative study of English and Pahari. Niazi (2003) presented a phonological analysis of the Pahari language focusing on its sounds inventory. He reports that Pahari has 38 consonants and 22 vowels and there are no diphthongs in Pahari. Lothers and Lothers (2010) conducted a sociolinguistic survey of the Pahari and Pothwari language. Primarily two districts from

Pakistan i.e. Rawalpindi and Abbottabad were considered in this survey while they included just three districts out of ten districts from AJ&K in their survey i.e. Muzaffarabad, Bagh, and Mirpur as they claim that it was difficult to obtain information about this area. So the survey by Lothers and Lothers (2010) cannot be considered a comprehensive survey of Pahari language spoken in AJ&K.

Khan and Bukhari (2011) investigated the phonological adaptation of English loan words in the Pahari language. “Phonology of Pahari: Segmental and Supra

Segmental Features” by Khan (2012) is a doctoral dissertation which provides a description of the phonology of the language. He gives a basic overview of

Pahari phonology as spoken in district Bagh. The primary contribution of this work lies in its identification of phonemes in the language. He gives a basic overview of Pahari phonology as spoken in district Bagh and reports 30 consonants, 12 oral vowels, 4 nasal vowels and 6 diphthongs in Pahari.

Khalique (2012) investigated the basic word order of Pahari and its clause structure in the theoretical frame work ‘Minimalist Program’ by Chomsky. She claims that the unmarked word order in Pahari clause is SOV. According to her, apart from SOV word order, Pahari shows different word orders in its clauses for pragmatic functions. A study on Pahari language shift was conducted by Sarwar

(2014). In his study, he has looked into the current status of Pahari language in and around the vicinity of Rwalakot in the district Poonch AJ&K. He asserts that there is a language shift in the use of younger generation of Pahari native speakers due to the subdued status compared to Urdu and English.

Apart from some of the studies mentioned above, Pahari has not attracted much attention from the researchers. There has also been no significant written material produced in Pahari. Its grammar has not been documented so far. The purpose of this study is to describe the basic morphological and syntactic structures of Pahari in accordance with the principles of descriptive linguistics.

As mentioned earlier some researchers have already worked on Pahari phonology so the Phonological structure of the language will remain beyond the scope of the present study. The present study will present the description of

Morphology and syntax of Pahari.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Describing and documenting human languages not only helps in preserving the languages but also endorses their legality and recognizes the heritage of the languages and related cultures. As the discussion above shows that different studies have been conducted on Pahari language, yet little has been done

towards describing any grammatical aspect of the language. This study therefore aims to present a basic grammatical description of Pahari in accordance with the principles of descriptive linguistics.

1.3 .OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

This study aims:

1. To develop a systemic description of Pahari grammar

2. To contribute to the maintenance and revitalization of this language by presenting the basic research

3. To provide useful linguistic data for further work on Pahari language

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

As it is the descriptive study of the grammar of Pahari, this work intends to be as data-oriented as possible, and avoids answering theoretically driven questions. It will address the following general question:

 What are the grammatical properties of the language, viewed from a typological perspective?

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The present study was mainly motivated by the desire to contribute to the process of documentation of Pahari. The choice of this language was first of all inspired by the desire to transform Pahari language from oral to written form.

The purpose of this work is to present a grammatical overview of the language so that some generalizations about the language can be made in order to document some of the grammatical aspects of this language and encourage further studies. By providing this grammatical sketch, an introduction of the

language is presented that will help to preserve it for future generations. It will also attract the attention of the linguists and researchers working in the area of language typology

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The investigation of unwritten languages such as Pahari presupposes the use of methods of field linguistics, which are based on both spontaneous recording and purposeful elicitation. Moreover, being the native speaker of Pahari language, the researcher also used her native intuition.

1.6.1 Fieldwork Setting

This study used a qualitative approach with the descriptive research design and is based on primary data obtained through field visit during 2013-2016, from the

Pahari speakers living in district Sudhnoti AJ&K. The primary source of data for this work was consisted of audio recordings, from ten Pahari speakers, both male and female, ranging in age from thirty to about seventy. The bulk of the corpus was consisted of personal and traditional narratives, folklores and myths and a list of vocabulary. Though there is no doubt that naturally occurring speech proves to be the best data for any research, such data alone will not be enough for a comprehensive study. As such, the researcher had to rely on some elicitation tactics. The audio corpus was supplemented by field notes, and targeted elicitations were also conducted in order to fill in patterns and complete information. Some judgment tests were also conducted to verify the acceptability and the grammaticality of some constructions.

1.6.2 Data Analysis

After collecting data, the recorded conversations were transcribed and analyzed in detail. The first stage included the transcription of the recordings. The recordings were transcribed by following the International Phonetic Association

(IPA). At the subsequent stage the transcribed texts were analysed to describe the morphological and syntactic properties of the language. The analysis went from word, phrase and clause level consecutively then it proceeded to the sentence level.

1.7 THESIS ORGANIZATION

This dissertation consists of two main parts: morphology and syntax.

Structurally it is divided into six chapters. The first chapter serves as an introduction to the language and its speakers, providing an overview of the language and its main properties. Chapter Two describes the morphology of nouns, pronouns and adjectives and chapter Three discusses the verb and adverb morphology. After this groundwork is laid; this work steps up towards clause level features in chapter Four that addresses the syntax of simple structures in

Pahari. Here, the focus is on the formation of different type of clauses and how the various syntactic categories function within the clause. The fifth chapter addresses the syntax of complex structures and chapter six concludes the study.

Chapter 2

NOUNS, PRONOUNS AND ADJECTIVE MORPHOLOGY

This chapter covers a detail description of the morphology of nouns, pronouns and adjectives. It is divided into different sections. Sections 2.1 to 2.4 describe nouns morphology including plural formation, definiteness marking and case system in Pahari. Pronouns are discussed in section 2.5 and section 2.6 addresses adjective morphology.

2.1 NOUN MORPHOLOGY

Pahari nouns can be classified by the morphosyntactic categories like number, gender and case. Nouns in Pahari, like in many South Asian languages inflect for gender, number and case. Pahari distinguishes two genders (masculine, feminine), two numbers (singular and plural), and seven morphologically distinct cases. The nouns in Pahari usually inflect by the addition of suffix or sometimes there can be some internal phonological change. The following sections will discuss the morphological attributes of Pahari nouns.

2.1.1 Gender Marking in Pahari

Pahari nouns can be subcategorized into two genders, masculine and feminine.

The data for this study does not exhibit a single example of three-gender system though it is a common feature of the old Indo Aryan languages and it is still present in some Western New Indo Aryan Languages (Masica 1991). Nouns in natural languages are categorized into gender by three main ways: according

to the rational similarities in their meanings (semantic), through arbitrary convention (lexical) and by grouping the nouns having similar forms

(morphological). Pahari follows semantics and morphological rules for gender categorization. Some morphological as well as semantic clues, by which gender in Pahari can be distinguished, are discussed in the following section.

2.1.1.1 Semantic Gender Assignment

In some languages the meanings of nouns are sufficient to determine their gender. Corbett (1991) refers this phenomenon as semantic gender assignment.

This type of gender assignment is found in Kannada (Sridhar 1990), Mithili

(Yadav, 1996), Turwali (Lunsford, 2001), Hindi (Koul, 2008), Palula (Liljegren,

2008). In these languages nouns representing male humans are masculine, and those signifying female humans are feminine. Following other Indo-Aryan languages the semantic notion of sex and animacy play a significant role in gender assignment in Pahari. In Pahari the gender assignment to the animate nouns is based on natural gender. Pahari gender assigning system is reliant on natural gender. Specifically, animate nouns are assigned gender according to their natural gender. Data in the following table illustrates:

Table 2.1: Nouns marked with semantic gender

Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss

tʃɑːtʃaː Father’s brother tɑːtʃiː Father’s brother’s wife po:t̯raː Son’s son po:t̯rɪ: Son’s daughter tʃʊɑː Mouse (m.) tʃʊiː Mouse (f.) Continued…

Table Page 2

Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss

pɪːlaː aunt (m.) pɪːliː aunt (f.) kwʊt̯ʊr pigeon (m.) kwʊt̯ri: pigeon (f.) kʊkʊɽ cock kʊkɽi: hen ko:ɽɑː hourse ko:ɽiː mare kɑːkɑː baby boy kɑːkiː baby girl

The nouns in column one are all biologically masculine, so grammatically their gender is also masculine. The same is true for the inherently feminine nouns in column two.

The majority of animate nouns have the same root for both females and males.

However, in some of the kinship terms and the names of domestic animals, the male female pairs have different roots, like khʌsʊm ‘husband’ rʌn ‘wife’ ’ d̯ ɑ̃ːd̯

‘bull’ gɑ̃: ‘cow’ lelɑː ‘ram’, and ped ‘sheep’etc. The gender to these nouns is assigned according to their biological gender. No additional information about these nouns is needed to determine their gender.

As is common in several other South Asian languages, gender assignment in

Pahari inanimate nouns is related to the size of the referents. This phenomenon is confined to only inanimate nouns ending with /ɑ:/ and /i:/. The /ɑ:/ ending inanimate nouns generally represent large objects and they are treated as masculine, while their smaller counterparts ending in diminutive suffix /i:/ denote feminine gender. Consider the data in the following table:

Table 2.2: Gender assignment in inanimate nouns

Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss

bʌksɑː big box bʌksi: small box bʊtɑː big plant bʊ:ti: small plant ɑːrɑː big saw ɑːriː small saw giːtɑː big pebble giːtiː small pebble kʰɑːrɑː big basket kʰɑːriː small basket rʌsɑː big rope rʌsiː small rope ʈʃʌmʈʃɑː big spoon ʈʃʌmʈʃiː small spoon buːt̯ ʰɑː big face buːt̯ ʰiː small face ʈʃʰɪprɑː big head dress ʈʃʰɪpriː small head dress bʌtɑː big stone bʌti: small stone ʈʃʊfʊɽ long tail ʈʃʊfʊɽi: short tail pʊl large bridge pʊli: small bridge

The nouns in column 1 refer to large entities and they are masculine while in column 2, their smaller counterparts are treated as feminine. The literal meaning of diminutive feminine is basically small size. It can be seen that diminutive forms are derived by replacing masculine ending /ɑ:/ with feminine ending /i:/.

It is generally believed that there is an underlying semantic systems in all languages for gender assignment, yet some morphological criteria are also involved (Corbett 1991). In addition to the semantic gender assignment, there is a set of phonological and morphological rules to predict the gender for a large proportion of nouns. These rules for gender assignment are discussed in the following section.

2.1.1.2 Overt Gender Marking in Pahari

The relationship between phonology and gender marking is very common in the

Indo Aryan Languages (Masica 1991). Pahari being an Indo Aryan language shows a similarity to its sister languages. A large set of the Pahari nouns can be categorised either as feminine or masculine by looking at their ending sounds.

Very often the nouns ending in /ɑ:/ are masculine and words ending in /i:/ are feminine. These two groups of nouns are morphologically interrelated. The /ɑ:/ ending masculine nouns regularly form their feminine counterparts by replacing

/ɑ:/ with /i:/ in corresponding feminine nouns. Most of such nouns refer to kinship relations or animals. This is the most productive way of gender formation in Pahari. The following table illustrates this phenomenon:

Table 2.3: Nouns with overt gender marking

Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss

po:t̯ rɑː son’s son po:t̯̯ riː son’s daughter d̯ o:hɪt̯ rɑː daughter’ son do:ht̯ riː daughter’s daughter pɑ̃ːjɑː sister’s son pɑ̃ːjiː sister’s daughter sɑːlɑː wife’s brother sɑːliː wife’s sister kʰo:tɑː donkey kʰo:tiː female donkey kʌtɑː calf kʌtiː female calf bʌhɽɑː bull ox bʌhɽiː ox (f.) kɑ:kɑ: baby boy kɑ:ki: baby girl sɑ̃ːto:lɑː Lizard(m.) sɑ̃ːto:liː Flizard(f.)

The examples show that there is a correlation between both the two genders.

Masculine nouns in column one end in /ɑː/ and the feminine forms in column 2 are derived by substituting /i:/ for /ɑː/.

Although this derivation of diminutives is parallel to the masculine singular pairs in table 2.2 yet there is difference between these two sets of data. The pairs of the nouns in the above table have the pure masculine feminine relation but in table 2.2 diminutive feminine nouns are not the feminine counter parts of the masculine instead the feminine gender is used to indicate smallness of the object.

Though most of the nouns in Pahari can be distinguished as masculine and feminine by following /ɑ:/ ending nouns as masculine and /i:/ ending nouns as feminine rule, yet this rule is not consistent and shows some exceptions. Since there are some masculine nouns having endings identical to the feminine nouns’ endings and some feminine nouns have endings identical to the masculine nouns’ endings. For example, the words like ʈʃɑː ‘tea’, ma ‘mother’, slɑ: ‘opinion’ rɑ: ‘path’ are feminine nouns, even though these nouns end with the masculine marker /ɑ:/. Similarly, some masculine nouns like mo:ʈʃiː ‘shoe maker’ and t̯ e:li: ‘oil smith’, sə̃gi: ‘friend’ end in /i:/ which often marks feminine nouns. However the deviations do not exist in large numbers.

2.1.1.3 Suffixation

Nouns denoting castes, profession and family names that ends in /i:/, /n/ and /r/ are masculine. These masculine nouns mostly form their feminine counterpart by

adding suffix /jɑːniː/ with the nouns ending in /i:/ and by adding /i:/ with /n/ and

/r/ ending nouns.

Table 2.4: Gender marking in nouns denoting castes, profession and family names

Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss

t̪eliː oil smith t̪eljɑːniː female oil smith mo:ʈʃiː cobbler mo:ʈʃjɑːniː female cobbler mo:lviː a man who calls for prayers mo:lvjɑːniː wife of molvi kɑːriː a man who teaches Quran kɑːrjɑːniː a woman who teaches Quran d̪ arziː tailor d̪ ʌrzjɑːniː female tailor kɑːsviː a male having the caste kɑːsviː kɑːsvjɑːniː a female having caste kɑːsviː kʰo:jiː a male having the caste kʰo:jiː kʰo:jɑːniː a female of caste kʰo:jiː lʌwar blacksmith lʌwariː female blacksmith kʊmɑːr pot maker kʊmɑːriː wife of pots maker so:d̯ ʊn a male having the caste so:d̯ ʊn so:d̯ niː a female of caste so:d̯ ʊn bad̯ ʊn a male having the caste bad̯ niː a female having the caste bad̯ ʊn

It can be seen that there are two classes of noun forms that are used to specify casts names and the persons who belong to different tribes. Class one comprises of the masculine nouns ends with vowel /i:/. They form their feminine counterparts by the suffixation of /jɑːniː/. The data shows that when the suffix /jɑːniː/ is added with these nouns, last vowel /i:/ in their second syllable is deleted. The class one words ending with consonants undergo no change other than the suffixation of /jɑːniː/ for feminine marking. The class two masculine nouns form end in consonants /n/ and /r/. Their feminine counterparts are formed by suffixing vowel /i:/ with masculine nouns. Masculine nouns ending in /n/ have

/ʊ/ as the peak in second syllable which is deleted during the process of

suffixation.

In addition to the above mentioned rules, there are also some nouns used for

animals that have one grammatical gender, but are used to refer to both the

genders; for example, sɑ̃ːto:lɑː meaning either a male or female ‘lizard’.

Similarly ʈʃu:wɑː ‘mouse’, which is masculine, but can refer to either female or

male. Both ʈʃu:wɑː and sɑ̃ːto:lɑː have their feminine counterparts as well that

are used when gender distinction is required.

In Pahari the phenomenon of hybrid names is also found. Male names are used

as female names, and female names are used for males. For example nasi:m,

ʃami:m, rehi:m, kari:m, ekʰt̪ ʊr and habi:b. There are two ways to judge the

gender of these hybrid nouns. First, if these nouns are used in isolation, Pahari

speakers tend to differentiate their gender by adding feminine gender indicating

suffix /dʒa:n/ with these nouns when used for females. e.g. habi:b dʒɑ:n, kari:m

dʒɑ:n. Secondly, if these nouns are used in a sentence, the verbal agreement in

the structure clarifies the gender of the hybrid noun. There is no need to add

/dʒa:n/ with these hybrid nouns for gender identification.

1. a. nasi:m ke akʰnɑ: sɑ: nasim.NOM.M.SG what say.IPFV..M.SG be.FUT.M.SG ‘What was Nasim (male) saying?’

. b. nasi:m ke akʰni: si: nasim.NOM.F.SG what say.IPFV.F.SG be.FUT.F.SG ‘What was Nasim(female) saying?

The discussion above shows that there are morphological and phonological principles that account for gender assignment of most of the Pahari nouns. There are identifiable rules for gender assignment in Pahari with few exceptions.

2.1.2 Pluralisation

Pahari nouns also inflect for number. Number can be either singular or plural.

The plural forms of nouns in Pahari can be determined by the gender of those nouns to a greater extent. Plural is formed depending on the gender and ending of the noun. It has been discussed above that the /i:/ and /ɑ:/ are the major gender markers for feminine and masculine respectively. Masculine nouns ending with /ɑ:/ take the plural marker /e:/ while the feminine nouns that end in

/i:/, replace their final vowel with /ɪɑ̃/ to form their plural counterparts. The data in the following table demonstrates the plural marking in Pahari:

Table 2.5: Plural marking on nouns

Masculine Gloss Masculine Feminine Gloss Feminine Plural Singular Plural kʌɽo:lɑ: pumpkin kʌɽo:le: d̯ rɑːti: sickle d̪ rɑːtɪɑ̃ hɪnd̯ wɑːnaː water melon hɪnd̯ wɑːne: d̪ ɑvari: window d̪ avɑːrɪɑ̃ ʈʃɪprɑː head dress ʈʃʰɪpre: bɑːri: broom barɪɑ̃ pʊrkʰaː abaya pʊrkʰe: kʌkɽi: cucumber kʌkɽɪɑ̃ buːtaː tree bu:te: nʌɽi: neck nʌɽɪɑ̃ bɑːwaː old man bɑːwe: pʌkʰruːti: butterfly pʌkʰruːtɪɑ̃ mɑ̃ːdʒɑː broom mɑ̃ːdʒe: kʊkɽi: hen kʊkɽɪɑ̃ gʊtʰɑː knee gʊtʰe: kʌɽi: watch kʌɽɪɑ̃

This is the most productive process of plural formation in Pahari. A large number of nouns follow this process however; a small number of nouns show the deviation from this pattern. Nouns like dɑː ‘cheat’, prɑː‘brother’ and kɑː

‘grass’ are all masculine ending with ɑː but these nouns do not undergo any change for plural formation. Their plural forms remain the same. Verbal agreement provides the most convenient way to identify the number of these nouns. The following example illustrates this phenomenon:

2. a. t̯ wɑːɽɑː prɑː kʰɑ̃ː d̪ ɑː your brother.NOM.M.SG where be.PRES.M.SG ‘Where is your brother?’

b. t̯ wɑːɽeː prɑ: kʰɑ̃ː d̪ eː your brother.NOM.M.PL where be.PRES.M.PL ‘Where are your brothers?’

In 2(a) prɑ: agrees with the verb /d̪ ɑ:/ ‘is’ that is singular and in (2b) it agrees with the plural verb /d̪ e/ ‘are’. This agreement shows that the noun /prɑ:/ in (2a) is singular while it is used as plural in (2b).

Only /ɑ:/ ending masculine nouns are affected by the regular pluralisation of masculine nouns i.e by replacing /ɑ:/ with /e:/. All other masculine nouns, that end in a consonant or a vowel other than /ɑ:/ remain unchanged. This phenomenon can be seen in the following table:

Table 2.6: Invariable nouns in terms of number

Singular Gloss Plural Gloss

nɑ̃: nail nɑ̃: nails nʌk nose nʌk noses d̯ ʌnd̯ tooth d̯ ʌnd̯ teeth bɑːl hair bɑ:l hairs phul flower phul flowers pɪt̪ door pɪt doors lʌk waist lʌk waists kuːɽ lie kuːɽ lies kʰʊr hoof kʰʊr hooves kʌs rivulet kʌs rivulets kɑʈʃ glass kɑʈʃ glasses kʌr house kʌr houses sʌp snake sʌp snakes

The above given masculine nouns, remain unchanged in their plural forms. This is due to the fact that /nɑ̃:/ ‘nail’ does not end in /ɑ:/ and the other nouns have no vowel ending. An interesting fact about these nouns is that they show singular plural distinction when they are followed by a postposition.

3 a. mɪst̯ rɪe: pɪt̪ rә̃giː ʃo:ɽɪɑ carpenter.ERG.M.SG. door.NOM.M.SG. colour. leave.PERF.M.SG ‘The carpenter has painted the door.’

b. mɪst̯ rɪe: pɪt̪ rә̃giː ʃo:ɽe: carpenter.ERG.M.SG. door.NOM.M.PL colour. leave.PERF.M.PL ‘The carpenter has painted the doors.’

c. mɪst̯ ri: pt̪ ɪe ki: rә̃g lɑːnɑː carpenter.NOM.M.SG door.ACC.M.SG colour. attach.IPFV..M.SG ‘The carpenter is painting the door.

d. mɪst̯ ri: pɪt̯ ẽ: ki: rә̃g lɑːnɑː carpenter.NOM.M.SG.. door.M.PL.ACC. colour. attach.IPFV.M.SG. ‘The carpenter is painting the doors.

The noun /pɪt̪ / ‘door’ in (3a) and (3b) is in nominative case, so the same form of the noun /pɪt̪ / functions as singular in (3a) and plural in (3b). Whereas in 3(c) and (3d) /pɪt̪ / is followed by accusative postposition /ki/. In (3c) the /pit̪ / inflects on the pattern of singular noun inflection for oblique case while in (3d) it inflects like a plural noun.

Majority of feminine nouns ending in vowel /i:/ in the data form their plurals by replacing final vowel /i:/ with /iã/, yet the feminine nouns ending in vowel /ɑ:/ or consonants do not conform this pattern. These feminine nouns take /ĩː/ as plural marker. The list of these nouns is given below:

Table 2.7: Number marking on feminine nouns ending with /ɑ:/ and consonants

Singular Gloss Plural Gloss

bɑː fountain bɑĩː fountains hʌwɑː air hʌwɑĩː airs mә̃dʒ buffalo mә̃dʒjĩː buffalos ɑːkʰ eye ɑːkʰĩː eyes

Apart from the general plural formation rule related to gender, Pahari plurals are also formed by vowel change. The plurals of bisyllabic masculine nouns that end with consonants are formed by the modification of vowel in the second syllable. The following table illustrates the patterns:

Table 2.8: Nouns pluralized through vowel modification

Singular Gloss Plural Gloss

kʊkʊɽ cock kʊkәɽ cocks pʊt̯ ʊr son pʊt̯ әr sons pәɵʊr stone pәɵәr stones dә̃gʊr animal dә̃gәr animals sʊt̯ ʊr thread sʊt̯ әr threads kwʊt̯ ʊr pidgeon kwʊt̯ әr pidgeons ko:pʊr head ko:pәr heads rәpʰʊɽ hardship rapʰәɽ hardships bәɵʊl edge of field bәɵәl edges of field ʃuːgʰʊl fun/joke ʃu:gәl fun/ jokes

It is interesting to note that all singular masculine nouns have back vowel /ʊ/ as the peak in their second syllable that is replaced by /ә/ in their plural counterparts. Therefore, a broader generalization can be made that two syllabic masculine nouns that end with a consonant /l/ and /r/ having ʊ as the peak in the second syllable, form their plural counterpart by replacing vowel /ʊ/ with /ә/, in their second syllable.

2.2 CASES IN PAHARI

This section deals with the case marking on NPs in Pahari. (The case marking on pronoun will be discussed in section (2.5.1.1). NPs are overtly case-marked for the semantic or syntactic functions they perform. The case features are based on two types of forms: direct form that is also referred as nominative and oblique form. For example, the masculine noun kʊɽi: ‘girl’ has the following inflectional forms:

Forms SG PL Direct kʊɽi: kʊɽɪɑ̃ Oblique kʊɽɪe kʊɽɪɔː

The oblique form is used when a noun is followed by a case marker or postposition. For example kʊɽɪɑ̃ ki ‘to the women’, ɑːre sʌŋg ‘with the axe’, kʌmreɪʈʃ ‘in the room’, etc. Pahari has seven morphologically distinct case marking morphemes. All cases other then nominative in this language are morphologically marked. Nouns functioning as ergative, instrumental, accusative, dative, ablative, locative or genitive occur in postpositional phrases and are all morphologically marked. A number of features can determine the case marking in Pahari like animacy, specificity, the grammatical relationship between the NPs in the construction as well as the nature of the verb determines the particular case of the NP. Pahari uses a number of postpositions as case markers. They indicate the grammatical function that the NPs fulfil. The following section provides a detailed discussion of the cases in Pahari:

2.2.1 Nominative Case

Nominative case is called the bare or direct case in the South Asian languages due to the reason that NPs in nominative case are not marked by any postposition (Kachru, 1980). Like other South Asian languages, the absence of a case marker on NP in Pahari indicates that the NP is in nominative case. The nominative case in Pahari appears on the NP with imperfective verb that grammatically functions as the agent subject or direct object in transitive or intransitive sentences. Consider the example:

4. a. ʃɑfi:k rɔtti: kʰɑnɑː shafique.NOM.M.SG bread-NOM.F.SG eat-IPFV.M.SG ‘Shafique is taking meal.’

b. ʃɑfi:ke fɑzɑːne-ki: kәt̪ ɑːv deɪ ʃɔːɽi: shafique.ERG.M.SG. fazaan-ACC. book.NOM-F.SG give PERF.F.SG ‘Shafique has given a/the book to Fazaan.’

c. kʊɽi: kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽni: girl.NOM.F.SG book.NOM.F.SG read.PRES.F.SG ‘The girl is reading the/a book.’

Example (4) confirms the fact that nominative case appears on both the subject and the direct object NPs in Pahari with imperfective verbs. In (4a), NP ʃɑfi:k which functions as the agent subject of imperfective verb kʰɑnɑː ‘eat’ is in nominative case. Whereas, in (4b) the subject ʃɑfi:k takes ergative marker as it’s the subject of a perfective verb while the direct object kitav ‘book’ is in nominative case. In (4c) both kʊɽi: ‘girl’ and kət̪ ɑːv ‘book’ which function as the subject and object respectively bear nominative case.

2.2.2 Ergative Case

The typological linguists account that ergative marking in most of the Indo

Aryan languages is tense/aspect split. Trask (1979) proposes a typological universal that if the ergative is restricted to some tenses or aspects, ergative constructions occur in the past tense or perfective aspect, while there is nominative construction in the remaining tenses. Pahari data provide support to this claim. In Pahari, the ergative case is assigned to the agent subjects of transitive verbs in past tense or perfective aspect. Consider the following example:

5 a. dʒә̃ngt̪ -e kәpɽe t̪ ɔːt̪e boy.ERG.M.SG. clothes.NOM.M.PL wash.PST.M.PL ‘The boy washed the clothes.’

b. ʃәfiːk-e nvɑːz pәɽi: ʃɔːɽi: shafique.ERG. prayer-NOM.F.SG read-PST.F.SG leave.PERF.F.SG ‘Shafique has offered the prayer.’

In (5a), the past form of the transitive verb t̪ ɔːt̪ e ‘washed’ allows the subject dʒə̃ngt̪ ‘boy’ to bears the ergative case therefore, the verb does not agree with it.

In this example, the verb agrees with the object kəpɽe ‘clothes’ that bears the nominative case and therefore can control agreement. Similarly, in (5b) the subject carries the ergative case, as a result the verb does not agree with it.

Example (5) illustrates the fact that only transitive verbs allow ergative case marker to be attached to subjects. However, the subjects of intransitive verbs always take nominative or dative case. They do not bear ergative case whether they are in perfective aspect or imperfective. As the example illustrates:

6 a. dʒәngʊt̪ pɪnɖi: gɪɑ boy.NOM.M.SG pindi.NOM go-PST.M.SG ‘The boy went to Pindi.’

b. kʊɽɪ-ɑ ɣo:sɑː ɑːjɑː girl-DAT.F.SG anger.NOM.M.SG come-PST.M.SG ‘The girl became angry.’

In 6(a-b) although the verbs are in past tense, the intransitive verb gɪɑ ‘go’ in

(6a) takes the nominative subject and does not allow it to take the ergative marker. In (6b) the compound verb ɣo:sɑː ɑːjɑː ‘became angry’ is also intransitive so its subject takes dative marker.

In the traditional literature on the case system of South Asian languages such as

Hindi-Urdu (Mahajan 1994, 1997), Punjabi (Butt 1995, Akhtar 2000) and Gojri

(Bukhari & Akhtar, 2008) etc., it is claimed that South Asian languages exhibit split ergative case system. Following this claim, it is interesting to note that ergativity in Pahari is also spilt being conditioned by aspect and tense. Ergative case in Pahari appears on the subjects in simple past tense and perfective aspects only. As example (7) illustrates the tense aspect based split ergative system in Pahari:

7. a. faisal-e kʰәt lɪkʰjɑː faisal.ERG.M.SG letter.NOM.M.SG write.PST.M.SG ‘Faisal wrote a letter.’

b. fasɪl-e rɔːttiː kʰɑɪ ʃɔːɽi: faisal.ERG.M.SG bread.NOM.F.SG eat leave.PERF.F.SG. ‘Faisal has taken the meal.’

c. fasɪl-e kʰәt̪ lɪkʰi: ʃɔːɽɪɑ sɑː faisal.ERG.M.SG letter.NOM.M.SG write leave.PERF.M.SG be.PST.M.SG ‘Faisal had written a letter.’

The above example shows that subjects are ergative marked in past tense and perfective aspect. In (7a) the verb lɪkʰjɑː ‘write’ does not agree with the subject fasɪl as it exhibits the ergative case marker -e. In this example, the verb enters into agreement with object kʰət ‘letter’ that is in nominative case. Similarly, in

(7b) the verb ʃɔːɽi:´leave’ does not agree with the subject faisal which is in ergative case but the verb agrees with the object rɔːttiː ‘bread’ that is a nominative subject. The ergative case in (7a-c) blocks the agreement of verbs with the subjects. Instead, the verbs in (7a- c) agree with the objects which bear nominative case.

Like other languages of the region such as Urdu, Punjabi and Gojri, Pahari does not exhibit ergativity marking in other tenses and aspects. Pahari shows nominative-accusative or nominative- nominative constructions in others aspects and tenses. As the following example shows:

8. a. kɔɪɑ: gәd̪ d̪ i: ʈʃәlɑːnɑː man.NOM.M.SG van-NOM.F.SG drive.HAB.M.SG ‘The man is driving/ drives a van.’

b. kɔɪɑ: gәd̪ d̪ i: ʈʃәlɑːnɑː sɑː man.NOM.M.SG van.NOM.F.SG drive.IPFV. be.PST.M.SG ‘The man was driving a van.’

c. dʒәngʊt̪ , pɪndi: gesi:, boy.NOM.M.SG. pindi.NOM.SG. go.FUT ‘The boy will go to Pindi.’

Example (8a) is in habitual aspect and (8b) is in past progressive aspect whereas, the structure in (8c) is in future tense. The subjects in all the sentences are in nominative case. This example confirms the fact that Pahari exhibits ergativity in past tense and perfective aspect but not in other tenses and aspects.

Interestingly, the assignment of ergative case in Pahari is not confined to perfective aspect or past tense and the transitivity of the verb but it is also associated with some phonological grounds. The ergative case marker does not appear on subject that ends with vowel. These nouns are covertly marked for ergative case, while subjects that end with consonants bear ergative case markers /e/, /a:/ /ɪɑ̃/. It refers to the fact that, ergative case is covertly marked in the context of the subject that ends with a vowel sound. The following example illustrates this argument:

9. a. salɪjɑː pɑ̃ːnde ɑ̃ːnde saliha.ERG.F.SG pots.NOM.M.PL bring.PST.M.PL “Saliha brought the pots.”

b. zahɪd̪ ɑː kɪt̪ ɑːv pәɽiː zahida.ERG.F.SG. book.NOM.F.SG. read. PST.F.SG “Zahida read the book.”

In (9a) the NP salɪjɑː ends with a vowel sound and it does not take ergative marker though it functions as an ergative subject as the verb does not agree with it rather it agrees with object NP. Similarly the same phenomenon can be seen in

(9b) where the subject zahɪd̪ ɑː also ends with short front vowel /a:/ and does not allow an ergative marker to appear on it. This example confirms the claim that the NPs ending with a vowel do not take ergative marker but their counterpart subjects (ending with a consonant) overtly take ergative marker. The example (10) illustrates this phenomenon:

10. a. mehmud̪ -eː kʰәt̪ likʰjɑː sɑː mehmood.ERG.M.SG. letter.NOM.M.SG write.PST be.PST.M.SG. “Mehmood wrote a letter.‟

b. ʃafɪk-eː kɪt̪ ɑːv pәɽiː si: shafique.ERG.M.SG book.NOM.F.SG read be.PST.F.SG “Shafique read a book.’

In example (10a-b) the subjects mehmud̪ and ʃafɪk both end with a vowel sound and they are overtly marked for ergative case therefore do not show agreement with the verbs. The objects are in nominative case, so the verb agrees with the objects in these examples. The above-mentioned data makes it clear that in

Pahari ergative marker appears on the NPs that end with a consonant sound.

Although ergativity is covertly marked in the context of the words that end with

vowel sound but Pahari also shows exception. In Pahari ergativity is overtly marked on third person feminine singular nouns ending with vowel sound:

11. a. kʊɽɪɑ kәpɽe t̪ ɔːt̪e girl.ERG.F.SG. clothes.NOM.M.PL wash.PST.M.PL ‘The girl washed the clothes.’

b. bekrɪɑ kɑː kʰɑɪ ʃɔːɽɪɑ goat.ERG.F.SG grass.NOM.M.SG eat-PST leave.PERF.M.SG ‘The goat has eaten grass.’

c. bɪllɪɑ d̪ ʊd̪ piː ʃɔːɽɪɑ sɑː cat.ERG.F.SG. milk.M.SG drink. leave. PERF.M.PL be.PST.M.SG ‘The cat had drunk milk.’

The subjects /kʊɽi:/ ‘girl’ /bekri/: ‘goat’ and /bɪlli:/ ‘cat’ all end with vowel sound /i:/ that is a feminine marker in Pahari. All these subjects carry ergative marker /a/. The verbs in (11a-c) agree with their respective nominative objects as the subjects in (11a-c) are ergative marked. The above example justifies the claim that third person feminine singular nouns ending with vowel sound bear overt ergative marking.

2.2.3 Accusative Case

The accusative case in Pahari is marked by the postposition /ki:/ on direct objects. Most of the South Asian languages use morphological means to differentiate two types of direct objects. Some direct objects are marked with accusative case while the others are unmarked. In these languages, the accusative marking on direct objects is determined by the factors like animacy, specificity and definiteness, (Comrie 1979, Butt 1993, Mohanan 1994, de Hoop

1996, Aissen 2003). The accusative case marking in Pahari is not totally akin to the accusative marking in its sister language of the region. In Pahari, case

markers do not distinguish between animate and inanimate objects. Direct objects in Pahari independent of whether they are animate or inanimate are accusative marked.

12. a. ʃɑːjʊd̪ jәngʊt̪ e- ki: mɑːrnɑː Sajid.NOM.M.SG boy-ACC.M.SG beat.IPFV.M.SG. ‘Sajid is beating the boy.’

b. mɪsrt̪i: kәnd̪ ɑ-ki: rәng lɑːnɑː carpenter.NOM.M.SG wall-ACC.F.SG paint attach. IPFV.M.SG. ‘The carpenter is painting the wall.’

The example shows that both the animate direct object jəngʊt ‘boy’ in (12a) as well as inanimate direct object kənd ‘wall’ in (12b) are morphologically marked with accusative case. These instances suggest that animacy is not the crucial motivation for accusative marking, it is partially aligns with animacy. Although to some, extent the accusative marking is related to animacy, yet it is not the only essential condition for accusative marking.

The accusative marker is obligatory with object NP in past tense and perfective aspect. When both the agent and the patient are animate, the absence of accusative marker in these constructions makes them semantically ambiguous.

14. a. kʊɽɪɑ bekrɪɑ mɑːrɪɑ girl.F.SG. goat.SG.F. beat.PST.M.SG. ‘The girl beat the goat.’/ ‘The goat hit the girl.’kɔɪe

b. kɔɪe kʊɽɪɑ ʈʃәnd mɑːri: man.M.SG. girl.F.SG. slap.NOM.F.SG. beat.F.SG ‘The man slapped the girl.’/ ‘The girl slapped the man.’

c. kʊɽɪɑ bekrɪɑ-kɪ mɑːrɪɑ girl. F.SG. goat.ACC.SG.F. beat. PST.M.SG. ‘The girl beat the goat.’

d. kɔɪe kʊɽɪɑ-ki: ʈʃәnd mɑːri: man.M.SG. girl.ACC.F.SG. slap.NOM.F.SG. beat.F.SG ‘The man slapped the girl.’

In the example (14a) the agents kʊɽi: ‘girl’ and the patient bekri: ‘goat’ both are animate and both are feminine. So the verbal ending does not resolve the ambiguity. Moreover, Both the NPs are in their oblique form. In Pahari, the oblique and ergative case endings on NPs are identical. This makes the constructions ambiguous. Due to the flexible word order in Pahari, it is difficult to decide which NP is the agent and which one is the patient. Both the NPs are equally possible agents of the event mɑːrna: ‘to beat’. In (14a) either the girl has beaten the goat or the goat has beaten the girl, both the interpretations are possible. Likewise, in (14b) both the human NPs are in oblique forms. The absence of accusative marker on object raises the semantic ambiguity. Accusative marking on the objects NPs in both the constructions changes the meaning accordingly. As in (14c) and (14d), the accusative marking specifies the objects bekri: and kʊɽi: respectively.

The inanimate indefinite NPs are not marked for the accusative case. Like most of the South Asian languages, Pahari has no articles equivalent to English 'a, an' and the. In order to mark definiteness, Pahari employs the use of demonstratives and numeral /ek/. The cardinal numeral /ek/ 'one' is used to denote indefinite entities. The following example illustrates that the inanimate indefinite NPs do not take accusative marking:

15. a. mẽ kәt̪ ɑːv ek ɑːnsɑ̃: I.SG. book. NOM. F.SG. a bring.IPFV.SG. 'I will bring a book.’

b. * mẽ kәt̪ ɑːv ek-ki ɑːnsɑ̃: I.SG book. NOM.F.SG. a .ACC bring.IPFV. 'I will bring a book.’

c. mẽ khәt̪ ek lekhsɑ̃: I.SG letter. NOM.M.SG. a write.IPFV. ‘I will write a letter’

d. * mẽ khәt̪ ek-ki lekhsɑ̃: I.1.SG book.NOM.F.SG. a-ACC write.IPFV. ‘I will write a letter’

These examples provide the evidence that the indefinite determiner ek ‘one’ and accusative marker /ki:/ cannot simultaneously appear with inanimate indefinite

NPs. So (15b) and (15d) do not sound like natural utterances to the native speakers.

On the other hand for animate NPs, the combination of /ek / and /ki:/ gives a specific indefinite reading. As the following example illustrates:

16. a. ʊs kʊkɽi: ek ko:tʰiː he.ERG.M/F.SG hen.NOM. one slughter.PST.F.SG. ‘He slaughtered a hen.’

b. ʊs kukria ek-ki: ko:tʰɑː he.ERG.M/F.SG hen.OBL.F.SG. one.ACC slughter.PST. F.PL. ‘He slaughtered the hen’

Another interesting feature in Pahari is that the accusative marking on objects alternates with the nominative marking. The criterion for this optional accusative marking is the relative emphasis on the object.

17. a. gʰɑd̪ rɑː me:ze-ki: sɑːf kәrnɑː boy.NOM.M.S . table.ACC.M.SG clean do. IPFV.M.SG.

‘The boy is cleaning the table.’

b. gʰɑd̪ rɑː meɪz sɑːf kәrnɑː boy.NOM.M.SG. table. NOM.M.SG. clean do. IPFV.M.SG. ‘The boy is cleaning the table.’

c. ʈʃɑːlɑː kәnd̪ ɑ:-ki: kʊtnɑː mad man.NOM.M.SG. wall.ACC.F.SG. beat. IPFV.M.SG. ‘The mad man is hitting the wall.’

d. ʈʃɑːlɑː kәnd̪ kʊtnɑː mad man.NOM.M.SG. wall.NOM.F.SG. beat. IPFV.M.SG. ‘The mad man is hitting the wall.’

This accusative-nominative alternation has semantic significances. Sentences like (17a and c) are used in emphatic situation. The accusative marker is used with the objects for giving emphasis on the object noun. In (17a), by using accusative maker with the object meɪz ‘table’, the speaker suggests that the boy is cleaning the table not something else. While its nominative counterpart in

(17b) is just the simple declarative statement. This feature sets Pahari apart from other languages of the region where the optional accusative marking is related to the definiteness.

2.2.4. Dative Case

The dative case marker and the accusative case marker are the same in most

Indo-Aryan languages spoken in South Asia, and sometimes they are treated as one. This is supported by Mahajan’s (1994, 1997) analysis where he claims that every instance of ko in Hindi must be treated as inherent dative case.

Mohanan’s (1990, 1994) view of the dative and accusative case marker is different and he carefully distinguishes one from the other. This disagreement

concerning the dative and accusative markers is not recent. Allen (1951) argues that the Hindi ko is nothing but the dative marker. Pahari though exhibits the homophonous marker ki: for dative and the accusative cases yet they fulfil two different functions. The use and function of accusative case marker have been discussed in section 2.3.3. Here the focus will be on the functions of dative case marker; that are discussed below:

Firstly, in Pahari indirect objects bear dative Case. Consider the following example:

18 a. bɑdʒi: ɑsʊd-ki: pese d̪ ɪte sister.ERG.F.SG asad.DAT. money.NOM.M.PL give.PST.M.PL ‘Sister gave money to Asad.’

b. mɑstәre mẽ-ki: kɪt̪ɑːv d̪ ɪt̪i: teacher.ERG.M.SG i.DAT. book.NOM.F.SG give.PST.F,SG ‘The teacher gave me a book.’

The example shows that the dative case marker ki: appears with indirect objects

ɑsʊd ‘Asad’ and mẽ ‘I’ in (18a) and (18b). On the other hand, the direct objects pese ‘money’ and kɪt̪ ɑːv ‘book’ the nominative case.

It has been discussed in section 2.3.3 that direct objects take accusative case marker in Pahari. Since the accusative case marker and dative marker are homophonous in

Pahari, they are not allowed to co-occur in a single clause. Thus, in a dative construction, accusative case marking i.e. ki: on the direct object is not permitted since the indirect object bears the same case marker i.e. ki:. For illustration see the following example:

19 a. ɑmmi: mẽ-ki: kәpɽe d̪ ɪt̪e mother.ERG.F.SG i.DAT clothes.NOM.M.PL give.PST.M.PL

‘Mother gave me clothes.’

b.* ɑmmi: mẽ-ki: kәpɽe-ki: d̪ ɪt̪e mother.ERG.F.SG i.DAT clothes.DAT.M.PL give.PST.M.PL ‘Mother gave me clothes.’

The ungrammaticality of (19b) shows that we cannot use both the accusative and the dative case markers together in one sentence. The example also illustrates that there also exists a hierarchical order with respect to case marking in general. For instance, in a dative construction, the beneficiary argument obligatorily requires the case marker ki: and it generally precedes the direct object which has to appear in the nominative case in such case.

So far it has been discussed that dative case marker appears on indirect objects in

Pahari. Besides this the dative case marker in Pahari appears on the subjects in the context of “experiencer predicates”. Sentences, in which the logical subject of a clause takes the dative case, rather than the nominative case, are a widespread areal feature of South Asian languages. There is a certain class of predicates in South

Asian languages, which have generally been characterized as ‘experiencer’ verbs that take a dative marked subject (Masica, 1976; Bhatia, 1993; Mohanan, 1993;

Masic, 2005). Such verbs convey semantic notions such as experiencing, feeling, wanting and liking. The dative case marker in Pahari specifically appears on the subject of the experiencer verbs such as hunger as in (20a) and mental states like anger as in (20b).

20. a. dʒәngt̪e-ki: pʊkʰ lәɣi:ni: boy.DAT hunger.NOM.F.SG. attach.IPFV.F.SG ‘The boy is feeling hungry.’

b. ɑbe-ki: ɣɔsɑː ɑːjɑː father.DAT anger.NOM.M.SG. come.PST.M.SG ‘Father became angry.’

The subjects in (20a) and (20b) are marked with the dative accusative case and the verb agrees with the nominative NPs.

2.2.5 Instrumental Case

Instrumental case in Pahari is marked on inanimate NPs. These NPs are the instrument by which an agent performs an action (Blake 1994). The postposition səŋg is used with the NP that names the instrument by which the action described by a verb, is performed. A typical use of instrumental case can be seen in the following example:

21. a. kʊɽɪɑ ʈʃʊrɪɑ -sәŋg sɑːg kәpjɑː girl.ERG.F.SG knife.F.SG-.INS. vegetable.M.SG cut.PST.F.SG ‘The girl cut the vegetable with a knife.

b. kɔɪɑ kvɑɽɪɑ-sәŋg bu:t̪ ɑː kәpjɑː man.ERG.M.SG axe-F.SG-INS. tree.M.SG cut.PST.M.SG ‘The man cut the tree with an axe.’

In example (21a) ʈʃʊri: ‘knife’ is an instrument by which the subject kʊɽi: ‘girl’ is performing the action of cutting vegetable. In (21b) kvɑɽi: ‘ax’ is an instrument that is used by the subject to perform the action of cutting a tree.

Stassen (2000) identifies that a number of the languages of the world use the same marker for instrumental relation and comitative relations. He refers to such languages as ‘with-languages’. In line with the most of the other language of the world, Pahari uses the same marker səŋg ‘with’ to express instrumental relations

and comitative function. The following example highlights the difference between the comitative and the instrumental səŋg:

22. a. o: ɑːpnɪɑ̃ ɑmmĩ: sәŋg reniː she.NOM.F.SG. her mother. with.COMM. live.IPFV.F.SG. ‘She lives with her mother.’

b. o: ɑːre sәŋg lʊkɽi: kәpnɑː he.NOM.M.SG. saw with.INS. wood.NOM.F.SG. cut.IPFV.M.SG. ‘He is cutting the wood with a saw.’

In example (22a) səŋg functions as comitative whereas in (22b) sәŋg marks the

NP ‘ɑːre’ ‘saw’ with instrumental case. Structurally, there is no difference between comitative and instrumental roles. From gloss it can be concluded that comitative reading is only possible with animate nouns while instrumental reading is possible with an inanimate noun.

2.2.6 Genitive Case

The postposition /na:/ is used to express the genitive case. The postposition /na:/ inflects for number and gender. The genitive phrase indicates the possessor, while the head of the noun phrase indicates the item possessed.

23. a. ɑmnɑː-nɑː ʈʃɔːlɑː nә̃vɑː d̪ ɑː amna.GEN.M.SG. frok.NOM.M.SG. new be.PRES.M.SG ‘Amna’s frock is new.’

b. sɑdɪɑ -ni gәd̪ d̪ iː rәt̪t̪ i: d̪ iː sadia.GEN. F.SG. van.NOM.F.SG. red be.PRES.F.SG. ‘Sadia’s van is red.’

c. kɔːtʰe-nɪɑ̃ dәvɑːriә̃ bәɽɪɑ̃ dɪjɑ̃ː house.GEN.F.PL. windows.NOM.F.PL big be.PRES.F.PL ‘The windows of the house are big.’

d. mәrjʊm-ne ʈʃʰɪpre su:ne d̪ e maryam.GEN.M.PL headdress.NOM.M.PL beautiful be.PRES.M.PL. ‘Maryam’s head dresses are beautiful.’

As can be seen in the 23 (a –d) that genitive marker /na:/ inflects for number and gender. The markers /na:,/ /ni:,/ /ne/ and /nɪɑ̃/ are used to represent masculine singular, feminine singular, masculine plural, and feminine plural respectively. It can also be seen in the above examples that the genitive postposition agrees with the head NPs in gender, number and person.

The genitive marker can occur with more than one NPs in the same construction.

See the following example:

24. jo: ʊs kʊɽɪɑ-nɪɑ̃ ammjɑ̃:-nɑ: bәtvɑː d̪ ɑː This that girl.F.SG-GEN.F.SG mother.F.SG.-GEN wallet.M.SG be.PRES.M.SG. ‘This wallet belongs to that girl’s mother.’

The genitive performs multiple functions similar to Maithili (Yadav, 1997),

Urdu (sharma, 1994) and Hindi (Spencer, 2005)). Firstly, it is used to show the social relationship and possession.

25. a. fɑzɑːn nɑː mɑːstʊr faizan.M.SG-GEN.M.SG teacher. NOM.M.SG. ‘Faizan’s teacher.’

b. pәpu:-niː bәkri: papu.M.SG-GEN.F.SG goat.F.SG. ‘Papu’s goat.’

It is important to mention that certain social relations are not necessarily always marked with an overt genitive marker.

26. o: pʊt̪ re-sәŋg rәniː she.NOM.F.S son.M.SG. with.INS. live. IMP.F.SG. ‘She lives with (her) son’.

Along with the above mentioned role, the genitive in Pahari also performs an

attributive function. It is used to indicate the source or origin of the entity.

27. jo ʈʃɑɪnɑː ne dʒʊt̪ e d̪ e this china. from shoes.NOM.M.PL. be.PRS.M.SG. ‘These shoes are from China.’

In this example the genitive marker /ne/ is not used as a genitive marker instead

it indicates the origin of dʒʊt̪ e ‘shoes’ i.e. the shoes are from China.

2.2.7 Locative Case

The locative case in Pahari is marked by the elided postpositions / ɪʈʃ / and /er/.

The actual locative postpositions are /vɪʈʃ/ and /ʊper/ but when they are used

with NPs in locative case, consonant /v/ from /vɪʈʃ/ and /ʊp/ from /ʊper/ are

deleted. Parallel to prepositions in English, the locative postpositions can be

used to express several figurative locations that are discussed below. The

locative /ɪʈʃ/ is used to indicate the location within or inside something.

28. a. dʒәngʊt̪ kәmre-ɪʈʃ d̪ ɑː boy.NOM.M.SG. room.LOC. be. PRES.M.SG. ‘The boy is in the room.’

b. nɪkɑː sku:le-ɪʈʃ d̪ ɑː child.NOM.M.SG. school.LOC. be. PRES.M.SG. ‘The child is in the school.’

Besides indicating the location within or inside something, the locative marker

/ɪʈʃ/ also expresses the time duration as shown in the following example:

29. a. ʊs ek gәnte-ɪʈʃ kәm kʰәt̪ ʊm kɪt̪ ɑː he/she.ERG one hour-LOC work finish do.PST.M.SG. ‘He/She finished work in an hour.

b. o: minte ɪʈʃ ɑjɑː he minute-LOC come.PST.M.SG. ‘He came in a minute.’

The second locative marker /er/, 'on' is used to express: location on or at something. For illustration consider the following example:

30. a. glɑːs әlmɑːrɪɑ-er d̪ ɑː glass.NOM.M.SG. cupboard.LOC. be. PRES.M.SG. ‘The glass is on the cupboard.

b. lʊkɽi: zɑːmnɑ-er d̪ i: wood.NOM.F.SG. earth.LOC. be. PRES.F.SG. ‘The wood is on the earth.’

In 30(a) and 30(b) the locative marker /er/, 'on' has been used to indicate the location of the objects glɑːs and lʊkɽi: respectively.

2.2.8 Vocative Case

Pahari expresses vocative meaning through case markers. The vocative case markers are added to the oblique stem of a noun in vocative case. The following table shows the vocative case markers in Pahari:

Table 2.9: The vocative case suffixes

Singular Plural Masculine oː→dʒәngt̪ ɑː Hey, boy o:→ dʒәngt̪ oː Hey, boys Feminine o:→ kʊɽɪe Hey, girl o: → kʊɽɪo: Hey, girls

There is also a vocative particle /o:/ that can precede the vocative addressee.

31. a. o: kʊɽɪe ed̪ әr ɑː that girl here come.IMP. ‘Hey girl! Come here.’

b. o: dʒәngt̪ ɑː kʰɑːn dәn that boy where be.PRES..M.SG. ‘Hey boy! where are you?’

The vocative case of proper nouns and kinship terms can be expressed in two ways. Either the names and kinship terms in the absolutive case represent the vocative form or the vocative particle /o:/ precedes the proper nouns and kinship terms to represent their vocative case.

32. a. ɑslʊm dʒәld̪ i: gʊʈʃʰ aslam quickly go.IMPER. ‘Aslam! go fast.’

b. o: ɑslʊm dʒәld̪ i: gʊʈʃʰ hey aslam quickly go.IMP. ‘Hey Aslam! go fast.’

The following table summarises the overall Pahari cases:

Table 2.10: Case suffixes in Pahari

Cases Masculine Masculine Feminine Feminine Function SG PL SG PL Nominative Φ Φ Φ Φ S/object Ergative e ẽ ɑː ẽ Subject/ Agentive Accusative ki: ki: ki: ki: Object/ Patient Dative ki ki ki: ki Subject/Object/Goal Genitive nɑː ne niː nɪɑ̃ S/ Object/ Possessor Instrumental sәŋg sәŋg sәŋg sәŋg Subject/association Vocative o: , e o: , e o: ,e o: , e Subject Locative ɪʈʃ, er ɪʈʃ, er ɪʈʃ, er ɪʈʃ, er Subject/place

The above table shows that there are eight cases in Pahari. It indicates that there is no nominative case marker in Pahari that refers to the fact that nominative

case is always bare. The table also shows that accusative and dative case

markers are homophonous in Pahari. Furthermore, Pahari unlike its sister

languages like Hindi, Gojri, Urdu and Punjabi, has three markers for ergative

marking, There are two different ergative markers for masculine singular and

feminine singular while masculine plural and feminine plural bear

homophonous ergative markers. The vocative markers are same for masculine,

feminine, singular and plural.

2.3 DEFINITENESS

Pahari is included among those South Asian languages that do not have

articles. Definiteness in Pahari is mostly inferred from the context. NPs in

Pahari lack articles and their status whether they are definite or indefinite is

generally inferred only by the context.

33. pәnsʊl mẽ ki: d̪ әs pencil.F.SG. I-DAT. show. IMP. Show me the/a pencil.

The noun pənsʊl ‘pencil’ in the example lacks any indefiniteness marker and can have both a specific and a non–specific reading. Depending upon the speaker’s point of view and the shared knowledge between the speaker and the hearer, it can mean either ‘show me a pencil’ or ‘show me the pencil’.

Beside this the linguistic devices like cardinal numeral /ek / ‘one’ and

demonstratives are used to identify the referents in Pahari. Although the

cardinal numeral /ek / 'one' is used to denote indefinite entities, yet its use is

more limited as compared to its English equivalent a and an. Generally, /ek / is

used only to mark indefinite objects where it gives the meanings of unfamiliarity. See the examples:

34. a. bɑːr kʊɽiː ek d̪ i outside girl.F.SG. a be. PRS.F.SG. ‘There is a girl outside.’

b. bɑːr ek kʊɽiː d̪ i outside one girl.F.SG. be. PRS.F.SG. ‘There is one girl outside.’

In (34a) the particle /ek / ‘one’ is functioning like an indefinite article. It provides the information that the girl outside is unknown for the speaker, while in (34b) /ek / is used as a numeral one. It is particularly used to show the quantity of the referent. Moreover, the above quoted examples clarify that when the particle /ek / is used to denote indefinite objects it follows the head noun whereas when it is used as the numeral /ek /, it precedes the head noun.

In articleless languages it is common to use demonstratives to express definiteness (Haspelmath 1997, Katunar et al. 2013). So is the case with Pahari where definiteness is marked by demonstrative pronouns. The demonstratives /e

/'this', and /o:/ ‘that’ are used when the speaker wants to specify any entity. Like

English, in Pahari the demonstrative pronouns function as “pointing devices”.

Through their deictic functions they indicate to the listener that the object referred to by these devices can be identified in the context or situation.

35. a dʒɪsnɑ̃ː bɪɑ d̪ ɑː o: kʊɽiː kʰɑːn d̪ iː whose marriage. be.PRES.M. that girl.F.SG where be.PRS.F.SG. ‘Where is the girl who is going to be married?’

b. ʊne ek kәni: bʊdʒɪni: they one story.F.SG. listen.PST.F.SG. ‘They have heard a story.’

In (35a), the definiteness is of noun kʊɽi: is signalled by the demonstrative pronoun ‘o:’ while in (35b) the numeral /ek / ‘one’ indicates the indefiniteness of the NP kәni: ‘story’.

2.4 PRONOUNS

Seven classes of pronouns have been identified from the Pahari data. Personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, reflexive pronouns and indefinite pronouns do not inflect for gender and number; these pronouns inflect just for case, while relative and possessive pronouns inflect for number, gender and case.

The following section discusses different types of pronouns and their inflection.

2.4.1. Personal Pronouns

Personal pronouns are the words that are used to refer to the speaker, the addressee, other persons and the things whose referents are supposed to be clear from the context (Schachter & Shopen, 2007). In Pahari, there are two personal pronouns for first person, two for second person, and two for third person. Pahari marks a distinction between personal pronouns in degree of respect / familiarity in the 2nd person pronoun, and for distance from the speaker in the 3rd person pronoun. Pahari personal pronouns do not inflect for gender rather gender is marked on verb. Pahari does not exhibit specific pronouns for the third person. Instead the demonstrative pronouns /e/ /o:/ are

used for third persons. This feature of Pahari is corresponding to many closely related languages such as Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi.

The following section will discuss and illustrate the nature of Pahari personal pronouns:

Table 2.11: Personal pronouns

Pronouns Masculine Feminine 1st Person Singular mẽ: mẽ: 1st Person Plural әs әs 2nd Person Singular t̪ ũ: t̪ ũ: 2nd Person Plural t̪ ʊs t̪ ʊs 3rd Person Singular Prox. e e Dis. o: o: 3rd Person Plural Prox. e e Dis. o: o:

As the table demonstrates that unlike their English equivalents, Pahari pronouns do not carry gender information. The same pronoun is used for masculine and feminine. For first and second persons the singular and plural numbers are distinguished, but the singular and plural forms of the third person are identical.

The number distinction is maintained in marking on the verb. The third person personal pronoun has two forms; /e/ and /o:/ for proximity. The near form /e/ is used to refer a person or a thing that is within the vicinity of the speaker, whereas the far form /o:/ is used for referring to a person or thing that is away from the speaker or that is not present. These pronouns do not distinguish gender and number and can mean ‘him’, ‘her’, ‘it’, ‘them’, ‘this’, or ‘that’. It is the verb that determines for which these pronouns stand for in a particular context. The following examples illustrate the phenomenon:

36. a. e ke kәrni: she what do.IPFV.F.SG. ‘What is she (near) doing?’

b. o: ke kәrni: she What do.IPFV.F.SG. ‘What is she (far) doing?’

c. e ke kәrnɑ: he what do. IPFV.M.SG. ‘What is he (near) doing?’

d. o: ke kәrnɑ: he what do.IPFV.M.SG. ‘What is he (far) doing?’

e. e ke kәrne they what do.IPFV.M.PL. ‘What are they (near) doing?’

f. o: ke kәrne they what do.IPFV.M.PL. ‘What are they (far) doing?’

g. o: ke kәrniɑ̃ they What do.IPFV.F.PL. ‘What are they (far) doing?’

h. e ke kerniɑ̃ they what do.IPFV.F.PL. ‘What are they (near) doing?’

Both /e/ and /o:/ are also used for inanimate referents with the meaning of ‘this’ and ‘that’ respectively.

Second person singular is used to address a single person, subordinates, close friends and the addressee younger than the addresser. Additionally, the second person singular is used to address even the elder persons in abusive language.

Second person plural is normally used while addressing more than one person but as Pahari exhibits no honorific pronouns, the second person plural is also used when addressing the persons high in rank, the strangers and elder persons, in order to show respect. When a plural pronoun is used for a singular referent, the verb is likewise marked in the plural.

37. a. t̪ũ: kɪtɑv pәɽsẽ: you.SG. book.NOM.SG.F. read.SG.FUT ‘Will you read a/the book?’

b. lala t̪ʊs kɪtɑv pәɽsɑ: brother you.PL. book.NOM.SG.F. read.FUT.PL. ‘Brother will you (SG.hon.) read a/the book?’

c. *t̪ʊs kɪtɑv pɑɽsẽ: you.PL. book.NOM.SG.F. read.FUT. SG. ‘Will you (SG. hon.) read a/the book?’

In (37b) the second person plural pronoun t̪ ʊs ‘you’ is used as an honorifics to address the elder brother. The verb pəɽsɑ: ‘read’ agrees with the pronoun t̪ ʊs

‘you’ in number. The singular marking on the verb with plural honorific pronoun in (37c) results in the ungrammaticality of the sentence.

Along with the second person pronoun, the third person also has two degrees of familiarity. Although the distinction is not similar to those of the second person, but it is noted that when the person referred to is a stranger, elder in age or higher in profession, it is quite impolite to refer to him or her with a singular form. Since the pronoun /e/ ‘this’ and /o:/ ‘that’ do not specify number, the plural form of verb is used to show respect.

38. a. o: ke: akʰnɑ: sɑ: he.M.NOM. what say.IPFV.M.SG. be.FUT.M.SG. ‘What was he saying?’

b. o: ke: akʰne se: they.NOM M.PL. what say.IPFV.M.PL. be.FUT.M.PL. ‘What were they saying?

2.4.1.1 Case Marking on Personal Pronouns

The pronouns are marked for the case in the same way as Pahari nouns. When the pronouns are not followed by a postposition and they function as the subject of a verb, they take direct or nominative case, and they are marked with oblique case when they are followed by a postposition. The 1st, 2nd and 3rd person singular pronouns retain their direct case forms in ergative case. Case marking on pronouns in Pahari has been illustrated in the following table:

Table 2.12: Case marking on personal pronouns

Case 1stPerson 1stPerson 2ndPerson 2nd Person 3rdPerson 3rd Person Singular Plural Singular Plural Singular Plural

Nom. (M) mẽ: әs t̪ũ: t̪ʊs e, o:, e, o: (F) mẽ: әs t̪ũ: t̪ʊs e, o:, e, o: Erg. (M) mẽ: әsẽ: t̪ũ: t̪ʊsẽ: es, ʊs enẽ: , ʊnẽ: (F) mẽ: әsẽ: t̪ũ: t̪ʊsẽ: es, ʊs enẽ: , ʊnẽ: Acc. (M) mẽ:-ki: әsẽ:-ki: t̪ũ:-ki: t̪ʊsẽ:-ki: es-ki/ ʊs-ki: enẽ:/ ʊnẽ:-ki: (F) mẽ:-ki: әsẽ:-ki: t̪ũ:-ki: t̪ʊsẽ:-ki: es-ki/ ʊs-ki: enẽ:/ ʊnẽ:-ki: Dat. (M) mẽ:-ki: әsẽ:-ki: t̪ũ:-ki: t̪ʊsẽ:-ki: es/oski:-ki: enẽ: /ʊnẽ:-ki: (F) mẽ:-ki: әsẽ:-ki: t̪ũ:-ki: t̪ʊsẽ:-ki: es/oski:-ki: enẽ: /ʊnẽ:-ki: Gen. (M) mәɽɑː/ әsẽ:-nɑ̃ː t̪wәɽɑː t̪ʊsẽ:-nɑ̃ː es/ʊs-nɑ̃: enẽ:/ʊnẽ:-nɑ̃ː (F) mәɽiː әsẽ:-nĩː t̪wәɽi: t̪ʊsẽ:-nĩ: es/ʊs-nĩː enẽ: /ʊnẽ:-nĩː (M) mәɽe/ әsẽ:-ne t̪wәɽe tʊsẽ:-ne es/ʊs -ne enẽ: /ʊnẽ:-ne (F) mәɽɪɑ̃ әsẽ:-nɪɑ̃ t̪wәɽɪɑ̃ tʊsẽ:-nɪɑ̃ es/ʊs -nɪɑ̃ enẽ:/ʊnẽ:-nɪɑ̃

The pronouns do not inflect for gender. The same form is used for masculine and feminine except in genitive case. The genitive forms of first person singular and second person singular pronouns as shown in the table inflect for number and gender to indicate agreement with the object. In accusative, dative and genitive cases, the pronouns take the same case markers that are used to mark the nouns. In other cases the oblique forms of pronouns are formed differently.

The sister languages of Pahari, Hindi and Urdu, have a highly vigorous system of ergative marking as any agent of transitive clause in perfective aspect, whether pronominal or nominal, must be ergative marked. Pahari differs from its sister languages in that the 1st, 2nd and 3rd person singular pronouns do not take ergative postposition while their plural counterparts are marked with ergative postpositions, as shown in examples:

39. a. mẽ kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽi: i book.NOM.F.SG. read.PST.F.SG. ‘I read the/a book.’

b. t̪ ũ: kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽi: you book.NOM.F.SG. read.PST.F.SG. ‘you read the/a book.’

c. ʊs kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽi: he book.NOM.F.SG. read.PST.F.SG. ‘He read the/a book.’

d. әse ̃ kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽi: we.ERG. book.NOM.F.SG. read.PST.F.SG. ‘We read the/a book.’

e. t̪ ʊsẽ kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽi: you.ERG book.NOM.SG.F. read.PST.F.SG. ‘you (plural) read the/a book.’

f. ʊne kәt̪ ɑːv pәɽi: they.ERG. book.NOM.F.SG. read.PST.F.SG. ‘They read the/a book.’

In (39a-c) the subjects 1st, 2nd and 3rd person singular pronouns are in the same invariant form with no overt ergative marker though the verb agrees in gender and number with the unmarked direct object as in Hindi and Urdu. In examples

(39d-f) the ergative subjects are 1st, 2nd and 3rd person plural pronouns respectively and all are overtly marked with ergative postpositions.

In addition to the above mentioned features of Pahari pronouns, when /t̪ ũ:/ 'you' and /mẽ:/ ‘I’ are used together, it gives the meaning ‘we both'. However, it cannot be claimed a dual category or an inclusive/exclusive distinction since the other pronouns can also be used together in this way.

40. a. t̪ ũ: t̪ e mẽ ʊd̪ әr jʊl-sɑ̃ː you.SG and I.SG. there go.FUT.PL 'You and I will go there.’

b. mẽ: t̪ e o ʊd̪ әr jʊlsɑ̃ː I.1.SG. and he.M SG. there go.FUT.PL 'I and he will go there.’

At best, it can be claimed that the constructions like these are used for the intensification of the two parties involved as compared to the 1st person plural pronoun /əs/.

2.4.2 Demonstrative pronouns

A demonstrative pronoun according to Crystal (2008) is a word whose basic function is to point out referents in relation to a speaker, an addressee or other person or things in the situation or elsewhere in a sentence. According to

Masica (1991) most of the Indo Aryan languages show a two way contrast in demonstratives with relation to deictic centre. They are: proximate and remote. The same is true for Pahari. There are two demonstrative pronouns in

Pahari. Each of them is used according to the distance between the address and the referent. The proximate demonstrative pronoun /e/ ‘this, these’ is used to refer to the object or person which is within sight and near whereas the distal demonstrative pronoun /o:/ ‘that, those’ refers to the object or person which is either far and in sight or which is out of sight. Demonstrative pronouns do not inflect for number and gender but they do inflect for case. The demonstrative pronouns are listed in the table 2.13 and they are illustrated in example (41) below:

Table 2.13: Demonstrative pronouns

Case Proximal Singular Proximal Plural Distal Singular Distal Plural M/F M/F M/F M/F Nom. e e O: O: Erg. es enẽ: ʊs enẽ: Acc. es-ki: enẽ:-ki: ʊs-ki: ʊnẽ:-ki: Dat. es-ki: enẽ:-ki: ʊs-ki: ʊnẽ:-ki: Gen. M es-nɑ̃: enẽ:-nɑ̃ː ʊs-nɑ̃: ʊnẽ:-nɑ̃ː F es-nĩː enẽ:-nĩː ʊs-niː̃ ʊnẽ:-nĩː M.PL es-nẽ: enẽ:-nẽ: ʊs-nẽ: ʊnẽ:-nẽ: F.PL. es-nɪɑ̃ enẽ- nɪɑ̃ ʊs-nɪɑ̃ ʊnẽ:-nɪɑ̃

41. a. e dʒrɑːv ko:si: d̪ i: this sock.NOM.SG.F. warm.NOM.SG.F. be.PRES.F.SG. ‘This sock is warm’

b. e dʒrɑːvә̃ ko:sɪɑ̃ d̃ɪɑ̃ this sock.NOM.F.PL. warm.NOM.PL.F. be.PRES.F.PL. ‘These socks are warm’

c. o: kʊs-nɑ̃: beʰɽɑː d̪ ɑː that whose.M.SG. calf.NOM.M.SG. be.PRES.M.SG. 'Whose calf is that?'

d. o: kʊs-nẽ: beʰɽe d̪ e that whose calf.NOM.M.PL. be.PRES.M.PL. 'Whose calves are those?'

The example illustrates that the demonstrative pronouns do not inflect for number and gender. The same form is used for all singular plural and masculine feminine. It has already been mentioned above that there are no third person pronouns in Pahari. Instead Pahari demonstrative pronouns are used to indicate the third persons. As determiners, the demonstrative are used to refer to animate

(42a), inanimate (42b) and human referents (42c).

42. a. mẽ:-ki: o: kʊtɑː ̪ d̪ e I.DAT.SG. this book.NOM.F.SG. give.SG. 'Give me that dog.'

b. o: kʊs-ni: kɪtɑːv d̪ i: that whose book.NOM. F.SG. be.PRES.F.SG. 'Whose book is that?'

c. o: kʊɽi: kʊn d̪ i: that girl.NOM.F.SG. who be.PRES.F.SG. ‘Who is that girl?’

Pronoun /o:/ ‘that’ as a demonstrative is also used anaphorically to refer to something previously mentioned.

43. mẽ: dʒәɽiː kɑ:ni: pɑɽnɑɪs o: bõːh lɑmbi: d̪ i: I. that story.F.SG. read.IPFV. that much long. be.PRES.F.SG. 'The story that I am reading is very long.’

In this example the pronoun /o:/ has been used anaphorically and it refers back to the relativized NP kɑ:ni: ‘story’.

2.4.3 Interrogative Pronouns

Interrogative pronouns are words like ‘what, who, which etc. that are used to inquire about something (Schachter & Shopen 2007). Three interrogative pronouns have been identified from Pahari data. All the Pahari interrogative pronouns begin with /k/. These pronouns, like in other languages, are used to ask questions about a person, place and time. For example, kʊn ‘who’, keʰ ‘what’, keɽɑː ‘which one’. These are similar to ‘Wh’ words in English i.e. what, which, who, whom etc.

Table 2.14: Interrogative pronouns

NOM. Gloss DAT/ ACC GEN. INST. Whom whose

Personal SG kʊn who kʊs-ki: kʊs-nɑ̃: kʊs-sәŋg with whom Personal PL kʊn who kʊnẽ:-ki: kʊnẽ:-nɑ̃: kʊnẽ:-sәŋg with whom Impersonal keʰ what kɪs-ki: kɪs-nɑ̃: kɪs-sәŋg with which SG/PL Duel SG .M. keɽɑː which keɽe-ki: keɽe-nɑ̃: keɽe-sәŋg with whom Duel SG .F. keɽiː which keɽɪɑ-ki: keɽɪɑ-nɑ̃: keɽɪɑ-sәŋg with whom Duel.PL .M. keɽeɑ̃ which keɽeɑ̃-ki: keɽeɑ̃ nɑ̃: keɽɪɑ̃-sәŋg with whom

Duel PL .F. keɽɪɑ̃ which keɽɪɑ̃: ki: keɽɪɑ̃: nɑ̃: keɽɪɑ̃:-sәŋg with whom

Depending upon the class of referents, the interrogative pronouns can be divided into three types, personal, impersonal and duel. kʊn ‘who’ is used for human referents, it can be regarded as personal interrogative pronoun. keʰ ‘what’ is an impersonal interrogative pronoun as it refers to non-human referents. The third type of interrogative pronouns keɽɑː ‘which one’ is used to indicate a particular

entity from a group and it is dual as its can be used for both human and nonhuman. The following examples illustrate:

44. a. bɑːr kʊn bɔlnɑː outside who speak.PRES.M.SG. ‘Who is talking outside?’

b. bɑːr keʰ bɔlnɑː outside who speak.PRES.SG.M. ‘What sounds outside?’

c. bɑːdʒi: t̪ i: keʰ ɑːn sẽː sister.F.SG. for what bring be.FUT.M.SG. ‘What will you bring for sister?’

d. keɽiː. dʒrɑːv ko:si: d̪ i: which.F.SG. sock.NOM.SG.F. warm.NOM.F.SG. be.PRES.F.SG. ‘Which sock is warm?’

e. keɽɑː dʒәngʊt laɪk d̪ ɑː which.M. SG. boy.M. SG. intelligent be.PRES.M.SG. ‘Which boy is intelligent?’

The Interrogative pronouns kʊn and keʰ do not inflect for gender and number while pronoun ‘keɽɑː inflects for gender and number. The following example illustrates the phenomenon:

45. a. keɽi: kʊɽi: skuːle-ɪʈʃ jʊl si: which.F.SG. girl.F.SG. school-LOC. go be.FUT.SG. ‘Which girl will go to the school?’

b. keɽɑː dʒә̃gʊt skuːle-ɪʈʃ jʊl si: which.M.SG boy.M.SG. school-LOC. go be.FUT.SG. ‘Which boy will go to the school?’

c. keɽɪɑ̃ kʊɽɪɑ̃ skuːle-ɪʈʃ jʊl sẽ:n which.F.PL. girl.F.PL. school-LOC. go be.FUT.F.PL. ‘Which girls will go to the school?’

d. keɽe: dʒә̃gәt̪ skuːle-ɪʈʃ jʊl sẽ:n which.M.PL boy.M.PL. school-LOC. go be.FUT.M.PL. ‘Which boys will go to the school?’

Personal interrogative pronouns make a distinction between singular and plural.

Consider the example:

46. a. kәpɽe kʊs-ki: d̪ ɪjɑ̃ː clothes whom.SG give.SUBJN.1.M.SG. ‘To whom may I give clothes?’

b. kәpɽe kʊne-ki: d̪ ɪjɑ̃ː clothes whom.PL. give.SUBJN.1.M.SG. ‘To whom may I give clothes?’

c. t̪ ũ: kʊs-sәŋg gesẽ you with whom.SG. go.FUT.1.M.SG. ‘Whom will you go with?’

d. t̪ ũ: kʊne-sәŋg gesẽ you with whom.PL. go.FUT.1.M.SG. ‘Whom will you go with?’

The example justifies that the interrogative pronouns make a distinction between singular and plural only with the personal pronouns for ‘whom’,

‘whose’ and ‘with whom’. In (46a) the personal pronoun kus ki ‘whom’ is used to enquire about a single entity and in (46b) the pronoun kune ki ‘whom’ is used to ask about a plural entity. Same is the case with (46c) where the personal pronoun kʊs-səŋg and kʊne-səŋg ‘with whom’ are used for singular and plural entities respectively.

2.4.4 Possessive Pronouns

According to Trask (1993) a possessive pronoun acts as the marker of possession that indicates a person who owns a particular person or object.

Pahari has possessive pronouns for the first person singular, first person plural, and the second person singular. There are no possessive pronouns for second person plural and third person. The possessive pronouns for first person plural, second person plural and third persons in Pahari are morphologically indicated by the genitive postposition /nɑː/ following the personal pronouns in oblique form. The possessive pronouns for all the persons are given in the following table:

Table 2.15: Possessive pronouns

Person Gender SG. PL. Gloss 1st person M mɑɽɑː mɑɽe my Singular F mɑɽi: mɑɽiɑ̃ my M sɑɽɑː sɑɽe our 1st person әsẽ:-nɑ̃: әsẽ:-ne Plural F sɑɽi: sɑɽiɑ̃ our әsẽ:-ni: әsẽ:-niɑ̃ 2nd Person M t̪ wɑɽɑː t̪ wɑɽe yours Singular F t̪ wɑɽiː t̪ wɑɽɪɑ̃ yours 2nd person M t̯̯ usẽ:-nɑː̃ t̯̯ usẽ:-ne yours Plural F t̯̯ usẽ:-nɑː̃ t̯̯ usẽ:nɪɑ̃ yours 3rd Person M ʊsnɑ̃: ʊsne: his/ her Singular F ʊsni: ʊsnɪɑ̃ his/ her 3rd Person M ʊnẽ nɑ̃: ʊnẽ ne: their Plural F ʊnẽ ni: ʊnẽ nɪɑ̃ their

For the first person and second person plural the possessive function is carried out by the personal pronouns in the oblique case, followed by inflected forms of genitive postposition /nɑː̃/. Whereas, for the third persons, the demonstrative pronouns in their oblique case, followed by the genitive postposition /nɑː̃/ carry out this function. The postposition /nɑː̃/ agrees in gender, number, and case with the head noun. Consider the examples:

47. a. kʊɽɪɑ-nɑː̃ kʊkʊɽ mәrɪɣɪɑ girl.GEN.M.SG. cock.NOM.M.SG. died.PERF.M.SG. ‘The girl’s cock has died.’

b. kʊɽɪɑ-nĩ: kʊkɽiː mәriɣɑɪ girl.GEN.F.SG. hen.NOM.F.SG. died.PERF.F.SG. ‘The girl’s hen has died.’

c. kʊɽɪɑ-nẽ: kʊkәɽ mәrɪɣe girl.GEN.M.PL. cock.NOM.M.PL. died.PERF.M.PL. ‘The girl’s cocks have died.’

d. kʊɽɪɑ-nɪɑ̃ kʊkɽɪɑ̃ mәrɪɣɑɪjɑ̃ girl.GEN.F.PL. hen.NOM. F.PL. died.PERF.F.PL. ‘The girl’s hens have died.’

The above examples illustrate the inflection of genitive postposition /nɑː/, for masculine singular, feminine singular, masculine plural, and feminine plural respectively.

In Pahari these pronouns can replace a noun or noun phrase that functions as a noun modifier with the semantic role of possessor. The possessive pronouns inflect for number, gender and case. They always agree with the nouns they qualify. See below:

48. a. mәɽɑː kʊkʊɽ my.M SG. cock.M.SG. ‘My cock’

b. mәɽiː kʊkɽi: my.F.SG. hen.F.SG. ‘My hen’

c. mәɽe: kʊkәɽ my.M.PL. cock.M.PL. ‘My cocks.’

d. mәɽɪɑ̃ kʊkɽɪɑ̃ my.F.PL. hens.F.PL. ‘My hens’

e. t̪ wәɽɑː kʊkʊɽ your.M.SG. cock.M.SG. ‘Your cock’

f. t̪ wәɽiː kʊkɽɪ your.F.SG. hen.F.SG. ‘Your hen’

g. t̪ wәɽe: kʊkәɽ your.M PL. cocks.M.PL. ‘Your cocks’

h. t̪ wәɽɪɑ̃ kʊkɽɪɑ̃ your.F.PL. hens.F.PL. ‘Your hens’

2.4.5 Relative Pronouns

The only relative pronoun dʒəɽɑː functions with the meaning ‘who, which, that in Pahari. It represents someone or something to be defined in the same statement and inflects for perso, number and case. In addition to the singular and plural forms, the relative pronoun dʒəɽɑː has oblique forms dʒɪs for singular and dʒɪnẽ for plural before dative, accusative, genitive and instrumental postposition /ki:/, /nɑː/ and səŋg respectively. The oblique forms of the relative pronouns along with the case postpositions are as follows:

Table 2.16: Relative Pronouns

Case Singular Plural

M F M F NOM dʒәɽɑː dʒәɽiː dʒәɽe dʒәɽɪɑ̃ DAT dʒɪs ki: dʒɪs ki: dʒɪnẽ ki: dʒɪnẽ ki: ACC dʒɪs ki: dʒɪs ki: dʒɪnẽ ki: dʒɪnẽ ki: GEN. dʒɪs nɑ̃ː dʒɪs nĩː dʒɪnẽ nɑ̃: dʒɪnẽ nĩː INST. dʒɪs sәŋg dʒɪs sәŋg dʒɪnẽ sәŋg dʒɪnẽ sәŋg

49. a. dʒәɽɑː kәvʊt̪ʊr mәd̃ ̪ ɑː sɑː o: mәrɪɑ which.M.SG pidgin.M.SG. ill.M.SG be.PST.M.SG that die.PERF.M.SG. ‘The pidgin which was ill has died.’

b. dʒәɽiː kʊɽiː әʃniː o: mәɽiː seʰliː d̪ iː who.F.SG girl. come.IPFV. F.SG. that my. friend.SG.F. de.PRES.F.SG. 'The girl who is coming is my friend.'

c. dʒәɽiː ʈʃɑːbiː lәbiː o: ʊs-niː d̪ iː that. F.SG. key. find.PST. F.SG. that his/her be.PRES.F.SG. 'The key which is found is his/hers'

It can be seen in the examples that the relative pronoun dʒəɽɑː is used to join two clauses, typically an independent and a dependent, in a complex sentence. dʒəɽɑː in a complex sentence is paired up with distal demonstrative pronoun /o:/.

2.4.6 Reflexive pronouns

‘’Reflexive are the expressions which are prototypically used to indicate that a non-subject argument of a transitive predicate is co-referential with the subject"

(Siemund & König, 2005). Following this definition of the reflexive pronouns,

Pahari makes use of reflexive pronouns əpʊn and api with the meaning of ‘him/ herself’ and a compound reflexive pronoun əpne ɑːpe ‘himself, herself, itself’.

The reflexive pronouns əpʊn and api have no inflected forms. It means that the

referent is identical with the subject of the sentence. Pahari reflexive pronouns do not show number and gender distinction. The reflexive pronoun /əpne ɑːpe/ is always followed by the relative case marker. The use of reflexive pronouns is illustrated below:

50. a. o: әpne ɑːpe kɪ kʊɪɑ̃ Kæp siː he. NOM.M.SG. himself ACC. how cut. be. FUT.SG. ‘How will he cut himself?’

b. o: әpne ɑːpe sәŋg gәlɑ̃ː bɑ̃niː she. NOM. F.SG. herself. INST. talk.F.PL. say.IPFV. F.SG. ‘She is talking to herself.’

Sometime /əpne/ is dropped from the compound pronouns /əpne ɑːpe/ by the native speakers. The deletion of /əpne/ does not influence the meanings of the utterance.

51. a. o ɑːpe kɪ kʊɪɑ̃ Kæp siː he. NOM.M.SG. himself-ACC. how cut. be. FUT.SG. ‘How will he cut himself.’

b. o ɑːpe sәŋg gәlɑ̃ː bәnĩ ː she. NOM. F.SG. herself. INST. talk.IPFV. F.PL. ‘She is talking to herself.’

It is important to mention that the form ɑ:pʊ̃ and ɑ:pi: are interchangeable, as they can be used alternatively without any semantic difference.

52. a. әbe ɑ:pʊ̃ kәpɽe t̬ o:t̪ e: father.M.SG. himself clothes.M.PL. wash.PST.M.PL. ‘The father himself washed the clothes.’

b. әbe ɑ:pi: kәpɽe t̬ o:t̪ e:

father.M.SG. himself clothes.M.PL. wash.PST.M.PL. ‘Father himself washed the clothes.’

2.4.7 Indefinite Pronouns

The function of indefinite pronouns is to express indefinite reference

(Haspelmath, 1997). There are two indefinite pronouns in Pahari /kɔɪ/

‘someone, somebody’ and /ki:/ ‘something’. Indefinite pronouns change forms with case except in dative and accusative case. Oblique case forms of indefinite pronouns are given in the table 2.17:

Table 2.17: Indefinite pronouns

Pronoun NOM DAT ACC GEN. INST. LOC.

kɔɪ kɔɪ kʊse: kiː kʊse: kiː kʊse: nɑ̃ː kʊse sәŋg kʊse:ɪʈʃ

kiː kiː kɪse: kiː kɪse: kiː kɪse: nɑ̃ː kɪse sәŋg kɪse:ɪʈʃ

/koi/ is used to indicate human referents while /ki:/ is used to indicate nonhuman referents. /kɔɪ/ and /ki: /are two basic indefinite pronouns and the other indefinite pronouns are formed with the addition of different markers with these two basic forms. when /kɔɪ/ and /ki:/ are used with emphatic particle /vi:/ they refer to ‘anyone’ and ‘anything’ respectively. Consider the following example:

53. a. kɔɪ vi: kʰɑɪ sɑknɑː anyone eat can.M.SG ‘Anyone can eat.’

b. ki: vi: kʰɑɪ sɑknɑː anything eat can.M.SG. ‘Anything can eat.’

When we add the negative particle /nɑɪ/ with kɔɪ vi: and ki:vi:, the negative indefinite pronouns ‘no one’ and ‘nothing’ are formed.

54. a. kɔɪ vi: nɑɪ kʰɑɪ sɑknɑː anyone not eat can.M.SG ‘Nobody can eat.’

b. kɪ: vi: nɑɪ kʰɑɪ sɑknɑː anything not eat can.M.SG ‘Nothing can eat.’

In addition to the above mentioned indefinite pronouns,, two other indefinite pronouns can be formed by adding relative pronoun dʒərɑː with marker /vi:/ and

/ki:/. The pronoun dʒərɑːvi: refers to ‘whoever’ and jera ki: is used to refer

‘whatever’.

55. a. dʒәrɑː vɪ ɑːʃne ʈʃɑːnɑː ɑːʃʰe whoever.M.SG. come want.M.SG. come ‘Whoever wants to come, he may come.’

b. dʒәrɑː kɪ lәbɑː mẽː t̪ʊsẽː t̪e әdɑː̃ whatever got I.1.SG. you.2.PL. For bring.PST.M.SG. ‘Whatever I got, I brought it for you.’

2.4.8 Reduplicated Pronouns

Reduplication in many languages is the most commonly used way of deriving new words (Booij, 2007). Another interesting feature noted about Pahari pronouns is that some of the pronouns have their reduplicated counter parts.

These reduplicated pronouns express multiplicity . They are used to indicate a group of entities. The examples of reduplicated pronouns are given in the following table:

Table 2.18: Reduplicated pronouns

Single Gloss Reduplicated Gloss Pronoun Pronoun keʰ what keʰ keʰ which things kʊn who kʊn kʊn which persons kʊs whom kʊs kʊs whom kәɽɑː which kәɽɑː kәɽɑː which person or thing dʒәɽɑː who dʒәɽa dʒәɽa who dʒɪs whom dʒɪs dʒɪs whom dʒɪnẽ: whom dʒɪnẽ: dʒɪnẽ: whom

The following example illustrates the use of reduplicated pronouns:

56. a. kʊn kʊn dʒʊl-sɪ who who go be. FUT.SG ‘Who will go?’

b. mẽ: t̪e t̪uː I.NOM SG. and you.NOM.SG. ‘I and you.’

c. kʊn dʒʊl-si: who.NOM.SG. go-be-FUT.SG. ‘Who will go?’

d. mẽ: dʒʊl-sɑ̃ː I.SG.. go.be.FUT.SG. ‘I will go.’

The question asked in (56a) entails that the speaker is expected to specify referents without individualization (56b). The question in (56c) suggests that the referents should be specifically individualized as in (56d).

2.5 ADJECTIVES

Traditionally adjectives are defined as the words that specify some property of the noun in a phrase. In many languages of the world such property concepts can be expressed either by nouns or verbs (Payne 1997). Pahari has a large class of adjectives which is distinguished from both verbs and nouns. There are two categories of adjectives found in the data set; one category of adjective shows gender number and case agreement with the noun it describes, and the second class of adjectives is invariable. Adjectives of this class do not show gender and number agreement. This is the distinguishing characteristic of adjectives in

Indo-Aryan languages (Masica, 1991).

2.5.1 Non-inflected Adjectives

In Pahari, adjectives agree with the nouns they modify in gender and number.

However, there is a small set of adjectives which have a single form that does not inflect for number and gender. The same form of adjective is used to modify masculine and feminine nouns. The list of these adjectives is given in the following table:

Table 2.19: Non-inflected adjectives

Adjective Gloss Adjective Gloss ro:ɣiː sad bәdʒʊr unskilled gәlɑːviː pink lɔfʊr wanderer mәzviː religious sɑːɽjʊl jealous ʃʊɣliː jolly kʰɑːd̪ ʊl a person who eats too much ʈʃekriː cheater d̪ ɑːnd̪ ʊl a person having large teeth kʰɑːliː empty mɑːɽʊl lean

The following example shows the use of non-inflected adjectives in Pahari:

57. a. o: ʃʊɣliː kʊɽiː d̪ iː she. NOM F.SG. jolly girl.NOM.F.SG. be. PRES.F.SG. ‘She is a jolly girl.’

b. o: ʃʊɣliː kʊɽɪɑ̃ dɪɑ̃ she. NOM. F.PL. Jolly girl.F.NOM.PL. be. PRES. F.PL. ‘They are jolly girls.’

c. o: ʃʊɣliː jәgʊt̃ d̪ ɑː he. NOM. M.SG. jolly boy.NOM.M.SG. be. PRES.M.SG. ‘He is a jolly boy.

d. o: ʃʊɣliː jә̃get d̪ eː They.NOM.M.PL. jolly boy.NOM. M.SG. be. PRES.M.PL. ‘They are jolly boys.

The above example simply explains the non-inflected nature of Pahari adjectives. The same form of adjective ʃʊɣliː ‘jolly’ is modifying the nouns in all the four constructions, while the noun in (57a) is masculine singular, in (57b) feminine singular, in (57c) masculine plural and in (57d) feminine plural. The use of same form of adjectives with all the numbers and gender indicates that invariable adjectives in Pahari do not inflect for number and gender.

2.5.2 Inflected Adjectives

Inflected adjectives qualify nouns in terms of both gender and number, and have four endings, one each for masculine singular, masculine plural, feminine singular, and feminine plural. These adjectives share lots of features with nouns.

Masculine singular adjectives end in /ɑ:/, while the rest are formed through vowel modification. For the formation of feminine singular, /ɑː/ is replaced with

/i:/ for masculine plural with /e/ and for feminine plural it is replaced with /ɪɑ̃/.

A large majority of adjectives in Pahari are inflected adjectives. Table 2.20 illustrates the inflection of adjectives:

Table 2.20: Inflected adjectives

Masculine Feminine SG. PL. SG. PL. Gloss sʊnɑ: sʊne: sʊni: sʊnɪɑ̃ beautiful rәt̪ ɑ: rәt̪ e: rәt̪ i: rәt̪ t̪ɪɑ̃ red mә̃d̪ ɑ: mә̃d̪ e: mә̃d̪ i: mә̃d̪ ɪɑ̃ ugly/bad kuːɽɑ: kuːɽe: kuːɽiː kuːɽɪɑ̃ liar tʊdɑː tʊde: tʊdiː tʊdɪɑ̃ bent kʰәtɑ: kʰәte: kʰәti: kʰәtɪɑ̃ sore so:ɽɑː so:ɽe: so:ɽiː so:ɽɪɑ̃ narrow

The following example illustrates the agreement of inflected adjectives with nouns:

58. a. sʊnɑ: dʒә̃gʊt̪ beautiful.M.SG. child.M.SG. ‘beautiful boy’

b. sʊni: kʊɽiː beautiful.F.SG girl.F.SG ‘beautiful girl’ c. sʊne dʒә̃gәt̪ beautiful.M.PL boy.M.PL. ‘beautiful boys’

d. sʊnɪɑ̃ kʊɽɪɑ̃ beautiful.F.PL. boys.F.PL. ‘beautiful girls’

The example (58) shows the agreement of variable adjective sʊnɑ: ‘beautiful’ with the head NPs in gender and number. We can see different inflected forms of adjective in all the four constructions. These inflected forms of adjective sʊnɑ:

‘beautiful’ agree with the nouns in the structures in gender and number. The above examples justify that the adjectives agree with the nouns in number and gender.

2.5.3 Adjective derivation through suffixes

Apart from the regular inflected and uninflected adjectives as discussed in the above two sections, a great number of adjectives are derived by adding suffixes to nouns, verbs, and other adjectives. Three suffixes /ənɑː/, /əlɑː/ and /dʒɪɑ/ are used to derive adjectives from nouns, adjectives, verbs and pronouns.

2.5.3.1 Derivation of Adjectives from Nouns

A large number of adjectives are derived by suffixing /әlɑː/ and / ənɑː/ with nouns and the derived adjectives are used in the sense of having quality X or being full of X. Both suffixes /әnɑː / and /әlɑː/ show gender agreement.

Table 2.21: Adjectives derived from nouns

Nouns Gloss Derived Gloss Adjectives mʊʃk odour mʊʃkәnɑː smelly t̪ rek dirt t̪ rekәnɑː dirty dʒʊ̃ lice dʒʊ̃әnɑː with lice kʰәʃvo: smell kʰәʃvo:әlɑː smelly hɪls concern hɪlsәlɑː concerned pɑɪse money pɑɪse әlɑː wealthy mәrʈʃɪ chilli mәrʈʃɪɑlɑː spicy luːn salt luːne әlɑː salty pʰʊl flower pʰʊlẽːәlɑː flowery ʈʃәdʒ skill ʈʃәdʒẽ:әlɑː skilled gәrɑː mud gәreәlɑː muddy pәniː water pɑːnɪɑlɑː watery kiːɽɑː worm ki:ɽeәlɑː having worms

In Pahari, another regular way to form an adjectival is to add a genitive marker

/nɑː/ with concrete nouns. The table contains the list of these adjectives:

Table 2.22: Adjectives derived from nouns with genitive marker /nɑː/

Noun Gloss Derived Gloss Adjectives mɪti: soil mɪtɪɑ nɑ̃ː made of soil lo:wɑː iron lo:weːnɑ̃ː made of iron mek maiz mɑkɑːnɑ̃: made of maize kә̃k corn kә̃ka nɑ̃: made of corn ɑːtɑ: floor ɑ:te nɑ̃: made of floor kәʈʃ glass kәʈʃe nɑ̃: made of glass

In this context the meaning of the genitive is broader than just possession. The genitive noun modifies or restricts the meaning of the head noun and defines that there is a relation between the two nouns. This phenomenon can be explained with the help of the following example:

59. ʊs mɪtɪɑ-nẽː pɑːndeː hɪnd̃ ̪ eː he. M.SG. soil.GEN. pot.M.PL.NOM. buy. PST.M.PL. ‘He bought the pots made up of soil.’

In this example mɪtɪɑ-ne ‘made of soil’ does not refer to a pot that is owned by soil. The genitive marker /ne/ in the example restricts the meaning of pɑːnde

‘pots’ and specifies the pots that are made up of soil. The genitive marker added with the nouns agrees with the head noun in gender as shown in the following example:

60 a. ʊs-ne kәmre-ɪʈʃ lɔe-nɪ d̪ ɑːvɑriː d̪ iː he.GEN. room.LOC. iron.GEN.F.SG window.F.SG be.PRES.F.SG ‘There is an iron window in his room.’

b. ʊs-ne kәmre-ɪʈʃ lɔe-nɪɑ̃ d̪ ɑːvɑrɪɑ̃ d̪ ɪɑ̃ he.GEN. room.LOC. iron.GEN.F.PL window.F.PL be. PRES.F.PL ‘There are iron windows in his room.’

c. ʊs-ne kәmre-ɪʈʃ lɔe-nɑ̃ pɪt d̪ ɑː he.GEN. room.LOC. iron.GEN.M.SG door.M.SG be.PRES.M.SG ‘There is an iron door in his room.’

d. ʊs-ne kәmre-ɪʈʃ lɔe-ne pɪt d̪ e he.GEN. room.LOC. iron.GEN.M.PL door.M.PL be. PRES.M.PL ‘There are iron doors in his room.’

2.5.3.2 Adjectives Derived from Verbs

The suffix /nɑː/ productively derives adjectives in Pahari. The verb root first inflects for past tense depending upon the ending. Then adjectives of quality are formed by suffixing /nɑː/ to this inflected verb root. The data in the following table illustrates the derivation of adjectives from verb by the suffix /nɑː/:

Table 2.23: Adjectives derived from verbs

Verbs Gloss Derived Adverbs Gloss M.SG. F.SG. M.PL. F.PL.

kәs rub kәsɪɑnɑː kәsɪniː kәseneː kәsɪnɪɑ̃ rubbed tʰәp fold tʰәpɪɑnɑː tʰәpɪniː tʰәpeneː tʰәpɪnɪɑ̃ folded pәdʒ break pәdʒɪɑnɑː pәdʒjɪniː pәdʒeneː pәdʒɪnɪɑ̃ broken si: stich si:t̪ ɑːnɑː si: t̪ ɑːniː si:t̪ eneː si:t̪ ɑːnɪɑ̃ stitched t̪ o: wash t̪ o:t̪ɑːnɑː t̪ o:t̪ ɪniː t̪ o:t̪eneː t̪ o:t̪ɪnɪɑ̃ washed/clean kʰәn dig kʰәnt̪ ɑːnɑː kʰәnt̪ ɪniː kʰәnt̪ eneː kʰәnt̪ ɪnɪɑ̃ dug gɪn count gɪnt̪ ɑːnɑː gɪnt̪ ɪniː gɪnt̪ eneː gɪnt̪ ɪnɪɑ̃ counted kʰɑ: eat kʰәd̪ ɑːnɑː kʰәd̪ ɪniː kʰәd̪ eneː kʰәd̪ ɪnɪɑ̃ eaten

It can be seen in the above data that the adjectives derived from verbs reveal an interesting morphological process. First the verb root is changed into past form and then the adjectives are derived by adding /nɑː/ with the past form of the verb. These derverbial adjectives also inflect for number and gender on the pattern of other inflected adjectives. Consider the following example:

61. a. mẽː pәdʒɪɑnɑː ko:p sәti: ʃo:ɽɪɑ I.S.NOM. broken.M.SG cup.M.SG throw leave.PERF M.SG ‘I have thrown the broken cup.’

b. mẽː siːt̪i:ni: kʊɽt̪i: bõː mә̃di lәɣni: I.S.DAT stiched.F.SG shirt.F.SG. very ugly.F.SG attach.IPFV.F.SG. ‘I dislike stitched shirt very much.’

c. gɪnt̃ ̪ene: pese: ek pɑːse rekʰ counted.M.PL. money.M.PL. one side put ‘Put the counted money aside.’

2.5.3.3 Adjectives Derived from Adjectives and Pronouns

Another set of adjectives is derived by combining comparative marker dʒɪɑ

‘like’ with non-inflected adjectives and pronouns. The resulting adjectives have an ‘attenuative’ meaning for ‘approximately’, ‘nearly’, almost’ stated as

“semantic weakening” (Newman 2000).

Table 2.24: Adjectives derived from adjectives and pronouns

Adjectives Gloss Derived Gloss Adjectives kɑːlɑː black kɑːlɑː dʒɪɑ blackish ʈʃɪtɑː white ʈʃɪtɑː dʒɪɑ whitish rәt̪t̪ɑː red rәt̪ɑː dʒɪɑ reddish piːlɑː yellow piːlɑː dʒɪɑ yellowish gә ̃ d̪ ɑː dirty gәd̃ ̪ ɑː dʒɪɑ almost dirty Continued…

Table Page 2

Adjectives Gloss Derived Gloss Adjectives suːnɑ̃ː beautiful suːnɑ̃ː dʒɪɑ almost beautiful pәt̪lɑː thin pә t̪lɑː dʒɪɑ almost thin nɪkɑː small nɪkɑː dʒɪɑ almost small bәɽɑː long/ old bәɽɑː dʒɪɑ almost old/ big mә̃dɑː ugly/bad mә̃dɑːdʒɪɑ almost ugly/ bad Pronouns Gloss Derived Gloss Adjectives mɑːɽɑː mine mɑːɽe dʒɪɑ like me t̪wәɽɽɑː yours t̪wәɽe dʒɪɑ like you ʊs him/her/it ʊs dʒɪɑ like him/her/it ɪs him/her/it ɪs dʒɪɑ like him/her/it ʊnẽː them ʊnẽːdʒɪɑ like them ɪnẽː them ɪnẽːdʒɪɑ like them t̪ʊs you t̪ʊsẽː dʒɪɑ like you

When the suffix /dʒɪɑ/ is used with adjectives used for colour, it gives the meanings like the English suffix ‘−ish’ in words such as ‘reddish’, ‘yellowish’

‘greyish’. And when it is used with other adjectives and pronouns, it expresses the attenuation meanings ‘‘not exactly’. See the example (62a) where rәt̪ ɑː

‘red’ is combined with suffix dʒɪɑ results in the derived adjective rət̪ ɑːdʒɪɑ

‘reddish’ that has an extenuative meaning, expressing the level of the colour as almost red. And in (62b) t̪ wəɽe dʒɪɑ the compound form of pronoun t̪ wəɽe ‘your’ and /dʒɪɑ/ expresses the extenuative meanings ‘not exactly’.

62. a. ʊs rәt̪ɑː- dʒɪɑ ʈʃɪprɑː hɪnd̃ ̪ ɑː she/he.SG. red-like headdress.M.SG. buy.PST.M.SG. ‘She/he bought a reddish headdress.’

b. o t̪wәɽe -dʒeɪ d̪ iː she.F.SG. you-like be.PRES.F.SG. ‘She is almost like you.’

It is important to note that suffix /dʒɪɑ/ inflects according to the noun being modified by the adjective. /dʒɪɑ/ is suffixed with the adjectives and pronouns that modify a masculine entity while when it is used to describe the feminine objects its form changes from /dʒɪɑ/ to /dʒaɪ/. The following example illustrates this phenomenon:

63. a. lәmbiː-dʒɑɪ kʊɽiː bɑːr kʰәltiːniː tall-like. F SG. girl.F.SG. outside stand.PRES.F.SG. ‘A/the tall girl is standing outside.’

b. lәmbɑː-dʒɪɑ dʒә̃gʊt әʃnɑː tall-like.M.SG. boy.M.SG. come.IPFV.M.SG. ‘A/the tall boy is coming.’ c. o kʊɽiː mәɽe-dʒaɪ d̪ iː that girl.F.SG. me-like be.PRES.F.SG. ‘That girl is like me.’ d. o dʒә̃gʊt mәɽe-dʒɪɑ d̪ ɑː ‘that boy.M.SG. me-like be.PRES.M.SG. ‘That boy is like me.’

Also, the degree adjectives can be derived through adjunction of adjectives with suffix /dʒɪɑ/ and numeral /ek/.

Table 2.25: Degree adjectives derived from adjectives

Degree Adverbs Gloss

ɵo:ɽɑː + dʒɪɑ ɵo:ɽɑː dʒɪɑ very little, a few zәrɑː + ek zәrɑː ek very little mәʃɑː + ek mәʃɑː + ek next to nothing

The adjective ɵo:ɽɑː dʒɪɑ has an inexplicit sense. When it qualifies an animate object, it refers to ‘a few as in (64a), but it may also be referred as ‘very little’ when it qualifies the lifeless objects as in (64b) below:

64. a. kәmre-ɪʈʃ ɵo:ɽedʒe lo:k d̪ e room.LOC. a few people.M.PL. be.PRES.M.PL ‘There are a few people in the room.’

b. kәrve-ɪʈʃ ɵo:ɽɑː dʒɪɑ pɑːniː d̪ ɑː ewer.LOC. very little water.NOM.M.SG. be.PRES.M.SG ‘There is a very little water in the ewer.’

2.5.3.4 Adjectives Derived through Compounding

Some of the Pahari adjectives are juxtaposed to form the compound adjectives that emphasise the meaning of the nouns. These compound adjectives consist of two adjectives having same meanings but they have the status of different words in terms of both morphology and phonology. For example, rət̪ ɑ:suːrkh is a compound adjective that is formed by joining two adjectives rәt̪ ɑ: ‘red’ and sʊrkh ‘red’. Both rət̪ ɑ: and suːrkh have the same meaning ‘red’ and the resulted compound adjective rət̪ ɑ:suːrkh convey the intensified meanings ‘bright red’.

Consider the data in the following table:

Table 2.26: Adjectives derived through compounding

Adjectives Singular Plural Gloss M F M F rәt̪ɑː+ suːrkh rәt̪ɑ: sʊrkh rәt̪i: sʊrkh rәt̯̯e: sʊrkh rәt̪ɪɑ̃ sʊrkh bright red kɑːlɑː+ ʃɑː kɑːlɑ: ʃɑː kɑːli: ʃɑː kɑːle ʃɑː kɑːlɪɑ̃ ʃɑː very much black

ʈʃɪtɑː+ ʃɪfe:d̪ ʈʃɪtɑ: ʃɪfe:d̪ ʈʃɪti: ʃɪfe:d̪ ʈʃɪte ʃɪfe:d̪ ʈʃɪtɪɑ̃ ʃɪfe:d̪ very mch white piːlɑ:+ zәrd̪ piːlɑ: zәrd̪ piːli: zәrd̪ piːle zәrd̪ piːlɪɑ̃ zәrd̪ very much yellow

rәt̪ɑː+ lɑːl rәt̪ɑ: lɑːl rәt̪iː lɑːl rәt̪e lɑːl rәt̪ɪɑ̃ lɑːl bright red kәʈʃ+mɪlɪʈʃɑː kәʈʃ mɪlɪʈʃɑː kәʈʃ mɪlɪʈʃiː kәʈʃ mɪlɪʈʃe kәʈʃ mɪlɪʈʃɪɑ̃ unripe hәtɑː+ kәtɑː hәtɑ: kәtɑː hәtiː kәtiː hәteː kәte hәtɪɑ̃ː kәtɪɑ̃ very much healthy pʰɪk+ tәnɪkɑː pʰɪk tәnɪkɑː pʰɪk tәnɪkiː pʰɪk tәnɪke pʰɪk әnɪkɪɑ̃ tasteless

The use of compound adjective can be seen in the following example:

65. a. o: kɑːlɑːʃɑː d̪ ɑː he. NOM.M.SG. black.M.SG.black. be.PRES.M SG. ‘He is very/too/extremely black.’

b. o: kɑːliːʃɑː d̪ iː she.NOM.F.SG. black.F.SG.balck. be.PRES.F.SG. ‘She is very/too/extremely black.’

c. o: kɑːlɪɑ̃ʃɑː d̪ ɪɑ̃ː they.NOM black.F.PL.black. be.PRES.F.PL. ‘They are very/too/extremely black.’

d. o: kɑːleʃɑː d̪ e they.NOM.M. black.M.PL.black be.PRES.M.PL. ‘They are very/too/extremely black.’

These compound forms of adjectives are mostly used for emphatic purpose.

Two different forms of adjective with the same semantics indicate the meaning

of extremeness, as in the example the adjective kɑːlɑːʃɑː does not means just

black but it means too black or extremely black.

2.5.3.5 Reduplicated Adjectives

During the course of the inventory of adjectives in Pahari, it was observed that adjectives can be formed by reduplicating the whole base of adjective. It is generally agreed upon by the South Asian grammarians that reduplication of the adjectives in South Asian Languages has an intensifying function. Adjectives can generally be reduplicated and the outcome of the reduplication is to strengthen the meanings of base word (But& King, 2002). The reduplication of adjectives in Pahari is a very productive word formation process. Reduplicated adjectives are simply formed by the repetition of base adjective and the reduplicated form is identical to the base. Almost all the descriptive adjectives are reduplicated to form the emphatic adjectives. Reduplication of adjectives

indicates degree of intensity. The use of reduplicated adjectives in Pahari is

parallel to the use of intensifier very in English.

Table 2.27: Degree adjectives derived through reduplication

Adjectives Gloss Reduplicated Gloss Adjectives sʊn ɑː beautiful sʊnɑː sʊnɑː very beautiful rәt̪ ɑː red rәt̪ ɑː rәt̪ ɑː very red mә̃d̪ ɑː ugly/bad mәd̃ ̪ ɑː mәd̃ ̪ ɑː very ugly/bad kʰәtɑ: sore kʰәtɑ: kʰәtɑ: very sore so:ɽɑː narrow so:ɽɑː so:ɽɑː very narrow kɑːli: black kɑːli:kɑːli: very black

The above given table contains the list of the examples of reduplicated

adjectives. All the examples show the total replication of the base form in the

reduplicated adjectives. Example given below shows the use of reduplicated

adjectives in everyday conversation:

66. a. ʊnẽːnẽː kәmreː kʰʊleː kʰʊleː d̪ eː their rooms wide.wide.M.PL. be.PRES.M.PL ‘Their rooms are very wide.’

b. o kʰʊleː kʰʊleː kәpɽeː lɑːniː she.F.SG. loose, loose cloth. M.PL. put.IPFV.F.SG. ‘She wears very loose dress.’

The above example shows that reduplicated adjectives in Pahari can be used

both attributively as in (66a) and predicatively (66b). In both their predicative

and attributive use they express the emphasis or intensity.

2.5.3.6 Degrees of Adjectives

Old Indo Aryan Languages form comparative adjectives morphologically

(Morgenstierne, 1974), but in modern Indo Aryan Languages the comparison is expressed periphrastically (Henrik, 2008). Pahari does not differ from the common Indo-Aryan model. Adjectives of comparison in Pahari also have no morphological formations rather syntactic devices are employed to mark comparative and superlative adjectives. In order to make a comparative construction, Pahari uses the comparative marker /kɔlɑː/ ‘from’ with the positive form of the adjective. See the examples for illustration:

67. a. mәɽiː ʈʃɑː twәɽɪɑ kɔlɑː mɪɵiː d̪ iː my.F.SG. tea.F.SG. your.F.SG. from sweet.F.SG. PRES. F.SG. ‘My tea is sweeter than yours.’

b. e kʊɽi: ʊs kʊɽɪɑ kɔlɑː sʊniː d̪ i: this. girl.F.SG. that girl.F.SG. from beautiful. F.SG be.PRES.F.SG. ‘This girl is more beautiful than that girl.’

As it can be seen in the above example that comparative construction in Pahari is formed by suffixing the postposition to the noun or pronoun with which the comparison is made. In the similar fashion, in superlative constructions, the compound postposition /sɑrɪɑ̃ ko:lɑː/ ‘than all’ is suffixed, with the noun against which the comparison is made.

68. a. e nɪkɑː sɑrɪɑ̃ kɔlɑː gә̃d̪ ɑː d̪ ɑː this. child.M.SG. all.M PL. from dirty.M.SG. be. PRES.M.SG. 'This child is the dirtiest.'

b. ʊnә̃ nẽ buːte sәrɪɑ̃ kɔlɑː lәmbe d̪ e their trees all from tall.SG.M be.PRES.M.SG. 'Their trees are the largest of all.'

Like other South Asian languages all the adjectives in Pahari can be used as attributively as well as predicatively. Attributive adjectives usually precede their nouns in simple phrases, while in predicative use they follow the noun.

69. a. o: gә̃d̪ i: kʊɽiː d̪ iː she.NOM.M.SG. dirty. F.SG. girl.NOM.F.SG. be. PRES.F.SG. ‘She is a dirty girl.’

b. o: kʊɽɪɑ̃ gә̃d̪ ɪɑ̃ d̪ ɪɑ̃ they.F.PL. girl. NOM.F.PL. dirty. F.PL. be. PRES. F.PL. ‘They are dirty girls.

The adjective gə̃d̪ i: ‘dirty’ in (69a) is preceding the noun kʊɽiː ‘girl’ while (69b) illustrates the predicative function of adjectives where the adjective gə̃d̪ ɪɑ̃ ‘dirty’ follows the noun. The example also indicates that both the attributive and predicative adjectives show the number and gender agreement with the modified nouns. In example (69a) the attributive adjective gə̃d̪ i: ‘dirty’ agrees in gender and number with the following singular feminine noun kʊɽiː.

Similarly in (69b) the predicative adjective gə̃d̪ ɪɑ̃ ‘dirty’ agrees with the preceding noun in gender and number.

2.6 SUMMARY

This chapter has discussed the morphology of nouns, pronouns and adjectives.

Pahari distinguishes two genders (masculine and feminine), two numbers

(singular and plural), and seven cases. Categories such as possessive, direct and indirect object, etc., are expressed by means of postpositions following the oblique case. Adjectives may be divided into inflected and non-inflected categories. Inflected adjectives are marked, through termination, for the gender

and number of the nouns they qualify. Pronouns can be classified as personal, reflexive, demonstrative, indefinite, relative and interrogative pronouns. All the pronouns are inflected for gender, number and case.

Chapter Three

VERB AND ADVERB MORPHOLOGY

This chapter provides an overview of the verb and adverb morphology. It consists of two sections. Section 3.1 presents the verb morphology and Section

3.2 deals with morphology and the classification of adverbs in Pahari.

3.1 VERBS MORPHOLOGY

Lyons (1968) defines the verb as a part of speech that shows inflections for tense, mood, person, and number but not for case. According to Dixon (2010) cross-linguistically verb is the word class that always includes words that denote actions. The verb in Pahari has four forms: an unmarked form or the root, and marked forms that are perfective, imperfective and infinitive respectively. These forms of verb are regular and inflect for tense, aspect, mood, number and gender. The root form can be either transitive or intransitive. The direct and indirect causatives and infinitives are formed from the root by suffixation. Along with the main verb many auxiliaries in Pahari are also used to represent mood aspect and tense. Furthermore, Pahari auxiliaries like main verb inflect for tense, aspect, number and gender. The following section discusses the inflectional and morphological properties of Pahari verbs.

3.1.1 The verb root in Pahari

Simple root is the part of verb, which remains when all elements indicating person and number have been discarded (Barjasteh, 2003). The form of the verb which may be termed as the root in Pahari is the imperative in the second

person singular. Most verbal roots in Pahari are monosyllabic, but as the table below shows, other verb root structures are also found in Pahari. A large majority of Pahari verb roost have the monosyllabic CVC structure. The root verbs are listed together with their structures below:

Table 3.1: Simple Verb Root

Verb Root Structure Meanings ɑː V come lɑː CV wear/attach ʈʃɑː CV lift pәn CVC break hɪn CVC buy po:ɽ CVC catch kәdʒ CVC cover ʈʃәvɑː CVCV conceal ʈʃɪʈʃlɑː CVCCV cry t̪ әriːk CVCVC drag sʊd̪ ʊr CVCVC be correct ʊɖʊr VCVC fly

The majority of verb roots are monosyllabic in the data. The most frequent structure is CVC followed by CV in the data. Bisyllabic stems are not common in Pahari. They make up a small proportion of all verbs. Trisyllabic roots were not found in the corpus. Roots can also undergo a process called causativisation in which suffixes are added as part of the stem to increase the valency of the verb.

3.1.2 Verb Sub-Classes

Verbs in a language can be divided into subclasses according to the number of arguments they require in a clause (Payne 1997). The simple verb root in Pahari can be classified into three classes: transitive, ditransitive and intransitive.

3.1.2.1 Transitive verbs

A transitive verb states a relation between two participants in a construction such that one of the participants acts upon or towards the other. Strictly speaking, transitive verbs always appear in a transitive clause with at least two arguments. Out of these two arguments one functions as the subject and the other as the direct object (Payne 1997). The objects of transitive verbs in Pahari generally play the semantic role of patient. It may be marked nominative or accusative depending on the context. In the perfective aspect, a transitive verb takes a nominative object and the subject is marked for ergative case. The verb in the clause agrees with its object.

70. a. kɔɪe peɖ ko:ɵi: man.ERG. M.SG. sheep. NOM.F.SG. slughter. PST.F.SG. ‘The man slaughtered the sheep.’

kʊɽɪɑ kɑː kәpɪɑ b. girl. ERG. F.SG. grass. NOM.M.SG. cut. PERF.M.SG. ‘The girl cut the grass.’

In the imperfective aspect, both the subject and the object appear as nominative and the transitive verb agrees with the subject, as shown in example (71).

71. a. kɔɪɑ kәkɽi: ʈʃʰɪlnɑː man.NOM. M.SG. cucumber.NOM.F.SG. peel.IMP.M.SG. ‘The man is peeling cucumber.’

b. kʊɽi: kɑː kәpniː girl.NOM.F.SG. grass.NOM.M.SG. cut.IMP.F.SG. ‘The girl is cutting the grass.’

In the above example the verbs ʈʃʰɪlnɑː ‘peel’ and kəpniː ‘cut’ show the gender-number agreement with the nominative subjects kɔɪɑ: ‘man’ and kʊɽi:

‘girl’ rather than the objects.

3.1.2.1.1 Transitive Verb Derivation

Most of the verbal roots in Pahari are intransitive. A great number of transitive verbs are derived from the intransitive verb root through vowel modification and affixation processes. In Pahari the monosyllabic verb roots ending in /l/, /r/, and

/ɽ/ having /ә/ as peak are transitivised through the vowel gradation process. The mid short vowel /ә/ in the root is replaced with the low long vowel

/a:/. Compare the verbal roots with the derived transitives in the following set of data:

Table 3.2: Transitive verb derived through vowel modification

Intransitive Root Gloss Transitive Gloss bәl be burnt bɑːl burn gәl be melted gɑːl melt kәɽ be boiled kɑːɽ boil mәr die mɑːr beat/kill pәl be brought up pɑːl bring up

Another set of transitive verbs is derived from the intransitive roots by adding the suffix ɑ: to the root.

Table 3.3: Transitive verbs derived through suffixation

Intransitive Gloss Transitive Gloss Roots sʊk be dry sʊkɑ: dry pәk be cooked pekɑ: cook bәn become bәna: make

72. a. ʈʃәŋgɑː bә̃ndɑː bәn good.M.SG. man.M.SG. become. ‘Be a good man.’

b. mәstre mẽ-ki ʈʃәŋgɑː bә̃ndɑː bәnjɑː teacher-M.SG me-ACC good.M.SG man.M.SG made ‘The teacher made me a good man.’

The simple verbal root bən in (72a), means ‘make oneself’ or ‘become’. In

example (72b) the transitive verb bənɑː that is derived from the root bən, means

‘make someone or something’ or ‘create something’.

3.1.2.2 Intransitive Verbs

Payne (1997) defines an intransitive verb as a verb that describes a property,

situation or state involving only one participant. In Pahari, like other languages,

the intransitive verb functions as the predicate of verbal clause with one

argument that grammatically functions as the subject. In the perfective and

imperfective aspects, the subject of an intransitive verb is never marked for

agentive case; rather intransitive verb displays a subject marked with absolutive

case and the intransitive verb agrees with subject.

73. a. kʊt̪ e: sʊt̪ ene: dog. NOM.M.PL. sleep.IMP.M.PL. ‘The dogs are sleeping.

b. kʰɔt̪ ɑː nәsnɑː donkey.NOM.M.SG. run.IMP.M.SG. ‘The donkey is running.'

The sentences in (73a-b) contain intransitive verbs sʊt̪ ene: ‘to sleep’ and nəsnɑː

'to run'. As intransitive verbs, they take one argument, kʊt̪ e: 'dogs' and kʰɔt̪ ɑː

‘donkey’ respectively.

3.1.2.3 Ditransitive Verbs

Di-transitive verb takes a subject and two core arguments that are often termed as direct and indirect objects respectively (Dryer 2007). Dixon and Aikhenvald

(2000) call di-transitive verbs ‘extended transitive’ as a core argument is added to a transitive clause. Di-transitive clauses are common in Pahari due to the wide-ranging semantic functions carried out by the indirect object. Examples of di-transitive verbs in Pahari are given below:

74. a. ɑbe mẽ-ki pese dɪt̪ e father.ERG.M.SG. me.DAT. money.NOM. M.PL. give.PST.M.PL. ‘The father gave me money.’

b. ɑmmĩ: mәndʒiː-kiː kɑː bɑjɑː mother. ERG. F.SG. buffalo.DAT.F.SG. money. M.SG. put. PERF.M.SG ‘The mother gave grass to the buffalo.’

Sometimes, the speakers drop one of the objects in di-transitive constructions when the object can be understood from the context.

75. a. mẽ dɔkɑːndәre-ki: pese dɪt̪e I.ERG.SG. shopkeeper.DAT. money.NOM. give. PERF.M.PL. ‘I gave money to the shopkeeper.’

b. mẽ dɔkɑːndәre-ki: dɪt̪e i. shopkeeper. DAT. give.PERF.M.PL. ‘I gave to the shopkeeper.’

c. mẽ pese dɪt̪e I.ERG.SG. money.NOM. give. PERF.M.PL. ‘I gave the money (to somebody).’

3.1.3 CAUSATIVES

Causativisation is the process through which the valency of a root verb can be increased. At every step of causative derivation there is an

increase in the valency of the verb (Comrie 1981; Kachru, 2006). Agnihotri

(2007) explains the nature of causative verb as a verb that requires an actor who makes somebody else to do something or causes something or somebody to be in a certain state. There are a good number of world languages that exhibit morphological causatives. In morphological causatives, the caused event and the causing event are implied through causative morphology in a single verbal complex (Comrie, 1985). There are different ways in which causation is indicated in different languages. Pahari exhibits the phenomenon of derivational or morphological causatives with two subclasses; direct causative and indirect causative. Pahari indicates causation with the help of suffixation and vowel modification. A similar situation is found in other languages such as

Hindi (Mohanan 1994), Urdu (Butt and King 2003) and Kohistani (Baart, 1999).

The derivation of direct and indirect causatives is discussed in the following section:

3.1.3.1 Direct Causatives

In Pahari, the direct causatives are formed through a number of derivational processes. The most prominent derivation process is suffixation. Also a large majority of direct causatives are formed either through lengthening the stem vowel or vowel change. Some of the direct causatives are formed through suffixation. When causative suffixes are added to the verbal roots, then some of the verbal roots change in form and some do not. The alternations are fairly consistent, and can be predicted based on the phonology and morphology of the stem. These types of stem internal changes occur in most Indo Aryan languages

such as Marathi (Raeside & Nemade1991, Hindi (Kachru (2006), Dameli

(Perder 2013). All these processes of causative derivation are discussed below.

The root of a majority of the direct causatives can be formed by adding the suffix /aː/ with intransitive verb root. When the causative suffix /a:/ is added to the intransitive root, the tone shifts to the second syllable in derived causative.

For illustration consider the data in the following table:

Table 3.4: Direct causative derived through suffixation

Root Gloss Direct Causative Gloss

bo:l say bo:lɑː make x to say bʊdʒ listen bʊdʒɑː make x to listen hәs laugh hәsɑː make x laugh nәs run nәsɑː make x to run

The direct causatives are usually formed from an inherently intransitive verb root as it can be observed in the above given data. An intransitive verb becomes transitive when the causative suffix is added to the root. Just like inherently transitive verbs, they also need two arguments. Examples of intransitive verbs and their causative counterparts, used in sentences, can be seen below:

76. a. dʒәldi: nәs quickly run ‘Run quickly.’

b. kʊt̪e bɪlɪɑ-ki: nәsɑːyɑː dog. ERG. M.SG. cat.ACC.F.SG. run.CAUS.PST. ‘The dog made the cat run.’

Grammatically, the verb in (76a) is intransitive whereas the causative verb in

(76b), behaves as transitive verb, with the causer kʊt̪ a: ‘dog’ in the role of subject, and the causee bɪli: ‘cat’ in the role of direct object.

The derivation of some of the direct causative verbs involves the vowel alternation. The /l/ and /r/ ending monosyllabic intransitive verb roots having /ʊ/ as peak derive their causatives by replacing /ʊ/ with /o:/ in the derived causative root. Some examples are shown below:

Table 3.5: Direct causative derived through vowel modification

Verb Gloss Direct Gloss Root Causative

dʒʊl go dʒo:l cause x to go tʊr move to:r cause x to move mʊɽ come back mo:ɽ cause x to come back

The vowel-final monosyllabic roots form their causative with the addition of suffix vɑːl to the root. The use of the suffix vɑːl results in the deletion of the stem-final vowel in the derived causative root. The data given below refers to the direct causative formation from vowel-final monosyllabic roots.

Table 3.6: Direct Causative derived from vowel final roots

Verb Root Gloss Direct Causative Gloss

seʰ sleep svɑːl cause x to sleep nɑʰː take bath nvɑːl cause x to take bath kʰaː eat kʰvɑːl cause x to eat

In verb roots ending in vowel /i:/ and /e/ , the suffix /ja:l / is added to derive the first causal verbal roots. On adding suffix /ja:l/ the long vowel of pi: is

shortened while in beh the /h/ sound is deleted. This process of causative derivation is not so productive, just two examples were found in the data that are given in the table below:

Table 3.7: Causative derived from roots ending in long vowel

Root Gloss Direct Causatives Gloss

pi: drink pɪjɑːl cause x to drink beʰ: sit beʰjɑːl cause x to sit

3.1.3.2 Indirect Causative

In Pahari both transitive and intransitive verbs can be causativized. The formation of indirect causative from intransitive verbal roots is a two-step process. First the direct causatives are formed from the intransitive verbal root and then the indirect causative verbs are formed from these direct causative verbal roots simply by adding the suffix /aː/. Majority of direct causative roots ending in consonants, form their indirect causative counterparts in this fashion.

See the table below:

Table 3.8: Indirect causatives derived from intransitive roots with suffix /aː/

Transative Direct Indirect Gloss Roots Causatives Causatives

tʊr to:r to:rɑː have someone to make x to move mʊɽ mo:ɽ mo:ɽɑː have someone to make x to come back seʰ svɑːl svɑːlɑː have someone to make x to sleep nɑʰː nvɑːl nvɑːlɑː have someone to make x to take bath kʰɑː kʰvɑːl kʰvɑlɑː have someone to make x to eat piː pɪjɑːl pɪjɑːlɑː have someone to make x to drink beʰ bɪjɑːl bɪjɑːlɑː have someone to make x to sit

In order to causitivize monosyllabic verb roots ending in /l/, /r/, /ɽ/ and /t/ having /a/ as peak, first these intransitive roots are transitivised by replacing mid short vowel /a/ in the root with the low long vowel /a:/. These transitivized verbs then take causative suffix /a:/. Consequently, an indirect causative verb form is derived. Compare the verb roots with the derived causative in the following set of data:

Table 3.9: Indirect Causatives derived from intransitive through vowel modification

Verb Gloss Transitive Indirect Gloss Root Causative pәl be brought up pɑːl pɑːlɑː make someone to bring up x bәl be burnt bɑːl bɑːlɑː make someone to burn x gәl be melted gɑːl gɑːlɑː make someone to melt x kәɽ be boiled kɑːɽ kɑːɽɑː make someone to boil x ʈʃәr ascend ʈʃɑːr ʈʃɑːrɑː make someone to ascend x sәɽ burn sɑːɽ sɑːɽɑː make someone to burn x mәr die mɑːr mɑːrɑː make someone to kill/beat x

Some of the indirect causatives are derived from the direct causative verb roots ending in vowels by adding /vɑː/. See the data in the following table:

Table 3.10: Indirect causative derived through infixation

Direct Indirect Gloss Causative Causatives kʰlɑː kʰlɑːvɑː have someone to cause x to stand bәnɑː bәnɑːva have someone to make sʊkɑː sʊkɑːvɑː have someone to make x dry pekɑː pekɑːvɑː have someone to cause x to cook tɑːh tɑhvɑː have someone to cause x to fall pi: pi:va have someone to cause x to grind

The derivation of indirect causative verbs from the inherently transitive verb roots is a straightforward process. The inherently transitive roots form only the indirect causatives with the addition of the suffix /aː/. Consider the data in the table below where both the transitive and the indirect causatives forms are found, but not the direct causative:

Table 3.11: Indirect causatives derived from transitive roots

Transitive Gloss Indirect Gloss Roots Causatives kʊt beat kʊtɑː make x to beat y kәp cut kәpɑː cause x to cut y hɪn buy hɪnɑː cause x to buy y po:ndʒ clean po:ndʒɑː cause x to clean y pɔɽ catch pɔɽɑː cause x to catch y kʰәn dig kʰәnɑː cause x to dig y kәs rub kәsɑː cause x to rub y

While a transitive clause has a subject and an object, their derived indirect causative counterparts introduce a new argument in the causer or the agent of the action. Examples of such indirect causatives are given in the following sentences:

77. a. ʈʃɑ:ʈʃe kʊkɽiː ko:ɵiː uncle.ERG. M.SG. hen. NOM.F.SG. slaughter. PST.F.SG. ‘The uncle slaughtered the hen.’

b. ʈʃɑ:ʈʃe dʒәngt̪e ko:lɑː kʊkɽi: ko:vɑɪ uncle. ERG.M.SG. boy.M.SG.INST. hen.NOM. slaughter.F.SG.CAUS. ‘The uncle got the boy to slaughter the hen.’

The example shows the transitive perfective verb with direct object in (77a) and the causative verb with both direct object and the indirect object in (77b). In

(77b), ʈʃɑ:ʈʃɑ: ‘the uncle’ is the causer subject, dʒəngt̪ ‘the boy’ is the causee and kukɽi: ‘hen’ is the affected entity.

3.1.4 COMPLEX VERBS

The main component of Pahari verb phrase is the root verb. Most of the verbs used in Pahari sentences are simple consisting of single word, but there are some verbs that need other words in the construction to represent a state of being or an activity. There are verbs that are composed of two words such as

N+V, Adj+V and V1+V2. These classes of verbs are termed as ‘complex predicates’ in the literature. Complex predicates are defined as predicates that are comprised of more than one grammatical element; each of the elements contributes its part of the information related with a head (Sharma 1982,

Butt 1995).

Cross-linguistically, complex predicates are a common phenomenon but this phenomenon is particularly common in Indo-Aryan languages. The term

‘Complex Predicates’ refers to a number of constructions in Indo-Aryan languages. These include N+V, Adj+V and V1V2 complex forms made up of a lexical category and a light verb encoding a single event. The following section discusses the types of complex verbal constructions in Pahari.

3.1.4.1 Conjunct Verbs

The main component of Pahari verb phrase is the root verb. Most of the verbs used in Pahari are simple consisting of single word, but Pahari also has complex verbs that consist of two words such as conjunct verbs and double verbs.

Double verbs are formed by combining an inflected verb with a non-inflected

verb (double verbs will be discussed in chapter 4) while a conjunct verbs consist of two words; an inflected verb with another word-either a noun or adjective.

The conjunct verb constructions make a verbal form out of an adjective or a noun. The verbs such as kərnɑː ‘to do’, lɑːnɑː ‘to attach’, əʃnɑː ‘to come’ bə̃nɑː

‘to put/ to tell’, ləɣnɑː ‘ to attach’ are the most frequently used verbs in conjunct verbal constructions in Pahari. These verbs take all the verbal inflections. Conjunct verbs in Pahari have the following structure:

Noun/Adjective + Verb (Verbalizer)

Table3.12: Conjunct verbs

Adj/Noun+verb Derived Conjunct Verb Gloss

beɪzt̪ iː + kәrnɑː beɪzt̪ iː kәrnɑː to insult rәŋ +lɑ̃ːnɑː rәŋ lɑ̃ːnɑː to colour kәm +әʃnɑː kәm әʃnɑː to help ʈʃәngɑː+ lәɣnɑː ʈʃәngɑː lәɣnɑː to like

78. a. ʊs mɑɽiː beɪzt̪ iː kɪt̪ iː he-ERG. my.F.SG. insult.F.SG. do. PST.F.SG. ‘He insulted me.’

b. mẽ pɪt̪ e-kiː rәŋ lɑːjɑː I.ERG. door-DAT.M.SG. colour.M.SG. attach.PST.M.SG. ‘I painted the door.’

In example (78a) beɪzt̪ iː ‘insult’ is a noun which is combined with the verb kərnɑː ‘to do’ to make the conjunct verb beɪzt̪ iː kərnɑː ‘to insult’. In example

(78b), conjunct verb is rəŋ lɑːnɑː ‘to colour’ that is composed of the noun rəŋ

‘colour’ and the verb lɑːnɑː ‘attach’.

Besides nouns adjectives can also precede the verb in conjunct verb construction. For example:

79. a. mәsiː kәr sɑːf kәrniː aunt. NOM.F.SG. house.M.SG. clean do.IMP. F.SG. The aunt is cleaning the house.’

b. e kʊɽt̪iː mẽ kiː ʈʃәngiː lɣniː This shirt.F.SG. I.DAT. good.F.SG. attch. IPFV.F.SG. ‘I like this shirt.’

The adjective for ‘clean’ in Pahari is ‘sɑːf’ however, when the adjective sa:f

‘clean’ is combined the verb kərnaː ‘to do’ it forms the conjunct verb

‘sɑːf kərnaː’ that gives the meanings ‘to clean.’

The meaning of verb in conjunct construction depends upon the noun or adjective which precedes the verb. The same verb has different meaning with different nouns. As the following example demonstrates:

80. a. kɔɪje mә̃ndʒiː kiː kɑː bɑːjɑː man.ERG M.SG. buffalo. DAT.F.SG. grass put.PST.M.SG The man gave grass to the buffalo.’

b. Tu mẽ ki: ki: b ɑːjɑː you I.DAT. something tell.PST.M.SG ‘You told me something.’

c. lo:ken ɖәnɖ bɑɪ people. ERG.M.PL. noise.NOM.F.SG. put.PST.F.SG ‘People made a noise.’

d. kʊɽi: kәrve-iʈʃ pɑːni: bә̃ni: girl.NOM.F.SG. ewer.LOC.M.SG. water.M.SG. put.IMP ‘The girl is pouring water in the ewer.’

The typical meaning of the verb bə̃nɑː in Pahari is ‘to put’. But as it can be seen in example (80a-d) that verb bɑːnɑː gives different meanings in the environment of different nouns. In (80a), it is used in the sense of ‘give’ whereas in (80b) it gives the meaning of ‘tell’.

3.1.4.2 Compound Verbs

The second type of complex verbs is referred to as compound verbs in South

Asian literature. A compound verb is the complex predicate, having sequence

V1V2 that functions as a single finite verb and where V2 adds some aspectual meanings only, so does not contribute its lexical meanings. (Sharma,1982). In such compound verb, the main verb (V1) also known as ‘polar verb’ mostly occurs in root/stem form. It generally does not bear any inflection. It contains the core meaning of the complex verb form. In other words, the semantics of the compound verb is derived from the main or polar verb. The second verb of the sequence often termed as vector verb is semantically relexicalized. The vector verb does not retain its lexical meaning and functions as an auxiliary verb. It, however, plays an important role in replicating the meaning of the polar or main verb. Furthermore, it is the vector verb that bears inflectional markers. Pahari makes use of the following light verbs in compound verb constructions:

Table 3.13: Compound Verbs in Pahari

V2(light verbs) V1 + V2 Compound verbs Gloss

ɑː hɪni: + ɑː hɪni: ɑː bring ʃo:ɽ kәri: + ʃo:ɽ kәri: ʃo:ɽ do dɪt̪ɑː hɪni: + dɪt̪ ɑː hɪni: dɪt̪ ɑː get rәɪ kʰɑɪ + rәɪ kʰɑɪ rәɪ ate kʰәlt̪i: sәɪ + kʰәlt̪i: sәɪ kʰәlt̪i: slept

Each of the light verbs given in the above table can be combined with a variety of verbs to add extra details to the core meaning of that verb.

81. a. ʊs әm kʰәɪ ʃo:ɽɪɑː he mango.M.SG. eat. leave.PST.M.SG. ‘He has eaten mango’

b. mẽ ɑpnɑː kәm kәri: ʃo:ɽɪjɑː I own work do leave.PST.M.SG. ‘I have done my work.’

c. kʊɽi: kәpɽe: hɪni: ai: girl clothes brig come.PST.M.SG. ‘The girl has brought the clothes.’

The above examples demonstrate that a compound verb is formed with a sequence of V1 and V2 in which V1 that is the main verb, exclusively contributes to the meanings of the compound verbs, while the V2 i.e the light verb gets semantically delexicalized and functions as an auxiliary in the complex predicate and carries all the gramatical information. Despite the fact that there are two verbs present in these examples yet they refer to one event, namely ‘eating’, ‘doing’ and ‘bringing’.

3.1.5 PARTICIPLES

There are of three types of participles in Pahari; conjunctive, perfective and imperfective. These participles function as adverbs and adjectives. The following section elaborates the formation and the function of participles in

Pahari:

3.1.5.1 Conjunctive Participle

The conjunctive participle is formed with the past form of verb plus the conjunction /te/ ‘and’. It frequently functions as an adverb and is used in linked sentences in which two verbs having the same subject express an action happening before one another. From these sequential actions, the first action is expressed with a conjunctive participle.

82. a. ʊs kәr ɑːʈʃʰiː t̪ e ro:ttiː kʰɑːd̪ iː he/she. home come. And beard.NOM .F.S. eat.PERF F.SG. ‘He/she took meal after coming home.’

b. kәpɽe hɪniː t̪ e mәɽe ko:l ɑː clothes.NOM.M.SG. take and me near come. ‘After taking clothes come to me.’

c. ʊs nәsiː nәsiː t̪e mẽki po:ɽjɑː he/she running quickly and me.ACC. catch.PERF. 'After running quickly, she caught me.'

Occasionally, the conjunction /te/ can be dropped, and the verb stem can be used as a conjunctive participle.

83. a. o: t̪ʊsẽ d̪ ekʰiː nәsiːei she you.HON. seeing run. ‘Upon seeing you, she has run away.’

b. o: mẽ kiː dekʰiː ro:ne lәɣiː she me seeing weep.IPFV attach.IPFV. “Upon seeing me, she began to weep.’

3.1.5.2 Perfective Participles

The suffixes /a:/, /i:/, /e/ and /ɪɑ̃/ are added to the verbal root to form a perfective participle. These suffixes mark number and gender agreement with the noun. The following table shows the pattern for the verb pədʒ ‘break’:

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Table 3.14: Perfect participles suffixes

Number Gender Perfect Participle

Singular Masculine pәdʒɑː Plural Masculine pәdʒe Singular Feminine pәdʒiː Plural Feminine pәdʒɪɑ̃

A few verbs given in the table below form the perfect participles in an irregular way. Irregular verbs will maintain the /a:/, /i:/, /e/ and /ɪɑ̃/ suffixes but the root of the verb shows internal modifications.

Table 3.15: Formation of perfect participle from irregular verbs

Verbs Gloss Perfective Participles M.SG. F.SG M.PL F.PL. kʰɑː eat kʰɑːd̪ ɑː kʰɑːd̪ iː kʰɑːd̪ e kʰɑːd̪ ɪɑ̃ piː drink piːt̪ ɑː piːt̪iː pi:t̪ e piːt̪ ɪɑ̃ nɑː take bath nɑ: t̪ɑː nɑːt̪ iː nɑːt̪ e nɑːt̪ ɪɑ̃ hɪn take hɪndɑː hɪndiː hɪnde hɪndɪɑ̃ d̪ eʰ give d̪ ɪt̪ t̪ɑː d̪ ɪt̪ t̪ iː d̪ ɪt̪ t̪ɑː d̪ ɪt̪ t̪ɪɑ̃ teʰ fall tәtʰtʰɑː tәtʰtʰiː tәtʰtʰɑː tәtʰtʰɪɑ̃ seʰ sleep sʊt̪ t̪ ɑː sʊt̪ t̪ iː sʊt̪ t̪ e sʊt̪ t̪ ɪɑ̃

The perfective participle is often followed by the empathetic particle /nɑː/. The addition of /nɑː/ explicitly expresses a state. The particle /nɑː/ agrees with the main participle in gender and number. For instance, consider the following sentence:

84. a. dʒәngʊt̪ bedʒɪɑ nɑː boy.NOM.M.SG. sit.PERF.M.SG. ‘The boy is seated.’

b. dʒәnget̪ bedʒene boys.NOM.M.PL. sit.PERF.M.PL. ‘The boys are seated.’

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perfect participle can be used as predicative and attributive adjectives. Like regular adjectives, the perfect participle can be used to assign a state to a noun in the structure. The perfective participles agree with the modified noun in number, gender, and case:

85. mẽ ʊɵiː bedʒɪɑ-nɪɑ kʊɽɪɑ-ki kɪt̪ɑːb deɪ ʃo:ɽiː I there seated.F.SG. girl.DAT. book.F.SG. give leave.F.SG. ‘I have given the book to the girl who was sitting there.’

Along with the adjectival use of the perfect participles in Pahari, they can also be used adverbially. When perfect participles are used adverbially, generally they assume the singular masculine oblique form. Adverbial perfect participles can modify the verb of a clause as shown in the following example:

86. Mẽ ethi kʰәlt̪e nɪɑ̃ ʊskiː dekʰjɑː sɑː I. here standing.M.PL. him.DAT. see.M.SG. be.M.SG.PST ‘Standing here, I saw him.’

A masculine plural oblique perfect participle followed by the postposition

‘beɣer’ ‘without’ is also used in Pahari. It gives the sense of ‘without doing something’.

87. o: kʰɑ:d̪ e beɣer gɪɑ tʰiː she eat.M.PL. without go.PST F.SG. be.PERF. ‘She has gone without eating.’

The perfect participles may be reduplicated to indicate the duration of some past action which results in an extended state:

88. o: t̪ɪjɑːɽi: nәsi nәsi kәti geɪ she day.F.SG. running tired. PERF.F.SG go.PERF.M.SG. ‘Running around all day, she became tired.’

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3.1.5.3 Imperfective participles

The imperfective participles are used to denote incomplete actions or the action in progress. Imperfective participles in Pahari can be used to modify nominal word in a sentence. They can be used as adjectives and adverbs. Their formation depends on their function. When they act as adjectives, they are formed with the addition of the suffixes /na:/ /ni:/ /ne/ and /nɪɑ̃/ for masculine singular, feminine singular, masculine plural and feminine plural respectively to the verbal root.

The following table summarises the forms of imperfective participles for the verb nәs ‘run’:

Table 3.16: Imperfective participles form of the verb nәs ‘run’

Number Gender IPFV. Participle forms

Singular Masculine nәsnɑː Plural Masculine nәsne Singular Feminine nәsniː Plural Feminine nәsnɪɑ̃

The following example demonstrates the use of imperfective participle in Pahari:

89. a. ʈʃәlnɑː pәkʰɑː kʰәlɪjɑː moving.M.SG. fan.NOM.M.SG. stop. PERF.M.SG. ‘The moving fan has stopped.’

b. d̪ o:ɽni: gәɖɖi: kʰәlɪ geɪ running.F.SG. van.NOM.F.SG. stop. PERF.F.SG. ‘The running van has stopped.’

Imperfective participle in Pahari can also be used adverbially. The adverbial imperfective participles are formed by adding the suffix /nɪɑ̃/ with the verb root.

Adverbial imperfective participles are used to modify the manner of the verb.

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90. a. kʊɽɪɑ ro:nɪɑ̃ dәsɪɑ girl.ERG.F.SG. while weeping tell.PST.M.SG. ‘The girl told while she was weeping.’

b. mẽ ʊs kiː ɑʃnɪɑ̃ dekʰɪɑ sɑː I him while coming see.PST. be.PST. I saw him while he was coming.’

3.1.6 INFINITIVES

Infinitives are formed by adding the infinitive suffix /nɑː/ to a verb root. The following table contains the infinitive forms of nəs ‘run’ as an example:

Table 3.17: Infinitive formation

Number Gender Infinitive Singular Masculine nәsnɑː Plural Masculine nәsne Singular Feminine nәsni: Plural Feminine nәsnɪɑ̃

The infinitive is usually used in the masculine singular form. However, masculine plural and the feminine forms are used with the model ʈʃəɪnɑ:‘should’ which agrees with them in number and gender.

91. a. t̪u: gɑlĩ: nei d̪ әnɪjɑ̃ː ʈʃәɪnɪjnɪɑ̃ you.ERG abuse. F.SG. not give.F.PL. should.F.PL. ‘You should not abuse.’

b. t̪u: nәwɑːz pәɽni: әʃni: ʈʃәɪniː you.ERG prayer.F.SG. read.F.SG. come.F.SG. should.F.SG. ‘You should know how to offer prayer.’

c. ɑbe : pese d̪ әne ʈʃәɪne father.ERG money.NOM. M.SG. give.M.SG. should.M.SG. ‘The father should give money.’

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In (91a) the object gɑlĩ: ‘abuse’ is a plural feminine noun that takes the feminine plural form of infinitive; similarly in (91b) the singular feminine object nəwɑːz ‘ prayer’ takes infinitive in singular feminine form. In both the examples the infinitives agree with their respective direct objects because the subjects are in ergative case.

3.1.6.1 The Oblique Infinitive

In the oblique case, the infinitive suffix is /ne:/ with the verbs that end in consonant as in pəɽːne: ‘to study’ whereas some of the verbs that end with vowels sound are marked for oblique infinitive forms in an irregular way.

Consider the examples in the table below:

Table 3.18: Oblique forms of Infinitive

Verbs Oblique infinitive forms Gloss

nәs nәsne: to run pәɽ pәɽːne: to read ro: roːne: to weep nɑː nɑne: to take a bath kʰɑː kʰɑːd̪ e to eat pi: pɪt̪e to drink seʰ sʊt̪ e to sleep

The oblique form of infinitive, just like an oblique noun, is employed when the infinitive is the object of a postposition. Thus the oblique infinitive functions as a gerund. The oblique forms of infinitive are commonly used to complement a verb.

92. a. o: ʊski: pese: d̪ ɪt̪t̪e: tĩː giɑ he him money.M.PL give.M.PL for go.PST.M.SG. ‘He went to give him money.’

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b. o: kʰɑd̃e: tʰĩ: ɑjɑː they.NOM.M.SG. eat.M.PL. for come.PST M.SG. ‘He came to eat.’

The infinitive d̪ ɪt̪ t̪ e: ‘to give’ in (92a) kʰɑd̃e: ‘to eat’ in (92b) complement the verb ʈʃɑːnɑː ‘want’, completing the verb ‘wants to run.’

3.1.7 TENSE AND ASPECT

Tense is a distinctive deictic category that relates points of time to the moment of utterance (Dahl, 1985). Tense and aspects in most of the languages of the world are realised through morphological means. In Pahari, suffixes on verb encode the habitual and progressive aspects while the perfective aspects are encoded by light verbs in complex predicates. Pahari distinguishes between simple and complex tense forms. The simple tense is formed by the main verb alone bearing tense, aspect and agreement morphology whereas, the complex tense is formed by the main verb followed by an auxiliary; where the auxiliary carries tense information. The future tense in Pahari is encoded by a suffix on the main verb. Both the main verb and auxiliary inflect for person gender and number.

In some cases where the construction has no auxiliary, the main verb itself is marked for person, gender and number. The following section discusses auxiliaries in Pahari followed by the tense and aspectual system.

3.1.7.1 Auxiliaries

Firstly, the nature of the auxiliaries that play important role in tense system in

Pahari will be explained here. The auxiliary verb /da/ is the base of all the complex verbal constructions of Pahari. Since /d̪ ɑ:/ is irregular and is used in so

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many verbal constructions. The table (3.19), and (3.20) present the conjugation of the auxiliary verb da ‘to be’ for present, past respectively.

Table 3.19: Present forms of auxiliary /d̪ ɑː/

Person Masculine Feminine Gloss

1st Singular d̪ ɑɪs d̪ ɪʊs am

1st Plural d̪ eɑːn d̪ ɪɑːn are 2nd Singular d̪ ẽ d̪ ɪɑ̃ are 2nd Plural d̪ eɑː d̪ ɪɑː are 3rd Singular d̪ ɑː d̪ e is

3rd Plural d̪ i: d̪ ɪɑ̃ are

Table 3.20: Past forms of auxiliary /d̪ ɑː/

Person Masculine Feminine Gloss

1st Singular sɑɪs sɪu:s was 1st Plural seә̃ sɪɑ̃ were 2nd Singular sẽ sɪɑːn were

2nd Plural seɑː sɪɑ were

3rd Singular sɑː si: was 3rd Plural se sɪɑ̃ were

The present forms of /d̪ ɑː/ are used only in copular constructions. The present and past tense forms of auxiliary agree with subject in number, gender and person. But if the subject is ergative marked, then the past auxiliary will agree with the nominative NP. Consider the following example for illustration:

93. a. dʒәngʊt̪ ʈʃʰәlɑː dɑː boy-NOM.2.M.SG mad.M.SG be.PRES.2.M.SG ‘The boy is mad.’

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b. bәkri: pɑːni: pɪni: si: goat.NOM.3.F.SG water-NOM.M drink.IMP. be.PST.3.F.SG ‘The goat was drinking water.’

c. mehmu:d-e kʰәt̪ lɪkʰjɑː sɑː mehmood-ERG.3.M.SG letter-NOM.3.M.SG write. PST3.M.SG ‘Mehmood wrote a letter.’

In (93a) the present auxiliary /d̪ ɑː/‘is’ agrees with the subject dʒəngʊt̪ as both carry third person, masculine singular features. The past auxiliary in (93b) agrees with subject bəkri:. Whereas in example (93c) the past auxiliary does not agree with the subject as the subject mehmu:de is ergative case marked rather the verb agrees with the nominative object in this construction.

3.1.7.2 Tenses in Pahari

The following section discusses different tense, formation of tenses and their uses in Pahari.

3.1.7.2.1 The Present Tense

The present tense in Pahari is shown by the imperfective verb form inflected for person number and gender. The following table demonstrates the present tense paradigm of verb, kha ‘eat’:

Table 3.21: The Inflectional Endings of Verbs in the Simple Present Tense

Persons Masculine Feminine 1st Person Singular kʰәnәɪs kʰәnɪʊs 1st Person Plural kʰәnnejɑːn kʰәnɪjɑːn 2nd Person Singular kʰәnɑĩ kʰәnɪjẽ 2nd Person Plural kʰәnejɑː kʰәnɪjɑː 3rd Person Singular kʰәnɑː kʰәni: 3rd Person Plural kʰәne kʰәnnɪjɑ̃ː

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The table shows that instead of using auxiliary, the simple present tense in

Pahari is formed by adding one of the corresponding person gender and number endings to the imperfective verb stem. These endings are added directly to the stem without modifying the stem.

The imperfective form of the verb in Pahari is ambiguous for tense and aspect, which is determined from the context. It can be used to give a right now reading, present progressive as well as habitual present reading. When the linguists discuss the present tense, they usually distinguish between two main types of verbs that are dynamic verbs and stative verbs (Comrie 1976,

Riemer 2010 and Kearns, 2011). In Pahari, the interpretation of the imperfective form of verb in present tense is influenced by these two types of verbs. Usually stative verbs in imperfective form give the right now reading. For example, the imperfective stative verbs in the following example have the right now reading only:

94. a. sɑːjʊd̪ jɑvɑːv әʃnɑː sajid answer come.IPFV. ‘Sajid knows the answer ’

b. oː mәɽɑː jәki:n kәrnɑː he my believe do.IPFV ‘He believes me’

In contrast, the imperfective form of dynamic verb in Pahari usually has two possible interpretations: present progressive and present habitual and it is the adverb or the context that determines one of them.

95 a. o: nәvɑːz pәɽnɑː he-NOM.3.M.SG prayer-NOM.F.SG read-HAB.M.SG ‘He offers/ is offering the prayer.’

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b. pәpu: trәk ʈʃәlɑːnɑː papu-NOM.3.M.SG truck-NOM.M. drive-HAB ‘Papu drives/ is driving the truck.’

As you can see Pahari sentence in (95a) has two possible interpretations. There is no distinction made between a situation surrounding the time frame of the speech (he offers) and a continual action ongoing at the time of the speech

(offering). It can either mean that the boy usually offers the prayer or the boy is offering the prayer right now. Therefore, the context must be considered to determine whether the emphasis is on the continuous aspect of the action or merely on the present time. In (95 b) when the speaker inquires about the job or profession of pəpu:, the answer ‘pəpu: trək ʈʃəlɑːnɑː’ would be in habitual aspect. If at the time of utterance ‘Papu is driving truck’, someone asks what is pəpu: doing then the sentence ‘pəpu: trək ʈʃəlɑːnɑː’ would be in progressive aspect.

Beside context, the use of adverbs can also determine the interpretations of imperfective verb form in present tense. For example, verbs in the imperfective form such as əʃnɑː ‘to come’ can have the two interpretations. With adverb like ro:z ‘every day/ daily’ it denotes a habitual interpretation while with adverb like hʊn ‘now’ it expresses a progressive interpretation.

96. a. o: ro:z әʃnɑː he.NOM. daily come.HAB.M.SG. ‘He comes daily.’

b. o: hʊn әʃnɑː she. NOM. now come.HAB.F.SG ‘she is coming now.’

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In example (96a), the event ‘coming’ is repeated every day. In contrast, the same verb indicates present progressive in example (96b) with the adverb hʊn ‘now’:

Besides the context and adverbs, when the present indicative form of the verb ho:nɑː ‘to be’ is used with the imperfective form of the verb it expresses the present habitual aspect both The imperfective form and verb ho:nɑː agree with the highest nominative in gender and number.

97. a. kɔɪɑ: ʊd̪ әr gʊʃnɑː ho:nɑː man-NOM.M.SG there go.IPFV.M.SG. be.HAB.M.SG ‘The man usually goes there.’

b. kʊɽiː ʊd̪ әr gʊʃniː ho:niː girl-NOM.F.SG there go.IPFV.F. SG. be.HAB.F.SG ‘The girl usually goes there.’

c. kɔɪe: ʊd̪ әr gʊʃne: ho:ne: man-NOM.M.PL there go.IPFV.M.PL. be.HAB.M.PL. ‘The men usually go there.’

d. kʊɽɪɑ̃ ʊd̪ әr gʊʃnɪɑ̃ ho:nɪɑ̃ girl-NOM.F.PL there go.IPFV..FPL. be.HAB.F.PL ‘The girls usually go there.’

The above example shows the formation of present habitual aspect by adding the verb ho:nɑː that inflects for person, gender and number. In (97a) the subject kɔɪɑ: ‘man’ is masculine singular, and controls agreement on both the main verb and the light verb ho:nɑː , both of which take the masculine suffix

/a:/ . In (97b) the subject is third person singular feminine and the main verb and the light verb agree with it. In (97c) the subject is third person masculine plural so control masculine plural agreement on the verb whereas in (97d) the feminine plural subject controls the agreement.

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3.1.7.2.1.1 Uses of Present Tense

The present tense in Pahari can be used to express a range of meanings. Just like

English and other regional languages, the present tense in Pahari is used with the copula /da/ ‘be’ in general truth statements:

98. a. әsmɑːn ni:lɑː d̪ ɑː sky.SG.M. blue.SG.M. be.PRES.3.SG.M ‘The sky is blue.’

b. o: mәɽi: seli: d̪ i: That my.SG.F. sister.SG.F. be.PRES.3.SG.F. ‘She is my friend.’

The present tense is also used to describe the historical events. Look at the example below where the speaker switches between past and present tense:

99. mẽ әge gɪjɑɪs tẽ dekʰnɑɪs k ek sәp lɑɪtjɑːnɑː I ahead go.PST and see.PRES that a snake lay .IPFV ‘I went ahead and see that a snake is laying,

sәp mәɽe veh keʰ dәkʰnɑː k mẽ nәsɪjɑɪs Snake towards me what look.PRES. that I run.PST. as the snake looks at me, I ran away.’

In addition, the present tense is commonly used to imply future time, supplemented by a time adverb that indicates that the future time is intended.

See the following examples:

100. a. mẽ kәl pɪnd̪ i: dʒʊlnɑɪs i. tomorrow england go.PRES.1.M.SG. ‘I am going to England tomorrow.’

b. oː әgle sɑːl hәdʒ kɪt̪ e t̪ ĩ: dʒʊlne that next year haj do. for go.PRES.3.M.PL. ‘They are going to perform Haj next year.’

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As shown in (100), the simple present tense has a future reading and that is because of an adverbial that is fixed in the construction.

3.1.7.2.2 The Past Tense

The past tense in Pahari can be divided into near past and remote past. The near past tense in order of remoteness marks the most recent past grammatically. The past tense in Pahari has two different conjugations in accordance with verbs being ending in a consonant or a vowel. If the root ends in a consonant, past tense is formed by adding /ja:/ for masculine singular, /i:/ for feminine singular,

/e/ for masculine plural and /ɪɑ̃ː/ for feminine plural to the verbal root. Consider the conjugation of verb /nəs/ in past tense in the following table:

Table3.22: Conjugation of verb /nəs/ ‘run’ in past tense

Persons Masculine Feminine singular singular 1st Person Singular nәsɑɪs nәsɪʊs 1st Person Plural nәseɑːn nәsɪɑːn 2n Person Singular nәsɑẽ nәsɪẽ 2nd Person Plural nәseɑ: nәsɪɑː 3rd Person Singular nәsɑː nәsi: 3rd Person Plural nәse nәsɪɑ̃ː

Pahari verbs ending in vowel have irregular conjugations in the past tenses as it can be seen in the following table:

Table 3.23: Past conjugation of verbs ending in vowels

Verbs Past Gloss d̪ eʰ d̪ ɪt̪ t̪ɑː gave kʰɑː kʰɑːd̪ ɑː ate teʰ tɑːtʰɑː fell

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seʰ sʊ̪ tt̪ ɑː slept nɑː nәt̪ ɑː took bath siː sɪt̪ ɑː stitched

In past tense the Intransitive verb inflects according to the number and gender of the subject while the transitive one inflects according to the number and gender of the object.

101. a. mẽmәnẽ ʈʃɑˑ pi:t̪i: guest.M.PL.ERG. tea.F.SG.NOM drink.F.SG.PST ‘The guests took tea.’

b. mẽmɑːn ae: guest.M.PL.NOM. come.M.PL.PST ‘The guests came.’

The transitive verb /pi:/ in (101a) agrees with the object ʈʃɑˑ ‘tea’ whereas in

(101b) the intransitive verb /ae:/ inflects according to the subject mẽmɑːn

‘guests’

3.1.7.2.2.1 Remote Past

This covers a distant period, usually indicated by an adverbial of time and the past auxiliary. The past auxiliary marks the tense which is past, and the adverbial emphasis the time.

102. o: peʈʃʰle sɑːl gɪɑ sɑː he last year go.SG.M.PST. be. SG.M.PST. 'He went last year.' Commonly /sɑː/ will mark the remote past. It is a special usage and therefore is more semantic and specified. In this example there is some emphasis on the time

‘last year’.

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3.1.7.2.3 The Future Tense

The suffix roots /-l-/and /-g-/ are the basic forms of future tense marking predominating in new Indo Aryan languages with the additional surrounding vowels that carry the agreement features (Masica, 1991). Pahari differs from the new Indo Aryan languages and follows Old Indo Aryan languages’ future marking tradition. Pahari future marking suffix root /-s-/ is traced by Masica

(1991) in “OIA Sigmatic Future itself (in - isya, sya)” and claimed to be survive in Eastern Rajasthani and Gujarati. The future ending in Pahari for all the persons and number are given in the table:

Table 3.24: Future tense endings

Person Future endings Singular Plural 1.SG sɑ̃ː sɑ̃ːn 2.SG. sẽː sɑː 3.SG si: sẽn

The future tense in Pahari is formed by adding the future endings directly with the root verb. For example see the future conjugation of verb sat ‘throw’:

Table 3.25: Conjugation of verb /sәt/ Person Conjugation Translation

1.SG mẽ sәtsɑ̃: I will threw 2.SG. t̪ u; sәtsẽ you will throw 3.SG o: sәtsi: he will throw 1.PL. әs sәtsɑ̃n we will throw 2.PL. t̪ ʊs sәt sɑː you will throw 3.PL. o: sәt sẽn theywill throw

The future endings agree with subject noun or pronoun in number and person but not in gender. This can be seen in the following example:

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103. a. ɑsʊd̪ bu:tɑː kәp si: asad-NOM.3.M.SG tree-NOM.M cut be.FUT.3.SG ‘Asad will cut tree.’

b. sɑːlɪɑ pɑːni: ɑːn si: saliha-NOM.3.F.SG water-NOM.M bring be. FUT.3.SG ‘Saliha will bring water.’

c. nɪke d̪ әnd̪ kәr sẽn child-NOM.3.M.PL noise-NOM.M do be. FUT.3.M.PL ‘The children will make a noise.’

d. kʊɽɪɑ̃: kәpɽe t̪ ɔː sẽn girl-NOM.3.F.PL cloth-NOM.M.PL wash be. FUT.3.F.PL

‘The girls will wash clothes.’

In (103a) the subject ɑsʊd̪ is third person singular masculine while in (103b) the subject sɑːlɪɑ is third person singular feminine but in both the sentences (103a) and (103b) the auxiliary is same i.e. /si:/. Similarly, in (103c) the subject nɪke ‘children‟ is plural masculine whereas in (103d) the subject kʊɽɪɑ̃:

‘girls’ is plural feminine but both the sentences contain the same auxiliary sẽn.

This shows that future form of auxiliary does not inflect for gender. In additionn the above examples demonstrate that the future form of auxiliary inflects for person and number.

Interestingly the future endings never occur on verb in the negative sentences.

In future negative sentence, the plural form of imperfective participle is used with a light verb /lәɣɑː/ ‘attach’ along with negative /neɪ/ that inflects to agree with the subject. For illustration see the table below:

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Table 3.26: Negative future sentences

Person Conjugation Gloss

1.SG.M. mẽ neɪs sәtne lәɣɑː I will not threw 1.SG.F. mẽ neu:s sәtne lәɣi: I will not threw 2.SG.M. t̪ u: nei sәtne lәɣɑː you will not throw 2.SG.F. t̪ u: neɪjɑ̃ sәtne lәɣi: you will not throw 3.SG.M. oː neɪ sәtne lәɣɑː he will not throw 3.SG.F. oː neɪ sәtne lәɣi: he will not throw 1.PL.M әs nejɑːn sәtne lәɣe: we will not throw

1.PL.F. әs nejɑ̃ː sәtne lәɣjɑ̃ː we will not throw 2.PL.M. t̪ ʊs nejɑː sәtne lәɣe: you will not throw 2.PL.F. t̪ ʊs nejɑː sәtne lәɣɑ̃ː you will not throw 3.PL.M. oː neɪ sәtne lәɣe: they will not throw

3.PL.F. oːneɪ sәtne lәɣjɑ̃ː they will not throw

The table shows that there are no future endings on verb in future negative sentence. In these sentences, the plural form of imperfective participle has been used with a light verb ləɣɑ: ‘attach’ that agrees with the verb in gender number and person futures.

3.1.7.3 Aspects

Comrie (1985) defines aspect as "….different ways of viewing the internal temporal constituency of a situation.” Aspect is therefore more concerned with how the action is expressed. Like Hindi, Gojri and Punjabi; Pahari also has two commonly used aspects namely perfective and imperfective.

3.1.7.3.1 Imperfective Aspect

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In imperfective aspect the situation is considered as infinite in the sense that it is

continuous, habitual, iterative or progressive, (Bybee et al. 1989). Comrie

(1976), in his classification of aspects, divides imperfective into continuous and

habitual, and then continuous into progressive and non-progressive. The

imperfective in Pahari covers just progressive and habitual. The present

progressive and present habitual aspects have already been discussed in section

3.1.7.2.1. The following section discusses the past habitual and past progressive

aspects:

3.1.7.3.1.1 Past Habitual Aspect

The past habitual aspect is used to describe the events that happen regularly in

the past. Like present habitual aspect, habitual past is also formed by adding

suffixs /na:/, /ni:/, /ne/, /nɪɑ̃/ for singular masculine, singular famine, plural

masculine and plural feminine with verbal root respectively. The inflected form

of verb is followed by verb ho:nɑː ‘to be’ and the past form of auxiliary. The

main verb, verb ho:nɑː ‘to be’ and past auxiliary agree with the highest

nominative in number and gender.

104. a. kɔɪɑ: ʊd̪ әr gʊʃnɑː ho:nɑː sɑ: man-NOM.M.SG there go.IPFV.SG.M. be.HAB.M.SG be.PST.M.SG ‘The man used to go there.’

b. kʊɽiː ʊd̪ әr gʊʃniː ho:niː si: girl.NOM.F.SG there go.IPFV.SG.F. be.HAB.F.SG. be.PST.F.SG ‘The girl used to go there.’

c. kɔɪe ʊd̪ әr gʊʃne ho:ne se man.NOM.M.PL there go.IPFV.M.PL. be.HAB.M.PL. be.PST.M.PL ‘The men used to go there.’

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d. kʊɽɪɑ̃ ʊd̪ әr gʊʃnɪɑ̃ ho:nɪɑ̃ sɪɑ̃ girl.NOM.F.PL there go.IPFV.F.PL. be.HAB.F.PL be.PST.F.PL. ‘The girls used to go there.’

3.1.7.3.1.2 The Past Progressive Aspect

The past progressive aspect is formed with imperfective participle forms of verb, followed by the past tense markers /sa:/, /si:,/ /say/, /sɪɑ̃/.

105. a. dʒәngʊt nәsnɑː sɑː boy-NOM.M.SG run-IPFV.M.SG. be.PST.M.SG. ‘The boy was running.’

b. kʊɽiː kʰәngniː siː girl-NOM.F.SG. cough-IPFV. be.PST.F.SG. ‘The girl was coughing.’

c. dʒәnget nәsne se boy.NOM.M.PL . run.IPFV.M.PL. be.PST.M.PL ‘The boys were running.’

d. kʊɽɪɑ̃ kʰәngnɪɑ̃ sɪɑ̃ girl-NOM.F.PL. cough-IPFV.F.PL be.PST.F.PL ‘The girls were coughing.’

3.1.7.3.2 Perfective Aspect

Perfective is ‘‘the aspect used for narrating sequences of distinct events in which the situation is reported for its own sake, independent of its relevance to other situations,’’ (Hopper and Thompson 1984). Under this aspectual category there are two semantic classes in Pahari the present perfective aspect and the past perfective aspect.

3.1.7.3.2.1 Present Perfective Aspect

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The perfective aspect is expressed by aspectual complex predicates in Pahari. In

Pahari present perfective is indicated by the light verbs conveying the idea that an action has been completed. Consider the following examples:

106. a. bәdʒiː pɑːnde t̪ɔɪ ʃo:ɽe sister.ERG.F.SG. pot-NOM.M.PL. wash. leave-PERF.M.PL. ‘The sister has washed the pots.’

b. Mistrie lukri ʈʃʰɪliː ʃo:ɽiː carpeter.ERG.M.SG. wood.NOM.SG.F peel. F.SG. leave.PERF.F.SG. ‘The carpenter has peeled the wood.’

The example illustrates that the perfective aspect in Pahari is expressed through the light verbs in complex predicates. The gender and number are marked on light verbs instead of the main verb. In (106a) the light verb ʃo:ɽe ‘leave’ conveys the meaning of ‘completeness’. Same is the case in (106b) where the light verb ʃo:ɽiː ‘leave’ shows that the carpenter has completed the action of cutting wood. In both the examples the light verbs agree with the objects as the subjects are ergative marked.

3.1.7.3.2.2 Past Perfective Aspect

The past perfective aspect is formed by adding the past form of auxiliary at the end of present perfective aspect structure. As the following example exhibits the phenomenon:

107. a. bәdʒiː pɑːnɖe t̪ɔɪ ʃo:ɽe se sister.ERG. pot-NOM.M.PL. wash.M.PL. leave-PERF.M.PL. be.M.PL. ‘The sister had washed the pots.’

b. mɪstrɪe lʊkɽi: ʈʃʰɪliː ʃo:ɽiː si: carpenter.ERG. wood.SG.F peel. F.SG. leave.PERF. be.F.SG.PST ‘The carpenter had peeled the wood.’

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3.1.7.3.2.3 Future Perfective Aspect

In future perfective aspect, the structure contains a main verb along with a

light verb that is followed by two auxiliaries. For illustration consider the

following example:

108. a. bәdʒiː pɑːnde: t̪ɔɪ ʃo:ɽe: ho: sẽn siter. pot. M.PL. wash leave.PERF.M.PL. to be be.M.PL. ‘The sister will have washed the pots.’

b. koiye lukri ʈʃʰɪliː ʃo:ɽiː ho: si: man.ERG wood.SG.F peel. F.SG. leave.PERF.F.SG. to be. be.F.SG. ‘The man will have peeled the wood.’

Example (108) has a main verb, a light verb and two auxiliaries for a grammatical structure. The absence of any of the auxiliaries results in ungrammaticality of the sentence. The pattern is shown as following:

109. a. *bәdʒiː pɑːnde t̪ɔɪ ʃo:ɽe: ho: sister.F.SG. pot.M.PL. wash leave.PERF.M.PL. to be ‘The sister will have washed the pots.’

b. *bәdʒiː pɑːnde t̪ɔɪ ʃo:ɽe: sẽn sister.F.SG. pot.M.PL. wash. leave.PERF.M.PL. be.M.PL. ‘The sister will have washed the pots.’

In (109a) the auxiliary sẽn has been dropped and the absence of auxiliary results in the ungrammaticality of sentence. In (109b) the auxiliary ho: is absent that makes the sentence ungrammatical.

3.1.8 MOODS IN PAHARI

Mood refers to the way a speaker presents the truth of the proposition in the real world context and discourse. This includes expressions of possibility, certainty and probability. In other words, mood is a distinction in verb forms which

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expresses a speaker’s attitude towards what he/she is saying (Bybee et al.1994).

Pahari verbs show distinction of indicative, imperative, subjunctive and presumptive moods which show different attitudes of the speaker and express possibility, certainty, uncertainty and probability. All these moods will be discussed in the following section. A detailed analysis of imperatives clauses will be dealt in chapter 4. Here just the formation of imperative verbal forms is discussed.

3.1.8.1 Imperative Mood

The imperative is a verb mood that is used to express requests, demands, orders, prohibition and permission. It is discussed in section 3.1.1 that the imperative in the second person singular form functions as the verb root in Pahari. The following table shows that verb stem in Pahari, without any modification is used in imperative mood:

Table 3.27: Imperative forms derived from Infinitive

Infinitive Meanings Imperative Meanings

sʊknɑː to dry sʊk be dry bo:lnɑː to say bo:l say budʒnɑː to listen budʒ listen peknɑː to cook pәk be cook hәsnɑː to laugh hәs laugh nәsnɑː to run nәs run po:ɽnɑː to catch po:ɽ catch kәpnɑː to cut kәp cut

These forms of imperative verbs are typically used in the expression of request and command. The singular form of imperative can be used to express anger or insult. One can also use imperatives simply to extend an invitation or offer permission. Whether a particular imperative verb is used for command or

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request depends more on the intonation. The high intonation on verb serves the function of command whereas; the low intonation expresses a request.

All the forms given above are the singular form of imperatives. These forms are used to address the singular addressee and a person lower in status or equal in status. From these singular imperatives the plural forms of imperatives are formed by adding suffix /ɑː/. The plural forms of infinitives are used to address the plural addressees, the elder person and seniors to show respect or deference.

The data in table (3.28) indicates the derivation of plural imperative forms.

Table 3.28: Derivation of the Plural forms of Imperatives

Singular Plural/Polite Meanings Imperative form sʊk sʊkɑː dry bo:l bo:lɑː say budʒ budɑː listen Pek pekɑː cook hәs hәsɑː laugh nәs nәsɑː run po:ɽ po:ɽɑː catch kәp kәpɑː cut hɪn hɪnɑː buy

The singular imperatives that end in vowels /i:/ and /eh/, take suffix /jɑː/ to form their plural counterpart.

Table 3.29: Plural Imperatives derived through suffix /jɑː/

Basic Plural/polite Meanings Imperatives forms piː pɪjɑː drink seʰ sejɑː sleep

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teʰ tejɑː fall jiː jɪjɑː live deʰ dejɑː give reʰ rejɑː live

The plural imperatives that terminate with vowel /o:/ are formed by adding suffix /vɑː/ to the singular form of imperative.

Table 3.30: Plural Imperatives derived through suffix /vɑː/

Singular Plural/ polite Gloss Imperatives forms ro: ro:vɑː eat t̪ o: t̪ o:ovɑː wash po: po:vɑː take bath

The singular imperatives ending in vowel /a:/ like kʰɑ: ‘eat’ ʈʃɑː ‘lift’ and nɑː

‘take bath’ have the same form for both singular and plural imperatives. In order to address the plural addressees and to express the politeness the last vowel of the imperative form is doubled or lengthened. Sometimes the second person plural pronoun /t̪ ʊs/ ‘you’ is used with the singular form of imperative to express politeness.

3.1.8.2 Subjunctive Mood

The subjunctive mood is used to express an action or state that is somehow unreal rather than an actual action or state. This mood is used to express a desire, possibility, hypothetical statement, condition, contingency, opinion, contrafactual statement, analogy, duty, or obligation. The subjunctive in Pahari is formed by adding personal endings to the verb root. Consider the data in the following table:

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Table 3.31: Subjunctive mood endings

Persons Subjunctive mood endings Singular Plural First ɑ̃ː ɑːn Second ẽ ɑː Third e En

The subjunctive forms of verb go:ʈʃʰ ‘go’ are given in the table below for illustration.

Table 3.32: Subjunctive forms of verb /go:ʈʃʰ / ‘go’

Person Singular Gloss Plural Gloss First me go:ʈʃʰɑ̃ː I may go as go:ʈʃʰɑːn we may go Second tu go:ʈʃʰẽ you may go tus go:ʈʃʰɑː you may go Third o go:ʈʃʰe he may go o go:ʈʃʰәn they may go

In Pahari the use of subjunctive mood is required by certain words and phrases, particularly those that express contingency or doubt, and also by some kinds of dependent clauses. Subjunctive verbs are often translated with should, may or might. Some words or phrases that frequently take the subjunctive mood are listed in the following table:

Table 3.33: Phrases requiring the subjunctive

Phrases/words Gloss hɔɪ seknɑː maybe dʒe if t̪ ɑ̃k so that Verb+/ke/ introduces subordinate clause

The subjunctives are used in main clauses to perform the following functions: i) Subjunctives are commonly used to seek permission:

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110. mẽ e kәm krɑː̃ i.NOM. this work.M.SG. do.M.SG.SUB. ‘May I do this work?’ ii) Subjunctives are also used to make an informal request or indirect command.

111. a. mɑːɽiː bʊdʒɑː t̪e t̪ʊs ro:ttiː kʰɑɪ gɔʈʃʰɑː my.SG.F. listen.SUBJ. and you.PL. Bread eat go.SUBJ.2.M.PL. ‘If you listen me, you may go after having meal.’

b. t̪ʊsẽ mәnd̪ ɑː nɑː lәɣe t̪e ɔɵiː bedʒɑː you.PL. bad.M.SG. not attch and there sit ‘If you do not mind, you may sit there.’ iii) When the subjunctive is used with phrase hoi sakna ‘maybe’ it expresses a

possibility.

112. hɔɪ seknɑː ɑsɑd̪ kәl uder әʈʃʰe may be asad.M.SG. tomorrow there come.M.SG.SUB. ‘Asad may come there tomorrow.’

Iv) When a subjunctive verb comes with ʈʃɑɪnɑː k ‘should’ expresses an obligation.

113. tʊ̯ ʈʃɑɪnɑː k seɪ kәriː pәɽẽ You should right do read.2.M.SG. ‘You must study properly.’

In Pahari subjunctive is not used in all subordinate clauses. It is used in the subordinate clause when a subordinate clause expresses a contingent situation introduced by a subordinating conjunction. Some examples of different kinds of subordinate clauses in which subjunctive verbs are typically used are cited below:

114. t̪uː iɵiː reʰnɑː mәnd̪ ɑː lәgjɑː t̪e t̪uː mẽ kiː d̪ әsẽ You Here live bad attach then you I.DAT. tell.2.SG. ‘If you do not like to live here, then you must tell me.’

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The subjunctive with adverb dʒɪsle t̪ ək ‘unless, until’ + negation maker neɪ ‘not’ introduces a relative clause which may contain a subjunctive or an indicative.

115. dʒɪsle t̪әk t̪uː neɪ ɑʃnɑː mẽ nɪuːs ʊd̪ әr ɑʃniː untill You not come.IMP. I not there come.SUBJ ‘Until you do not come, I’m not coming there.’

Another function of subjunctive is to make a wish or express a preference. In order to express preferences or wish, the subjunctive mood is always used with verb ʈʃɑːna: ‘want’ in the main clause.

116. o: ʈʃɑːne k ʊneniː kʊɽiː pәɽe they want.M.PL. that Their daughter.F.SG. read.3.SG. ‘They want their daughter to study.’

The examples above show that, to express an unreal action or events the subjunctive verbs in Pahari require support from other words and phrases. In the example, the verb pəɽe ‘read’ in the subordinate clause is in the subjunctive mood that requires word ʈʃɑːna: ‘want’ in the main clause. The action in the subordinate clause containing subjunctive verb is ‘unreal’ since it is a wish, not a real event.

3.1.8.3 The Presumptive Mood

The presumptive is a verb mood that specifies statements that are supposed or presumed to be very likely to be true. As deﬁned in Rosetti (1943) this mood refers to the expression of “an uncertain event, suspected only by the speaker.

Pahari presumptive mood comes in two varieties; progressive subjunctive and perfective subjunctive.

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3.1.8.3.1 Progressive Presumptive Mood

The forms of verbs in the progressive presumptive mood are simple. Each form employs the imperfect participle followed by the verb ho and the future form of the verb da ‘to be’. The verb form in the presumptive mood is as follows:

(Imperfective Participle + ho+ Future Tense Form of da ‘be’)

The main verb inflects according to the number and gender of the subject while the future form of da inflects according to number and gender of the subject. For clarification see the table below:

Table 3.34: Verb inflection in Progressive Presumptive mood

Person/Number Masculine Feminine

1st Singulɑr …nɑː ho: sɑ̃ː …niː ho: sɑ̃ 1st Plurɑl …ne ho: sɑːn ….nɪɑ̃ ho: sɑːn 2nd Singulɑr …nɑː ho: sẽ …ni ho: sẽ 2nd Plurɑl ….ne ho: sɑː …..nɪɑ̃ ho: sɑː 3rd Singulɑr ..nɑː ho: siː ….ni ho: siː 3rd Plurɑl ….ne ho: seːn ..niɑːn ho: seːn

Table 3.35 shows the conjugation of the progressive presumptive form of the verb kəpnɑː ‘to cut’.

Table 3.35: Progressive Presumptive Paradigm of: kəpnɑː ‘to cut’

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Person/ Masculine Feminine Translation Number

1st Singular mẽ kәpnɑː ho: sɑ̃ mẽ kәpniːho: sɑ̃ I will be cutting. 1st Plural әs kәpne ho: sɑːn әs kәpnɪɑ̃ ho: sɑːn we will be cutting. 2nd Singular t̪uː kәpnɑː ho: sẽ t̪uː kәpni ho: sẽ you will be cutting. 2nd Plural t̪ʊs kәpne ho: sɑː t̪ʊs kәpnɪɑ̃ ho:ho: sɑː you will be cutting. 3rd Singular o:kәpnɑː ho: si o:kәpniː ho: si he/she will be cutting.

3rd Plural o:kәpne ho: seːn o:kәpnɪɑ̃ ho: seːn they will be cutting.

3.1.8.3.2 The perfective Presumptive Mood

The perfective presumptive mood is formed by perfect participle of the verb followed by ho and the future form of the verb da: ‘be’. Both the perfective participle and the future form of the verb da: ‘be’ inflect for gender and number. The verb form in the presumptive mood is as follows:

(Perfective Participle + ho+ Future Tense Form of da ‘be’)

Table 3.36: Verb inflection in perfective presumptive mood

Person/Number Masculine Feminine 1st Singular ..jɑː ho: sɑ̃ ..iː ho: sɑ̃ 1st Plural ..e ho: sɑːn ..ɪɑ̃ ho: se:n 2nd Singular ..jɑː ho: sẽː ..iː ho: sẽː 2nd Plural ..e ho: sɑː ..ɪɑ̃ ho: sɑː 3rd Singular ..ɑː ho: siː ..iː ho: siː 3rd Plural ..e ho: se:n ..ɪɑ̃ ho: se:n

The perfective subjunctive forms of the verb nəsnɑ: ‘to run’ are listed in the table below:

Table 3.37: The perfective presumptive forms of the verb /nəsnɑ:/

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Person/Number Masculine Feminine Translation

1st Singular mẽ nәsjɑː ho: sɑ̃ mẽ nәsiː ho: sɑ̃ I might have run. 1st Plural әs nәse: ho: sɑːn әs nәsjɑ̃: ho: sɑːn We might have run. 2nd Singular t̪uː nәsjɑː ho: sẽ t̪uː nәsjiː ho: sẽ You might have run. 2nd Plural t̪ʊs nәseː ho: sɑː t̪ʊse nәsjɑ̃ː ho: sɑː You might have run. 3rd Singular o:nәsjɑː ho: siː o: nәsjiː ho: siː He/she might have run. 3rd Plural o:nәse ho: seːn o: nәsjɑ̃: ho: seːn They might have run.

Like perfective aspects, in perfect presumptive mood, agents of transitive perfective verbs are marked with ergative case. So the verb inflects according to the object in the construction. Look at the example in table below where the transitive verb kʊtnaː inflects according to the object.

Table 3.38: Perfective Presumptive Paradigm of transitive verb kʊtnaː ‘to beat’

Person/ Masculine Feminine Translation Number 1.SG ʊne mẽ kʊtjɑː ho: sɑ̃ ʊne mẽ kʊtiː ho: sɑ̃ They might have beaten me 1.PL. ʊne әs kʊte ho: sɑːn ʊne әs kʊtjɑ̃: ho: sɑːn They might have beaten us 2.SG. ʊne t̪u: kʊtyjɑː ho: sẽ ʊne t̪uː kʊtiː ho: sẽ They might have beaten you 2.PL. ʊne t̪ʊs kʊte ho: sɑː ʊne t̪ʊs kʊtjɑ̃: ho: sɑː They might have beaten you 3.SG. ʊne o:kʊtyjɑː si: ʊne o: kʊtiː ho: si: They might have beaten him/her 3. PL. ʊne o:kʊte ho: seːn ʊne o: kʊtjɑ̃: ho: seːn They might have beaten them

The presumptive mood in Pahari is used to express hypothesis, uncertainty or presupposition, regardless of the fact denoted by the verb.

117. a. o: ɪsle pәɽniː ho: siː she this moment read.SG.F.IMP. be be.SG.F. ‘She might be studying right now.’

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b. lo:k ʊd̪ әr ge ho: seːn people.PL.M. there go.PL.M.PERF be be.PL.M. ‘People might have gone there.’

Sentences (117a-b) are the examples of presumptive mood in Pahari. Both the constructions show that the basic presupposition used is assumed to be a marker of epistemic uncertainty. Presumptive mood in both the examples indicates that what has been said so far is just the assumption and does not seem warranted.

3.2 ADVERBS

Adverbs have been classified by different grammarians according to different criterion. Many descriptive grammarians use the term adverb for any word with semantic content except a noun, an adjective or a verb (Payne 1997). Wang

(1985) gives the classification of adverbs based on the criteria of grammatical meanings expressed by them. According to him adverbs are the words that express the meanings of time, degree, scope, negation, possibility, etc. Adverbs are also classified according to their function in a construction. In a phrase an adverb modifies main verbs, auxiliary, adjectives, prepositions and other adverbs (Trask 1993, Ding et al, 1979).

3.2.1 Adverbs in Pahari

Morphologically all the adverbs are not same in Pahari. In fact, there are only a few core underived adverbs in Pahari. Majority of adverbs is derived through suffixation compounding and reduplication. So, depending upon morphological forms, adverbs can be divided in two types i.e. derived adverbs and pure adverbs. Unlike the derived adverbs, pure adverbs form a very small class of

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adverbs in Pahari. In addition to the use of derived and pure forms of adverbs,

many verbs, adjectives and nouns can function adverbially within a particular

sentence without any special marking. This is a shared situation

cross-linguistically (Haspelmath 2001). For instance consider the following

sentences:

118. a. bәdʒi: mәsɪɑ̃ ɑɪ sister.F.S.NOM. right now come.F.S. ‘The sister just came.’

b. mẽ әdʒ nɑɪs әʃnɑ: I.1.S.M.NOM. today not.S.M. come.IMP.M.S. 'I will not come today.'

c. kut̪ ɑ: nәsnɑ: ɑ:yɑ: dog.M.S,NOM run.IMP.M.S. come.PST.M.S. 'The dog came running.'

d. o sʊnɑ: lekʰni: she beautiful.S.M. write.IMP.S.F. ‘She writes beautifully.’

In sentence (118a) məsɪɑ̃ ‘right now' is a pure adverb. In (118b), әdʒ 'today' is a

noun that functions as an adverb similarly in (118d) nəsnɑ: that is an

infinitive form of verb nəs is functioning as an adverb. Similarly sʊnɑ:

'beautiful', an adjective is functioning as an adverb in (118c). Whether a lexical

item is functioning as an adjective or as an adverb depends on its distribution in

a construction. Consider the occurrence of adjective sʊnɑ: ‘beautiful’ in the

following examples.

119. a. e sʊnɑ: kәpɽɑː d̪ ɑː this beautiful.SG.M. cloth.SG.M. be.PRES.SG.M. ‘This is a beautiful cloth.’

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b. e pәnsʊl sʊnɑ: lɪɣni. this pencil.SG.F. beautiful.SG.F. write.PRES.SG.F. ‘This pencil writes beautifully.’

This example confirms that the position within the clause determines if an adjective is used as an adjective or as an adverb. In (119a), the first occurrence of sʊnɑ: ‘beautifull’ is an adjective as it modifies the noun while in (119b) it is an adverb as it modifies verb.

3.2.1.1 Classification and Derivation of Adverbs in Pahari

Pahari adverbs can be divided into six subcategories based on grammatical and semantic criteria. The following subsections discuss the semantic classification of adverb and different morphological process of adverb formation.

3.2.1.1.1 Manner Adverb

The key role of adverbs of manner is to describe the manner in which the processes are carried out in different languages (Purvis & Hailemariam 2009).

Among the six identified subclasses of adverb in Pahari, derived adverbs of manner make the larger class. ɑːkʰʊr ‘eventually’ beʰlɑː. ‘soon/fast’ nɪwɑː ‘slow’ are a few un-derived manner adverbs which were found in the data.

Except these pure forms of manner adverbs, the manner adverbs are derived from nouns verbs and adjectives. Like Hindi (Agnihotri, 2007), Turwali

(Lunsford 2001) Urdu (Schmidt, 1999) Rajbanshi (Wilde, 2008) adverbs in

Pahari can be derived by three derivational processes including affixation, reduplication and compounding. Among them the suffixation is the most productive strategy. Most of the adverbs of manners are derived from a noun,

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adjective, or verb. The derivation of adverbs from different word classes is discussed below:

3.2.1.1.2 Manner Adverbs Derived from Adjectives

A large set of manner adverbs is formed by adding the postposition t̪ ərɑː‘like’ to the inflectional stem of an adjective. This is the most productive way of deriving adverbs. These derived adverbs always have the meaning of manner, describing how something is done. See the examples in the following table:

Table 3.39: Adverbs derived from adjective

Adjectives Gloss Adverbs Gloss

mәd̃ ̪ ɑ: Bad mәd̃ ̪ ɪɑ t̪әrɑː badly ʈʃә̃gɑː good, nice ʈʃә̃gɪɑ t̪әrɑː nicely sʊnɑː Beautiful sʊnɪɑ t̪әrɑː beautifully sɪd̪ ɑː Straight sɪd̪ ɪɑ t̪әrɑː straightforwardly

Some of the derived manner adverbs are exemplified below:

120. a. ɑːbe ʊskɪ mә̃d̪ ɪɑ t̪ әrɑː pʰo:kɪɑ father.S.M.ERG. him.ACC. badly scold.PST. ‘The father scolded him badly.’

b. sɪd̪ ɪɑ t̪ әrɑː mẽː kɪ d̪ әs straightforwardly I.S.DAT. tell. ‘Tell me straightforwardly.’

In order to show intensity of action, these manner adverbs are preceded by an intensifier.

121. ɑːbe ʊskɪ bõː mә̃d̪ ɪɑ t̪ әrɑː pʰo:kɪɑ father.ERG. him.ACC. enough. badly scold.PST. ‘The father scolded him very badly.’

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There is another set of manner adverbs that is derived from adjectives by adding suffix /ɪɑ̃ː/ to the base adjectives. When the suffix /ɪɑ̃ː/ is attached to the base adjective, the final vowel of the base is deleted. Some of the derived adverbs in this manner are listed in the table below:

Table 3.40: Adverbs derived from adjectives by adding suffix /ɪɑ̃ː/

Adjectives Gloss Adverb Gloss lɑːd̪ ɑː Separate lɑːd̪ ɪɑ̃ː separately mә̃d̪ ɑː bad, ugly mә̃d̪ ɪɑ̃ː badly beʰlɑː Quick beʰlɪɑ̃ː quickly kәtʰɑː Gather kәtʰɪɑ̃ː jointly/together uːʈʃɑː high,tall uːʈʃɪɑ̃ː loudly

122. a. bʊde ne sәre dʒә̃gәt̪ lɑ:d̪ ɪɑ̃ː rәne father.M.S.GEN. all.M.PL. boys. seperatly live.M.PL.IPFV ‘All the sons of the old man live separately.’

b. d̪ ɑ̃ːd̪ mә̃d̪ ɪɑ̃ːtәtʰɑː tәtʰɑː bull.M.S. badly fall.PST. ‘The bull fell down badly.’

3.2.1.1.3 Manner Adverbs Derived from Nouns

The suffixation of instrumental postposition səŋg ‘with’ with nouns is another productive process of adverb derivation in Pahari. In order to express the manner in which an action is performed the instrumental postposition səŋg

‘with’ is affixed to a noun. Some of the manner adverbs derived in this fashion are shown in tabe 3.41, while their use is exemplified in (120) below:

Table 3.41: Manner adverbs derived from nouns

Noun Gloss Adverb Gloss

zo:r Force zo:re sәŋg forcefully ro: Anger ro:e -sәŋg angrily

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dәr fear dәre--sәŋg fearfully ɣo:r attention ɣo:r--sәŋg attentively ro:ɣ grief ro:ɣe -sәŋg with grief d̪ әrd̪ pain d̪ әrd̪ e -sәŋg with pain t̪ɑːp faver t̪ɑːpe--sәŋg with fever kʰʊʃiː happiness kʰʊʃɪɑ--sәŋg happily

The above given table shows the derivation of manner adverbs from nouns. See the use of these manner advers in the sentence in example 120 below:

123. a. gɔre--sәŋg mәɽiː gɑl bʊdʒ attention.with my talk.S.F. listen. ‘Listen me carefully.’

b. o: d̪ әrd̪ e--sәŋg mәrnaː he.NOMSG.M. pain.with die.IPFV ‘He is dying with pain.’

3.2.1.1.4 Manner Adverbs derived from verbs

Some manner adverbs are derived from the verb roots by adding the suffix /t̪ e/ as illustrated below:

Table 3.42: Manner adverbs derived from verbs

Verbs Gloss Adverbs Gloss

tәh to fall tәhɪ t̪ e by falling hәs Laugh hәsɪ t̪ e laughingly kʰәs to sweep kʰsi t̪e by cleaning kәp to cut kәpi t̪ e by cutting rɑː to sow rәi t̪ e by sowing pәj to break pәji t̪ e by breaking kәj to cover kәji t̪ e by covering

124. a. ʊs teɪt̪ e d̪ әnd̪ pәnenẽ: he.ERG. by falling teeth.PL.M. break. PERF.M.P. ‘He has broken his teeth by falling.’

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b. ko:ɪe hәsiːt̪ e ɑkʰjɑː man.ERG laughingly say.PST ‘The man said laughingly.’

In Pahari the adverbs of manner modify the finite verb in the clause.

Syntactically, their unmarked position in the structure is preverbal. In some constructions, a manner adverb can be fronted for emphasis purpose. This is shown in (125) below:

125. a. bʊdɑː ʊʈʃɪɑ̃ bo:lnɑː old man.M.SG. loudly speak.PRES.M.SG. ‘The old man speaks loudly.’

b. ʊʈʃɪɑ̃ bo:lnɑː bʊdɑː loudly speak.PRES.M.SG. old man.M.SG. ‘The old man speaks loudly.’

The marked position of adverb of manner in a structure is before the verb. So in

(125a) the position of adverb is canonical and in (1225) for some pragmatic use it has been topicalized.

3.2.1.1.2 Adverb of Time

Semantically, adverbs of time give the information about the time of occurrence of an action. Like spatial and manner adverbs, many temporal nouns phrases are used to express the time of action. In addition, Pahari clearly has a small number of core non-derived temporal adverbs that express something about the temporal nature of an event. The non-derive temporal adverbs identified from the data are illustrated below:

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Table 3.43: Non-derived adverbs

Time Adverb Gloss hʊn now, recently d̪ o:rɪɑ next time fɪr again mәsɪɑ̃ just

When the emphatic particle he is used with the non-derived time adverb hʊn

‘now’ it designates the meanings, ‘recently’ as illustrated in the following example:

126. ʊnẽ hʊne nɪjɑː kәr bәnɑːjɑː they-ERG. recently new.S.M. home.S.M. built.PST.S.M. ‘They built a new house recently.’

It is mentioned earlier in section 2.5.1 that the other word classes function as adverbial in Pahari. In order to locate events in time, the noun phrases are usually used adverbially.

Table 3.44: Noun phrases used as time adverb

Nouns Gloss

pәrʊ̃ last year prәr the year before last year ɑɪ, әdʒ today kәl tomorrow kәl yesterday әtruːn the day after tomorrow әtruːn the day before yesterday bәrәle morning ʃɑːmiː evening

127. a. ɑɪ/ɑdʒ o: kʰɑːn dʒʊlnɑː today he where go.IMP.M.SG. ‘Where is he going today?’

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b. pәrʊ̃ ʊsniː ʃɑː d̪ iː hɔɪ siː last year his/her.GEN. marriage.S.F. become be.PST.S.F. ‘He/she got married last year.’

c. ʃɑːmiː bәd̪ ʊl bәr siː evening rain.S.F. fall be.FUT.SG.F ‘It will rain in the evening.’

Here, ədʒ 'today', pərʊ̃ ‘last year’ and ʃɑːmiː ‘evening’ are the adverbially used noun phrase.

3.2.1.1.2.1 Adverbs of Time Derived from Nouns

A limited number of adverbs are formed by adding the demonstrative pronouns

/ʊs/ ‘that’ and /es/ ‘this’ to oblique forms of noun.

Table 3.45: Adverbs of time derived from nouns

Nouns Gloss ʊs t̪ɪjәɽe that day es t̪ɪjәɽe this day ʊsle that moment ɪsle this moment ɪs vɑːriː this time ʊs vɑːriː that time

The following examples clarify the adverb formation process with the help of the demonstrative pronouns and nouns:

128. ʊs tɪjәɽe әs kәr nәsɪɑ̃ that day we home not.PST.PL.M ‘We were not at home that day.’

Some adverbs that refer to the parts of the day are also derived through the adjunction of the suffix /lә/ to an oblique form of noun. Such as bəɽelə ‘in the

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morning,’ ʃəmɪlə ‘in the evening’ rɑːt̪ ɪlə ‘at night’, t̪ ɪjɽɪɑlə ‘ during day time’.

There is another group of temporal adverbs that refer the calendar seasons.

These adverbs of time are derived from nouns used as month’s names with the help of the locative postposition /ɪʈʃ/ ‘in’. These time adverbs express location in time.

Table 3.46: Adverbs derived from nouns and locative postposition Nouns Gloss

sәvne-ɪʈʃ In raining season әsɪɑ-ɪʈʃ In harvesting season hɑːɽә-ɪʈʃ In hot season

Point in time in Pahari is also expressed by using simple nominals, as in (127).

Other points in time like week-days are expressed by noun phrases in oblique form. This pattern is illustrated in the following example:

130. a. o: pәndʒ bәdʒe ɑɪ she-NOM.F.SG five o’clock come-PST.F.SG ‘She came at 5 o’clock.’

b. o: et̪ɑrẽ ɑʃsi: he-NOM.M.SG sunday come-FUT.M.SG ‘He will come on Sunday.’

c. o: kәl ɑʃsi: he-NOM.M.SG tomorrow come-FUT.M.SG ‘He will come tomorrow.’

3.2.1.1.2.2 Time Adverbs Derived from Pronouns

The three commonly used adverbs of time ɪsle ‘now’, ʊsle ‘then’ and dʒɪsle

‘when’ are derived from Pronouns. The noun vela: ‘time’ in its elided form /le/ is used with demonstrative pronouns to form these adverbs. Two of them else

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and osle are derived by using demonstrative pronouns ʊs /ɪs with noun and the third one dʒɪsle is derived by adjoining relative pronoun dʒɪs with the noun vela:. ʊsle ‘at that time /in those days’ can refer to a specific time usually in the past as well in the future. The use of these adverbs can be seen in the following example:

129. ʊsle lo:k zædә fo:dʒɪʈʃ go:ʃne hɔne se that time people much army.S.F. go. HAB.M.PL. be.PST.M.PL. ‘In those days people prefer to join army.’

3.2.1.1.3 Adverb of Place

Locative or place adverbs provide information about the place where an event or an action occurred or will occur (Demiraj, 2002). The adverbs of place are listed in the table below:

Table 3.47: Adverbs of place

Place Adverb Gloss ed̪ әr Here ɔd̪ әr There eɵɪ Here ɔɵɪ There

Like demonstratives, the locational adverbs distinguish between deictic distances. The adverb edər and eɵɪ ‘here’ mark close distance to a reference point, usually being the speaker or addressee, and ɔdər and ɔɵɪ ‘there’ are used to point out a location away from the addresser. For example see the senetnces given below:

131. a. ed̪ әr ɑː here come ‘Come here,’

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b. ɑː әɵɪ beʰ come here sit ‘Come and sit here.’

c. ɔɵɪ kʰәl there stand ‘Stand there.’

Morphologically in Pahari nouns can be combined with locative postposition

/vɪʈʃ/ ‘in’ to form locative adverbials. It is important to note that whenever the locative postposition /ɪʈʃ/ is suffixed with other words, the consonant v is elided from the stem. Some of the place adverbs derived in this fashion are shown in

(3.48), while their use is exemplified in (132) below:

Table 3.48: Place adverbs derived from nouns and postposition /ɪʈʃ/

N+LOC.M Place Adverb Gloss

sku:l+ich sku:leɪʈʃ in the school hәtiː+ich hәtiәaɪʈʃ in the shop kәmrɑː+ich kәmreɪʈʃ in the room beksɑː+ich bekseɪʈʃ in the box

132. a. kәmre-ɪʈʃ ɵɔɽe-dʒe lo:k d̪ e room.LOC. a few people.M.PL be.PRES.M.PL ‘There are very few people in the room.’

b. kәpɽe bekse-ɪʈʃ d̪ e cloth.M.PL.NOM. box.LOC. be.PRES.M.PL. ‘The clothes are in the box.

Like manner and temporal adverbs, spatial adverbs also do not have any fix position in a sentence. They can precede or follow the verb in a sentence for some pragmatic reason.

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3.2.1.1.4 Adverb of Degree

In Pahari, we do not have a distinct class of degree adverbs rather three

adjectives of degree; ɵo:ɽɑː ‘little/few’, bõː ‘very, enough, much’ and zəda

‘much, more’ function adverbially. These degree adverbs modify an adverb in a

particular syntactic structure.

133. a. kәr ɵo:ɽɑː mә̃ɣɑː sɑː house.M.S.NOM. little expensive. be. PST.M.S ‘The house was a bit expensive

b. ʊnẽː bõː nɪkɑː lelɑː ko:ɵɑː they.ERG. very little.M.S. lamb.S.M. slaughter.PST.M.S. ‘They slaughtered a very small lamb.’

c. lo:kẽ ʊd̪ ʊn bõː kʰәd̪ ɑː people.ERG. that day much eat.PST.S.M. ‘People ate much at that day.’

d. lo: ẽ ʊd̪ ʊn bõːzed̪ e kʰәd̪ ɑː people.ERG. that day much eat.PST.S.M. ‘People ate too much at that day.’

Note in the example that the adverbials of degree modify either a verb or an

adjective. For example in (133a) and (133b) the adverbials ɵo:ɽɑː ‘little’ and

bõː ‘very’ intensify the meanings of the adjectives mә̃ɣɑː ‘expenssive’ and

nɪkɑː ‘small’. Whereas in (133c) the adverb bõː is modifying the verb kʰəd̪ ɑː

‘eat’ whereas (133d) shows that the adverb of degree can be used as intensifier

of another adverb. In (133d) the adverbial bõː is intensifying the meaning of the

other adverbial zed̪ e. It should be noted that the adverbs of degree are placed

directly before the verbs or the adjectives they modify.

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3.2.1.1.5 Frequency Adverbs

Frequency adverbs modify the meaning of the verb by indicating the number of times an action has taken place (Cinque 1999). In Pahari, the frequency of the time of action is expressed by noun phrases which function as adverbials. Some frequency adverbs in Pahari are formed by the adjunction of the noun rɔz ‘daily’ to the other nouns.

Table 3.49: Adverbs of frequency

Time frequency Gloss

rɔz daily, rɔz t̪ ɪɑɽe daily, everyday rɔz rɑːt̪ ɪ every night rɔz ʃɑːmiː every evening rɔz sʊvɑː every morning

The syntactic position of frequency adverbs is shown in (131) below:

134. a. ʈʃɑːʈʃɑː rɔzt̪ ɪɑɽe lʊkɽɪɑ̃ kәpe t̪ ɪ gʊʃnehɔne se uncle.M.S. daily wood.F.PL. cut for go.HAB.M.PL. be.PST.M.PL. ‘Uncle used to go to cut woods daily.’

b. rɔztɪɑɽe ʈʃɑːʈʃɑː lʊkɽɪɑ̃ kәpe tɪ gʊʃnehɔne se daily uncle.M.S. wood.F.PL. cut. for go.HAB.M.PL. be.PST.M.PL. ‘Uncle used to go to cut woods daily.’

Majority of the frequency adverbs are derived by putting together the basic numerals with the noun vɑːriː ‘turn’. These adverbs answer the question how often and how many times.

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Table 3.50: Frequency adverbs derived from numerals and noun vɑːriː ‘turn’

Adverb Gloss ek vɑːriː once d̪ o:vɑːriː twice t̪ ræ vɑːriː thrice ʈʃɑːr vɑːriː four times pә̃dʒ vɑːriː five time pәlɪ vɑːriː first time d̪ ɔɪ vɑːriː second time t̪ riː vɑːriː third time ʈʃo:ɵiː vɑːriː fourth time pә̃dʒi:vɑːriː fifth time

135. a. kʊta roz rɑːti dovɑːri pokna dog.M.S. daily night.S.F. twice bark.M.S.HAB. ‘The dog barks twice every night.’

b. mәɽɪɑ kʊɽɪɑ nɪ dʊɪvɑːrɪ bɑ̃ː pәdʒi: my.OBL. girl.S.F. GEN.S.F. second time arm.S.F. break.S.F. ‘My daughter got her arm fractured second time.’

3.2.1.1.6 Adverbs Derived through Reduplication

Like adjectives and pronouns a large number of Pahari adverbs are formed by

reduplicating nouns, adjectives and even adverb. For instance, when adjective

nɪvɑː ‘slowly’ is reduplicated it becomes nɪvɑː nɪvɑː ‘very slowly’. A list of

some reduplicated adverbs along with the base words and their word class is

given below in the table:

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Table 3.51: Adverbs derived through reduplication

Word Word class Derived adverbs Gloss

t̪ ɑːvlɑː Adjective t̪ ɑːvlɑː t̪ ɑːvlɑː very quickly nɪvɑː Adjective nɪvɑː nɪvɑː very slowly ho:le Adverb ho:le ho:le very slowly bәʰlɑː Adverb bәʰlɑː bәhlɑː very quickly kʊdәr Adverb kʊdәr kʊdәr which places ʃɑːmɪ Adverb ʃɑːmɪ ʃɑːmɪ in evening kʰɑːn Adverb kʰɑːn kʰɑːn where kәd̪ ә Adverb kәd̪ ә kәd̪ ә seldom tɪjɑːɽɪ Noun t̪ eyaɽia t̪eyaɽia day time rɑ:t̪ Noun rɑ:t̪i: rɑ:t̪i: night time hʊn Adverb hʊn hʊn right now nәs Verb nәs nәs running fast kәɽɪ Noun kaɽi: kaɽi: repeatedly

All of these reduplicated forms occur independently. The phenomenon of reduplication can be seen in adverb of time, place and manner. Certain temporal, and place adverbs are reduplicated to express the degree or intensity denoted by the adverb.

136. a. hʊn-hʊn ro:ti: pekɑ: nɑɪt̪e bɑːd̪ ɪʈʃ bɪjlɪ gәɪsɪ tʰi: right now bread cook otherwise afterwards electricity go.FUT. ‘Cook meal right now otherwise the electricity will go afterwards.’

b. pәpɑː rɑːt̪ i: rɑːt̪ i: ɑʃne hɔne se father.M.S. late at night come.M.PL. PST HAB. ‘Father always used to come late at night.’

In reduplicating the adverb hʊn ‘now’, into hʊn hʊn ‘right now’ (136a), and in rɑːt ‘at night’ into rɑ:t̪ i: rɑ:t̪ i: ‘late night’ (136b) ‘signify intensity or the manner to which immediate action is required.

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3.3 SUMMARY

This chapter has presented a detailed description of the morphology of verb and adverbs in Pahari. Like the nominal system, the Pahari verb involves successive layers of inflectional elements to the right of the lexical base.Pahari verbs inflect for number, gender person, tense, aspect, and mood. Causative verb forms are derived from other verbs by means of derivational affixes. The adverbs in Pahari can be inflected or uninflected. Inflected adverbs inflect for gender, and number.

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Chapter 4

SYNTAX OF SIMPLE CLAUSE STRUCTURES

According to Dryer (2007), at least three perspectives come to mind when talking about syntax of simple clauses ; firstly, the order of constituents in the clause as building blocks of discourse; secondly, the distinction between declarative, imperative, interrogative, negative and exclamitive clauses; and thirdly, the distinction between subordinate and main clauses. The aim of this chapter is to provide a bird’s eye view from first two perspectives. An in-depth treatment of the structure of subordinate clauses will be dealt in chapter five.

This chapter is structured as follows: section 4.1 discusses the word order in

Pahari declarative clauses; section 4.2 gives an in depth analysis of Pahari non-declarative clauses including interrogative, imperative, negative and exclamitive clauses. Finally, the passive constructions in Pahari will be discussed in section 4.3.

4.1 WORD ORDER IN PAHARI

The word order is used as a marker of various functional relationships in all the language of the world to a greater or a lesser extent (Brown & Miller, 1991).

Pahari distinguishes between the marked and unmarked word order. The conventional view is that SOV is the unmarked word order in South Asian languages. Pahari follows it and shows SOV order of constituents in its clauses.

A simple declarative clause is made up of one independent clause with only one

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predicate. A simple clause consists of a noun phrase and verb phrase: In a neutral declarative clause normally all arguments precede the verb. Unlike

Bengali and like Chintang (Bickel et al. 2000), the indirect object precedes the direct object in a Pahari declarative clause.

137. a. ʃɑfiːk-e kɪt̪ ɑːv pә ɽiː shafique.ERG.M.SG book-NOM.F.SG read-PST.F.SG ‘Shafique read the book.’

kʊɽɪɑ mẽ-ki ː rɔttiː d̪ ɪt̪ iː girl..F.SG.ERG I.DAT. bread.F.SG.NOM give.PST.3.SG.F. ‘The girl gave me bread.’

Example (137) shows that the unmarked word order in a Pahari declarative clause is subject-object-verb. A basic, declarative main clause contains two main sections: a subject, and a predicate which consists of the object and the verb.

The first section of the clause is a noun phrase functioning as subject commonly consists of a head noun/pronoun plus various modifying constituents. The subject is followed by the predicate, which always include a verb at the end. If there is an object in the clause, it precede the verb as in (137a) where the object kita:v ‘book’ occupies the preverbal position. Indirect objects are usually placed before direct objects as in (137b). The head of the predicate is the verb, which is placed at the clause final position.

4.1.1 Word Order in Copular Clauses

In Pahari the nonverbal predicates are usually accompanied by a copula verb in order to form clauses. For nonverbal clauses, the copula verb occupies the

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clause-final position and the non-verbal predicate element is placed in the same position as object in verbal clause; as illustrated in the example:

138. a. o: ʈʃәngiː kʊɽiː d̪ iː she good.SG.F. girl-NOM.SG.F. be.PRES.3.SG.F ‘She is a nice girl.’

b. o: mәɽiː pәnsʊl d̪ iː that mine.F.SG. pencil.NOM.SG.F be.PRES.3.SG.F ‘That is my pencil.’

Adjectives functioning as predicates in copular clauses are placed before the copula. The variable adjectives and the copula both show gender agreement with the subject.

139. a. ɔː kɔɪɑ mo:ttɑː d̪ ɑ that man.3.M.SG fat.3.M SG be.3.M.SG ‘That man is fat.’

b. ɔː kʊɽiː mo:ttiː d̪ iː that girl.3.F.SG. fat.3.F.SG. be.3.F.SG ‘That girl is fat.’

Just like adjectives, nouns that function as predicates also occupy the pre-copular position and marked with nominative case. As shown in example:

140. ɔː t̪ vәɽɑː dʒәngʊt̪ d̪ ɑː that your.M.SG. boy.M.SG.NOM. be.PRES.3.M.SG ‘That is your son.’

4.1.2 Topicalization and Pragmatic Functions

Like other South Asian languages, Pahari cannot be said a strictly verb final language. Although SOV is the cononical word order in Pahari yet Pahari allows various word order possibilities because of rich case and agreement

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system. The syntactic function of a constituent in a Pahari clause is not determined by its position in the structure but by its form. Reordering of words in a clause is possible for various pragmatics reasons. The constituent which the speaker intends to make focus of attention usually takes the initial position in in the sentence. For example, all the sentences with different word order possibilities in the following example are grammatical constructions in Pahari:

141. a. kʊt̪ e bɪlliː mɑːriː dog.ERG.3.M.SG. cat.NOM.F.SG. beat.PST ‘The dog killed the cat.’

b. kʊt̪ e mɑːriː bɪlliː dog. ERG.3.M.SG beat.PST cat.NOM.F.SG ‘The dog killed the cat.’

c. bɪlliː mɑːriː kʊt̪ e cat.NOM.F.SG. beat.PST.F.SG. dog.3.M.SG.ERG. ‘The dog killed the cat.’

The sentence in (141a) shows the unmarked word order in a Pahari clause. The subject kʊt̪ a: ‘dog’ follows the object and the verb mɑːriː ‘beat’ comes at clause final position. Other different word order possibilities in (141b-c) are pragmatically restricted and appropriate only in a particular context. For example, (141b) is the answer to the question ‘’who killed the cat’’ and (141c) would be suitable when the speaker is inquiring ‘whom did the dog kill’. In

(141b) the emphasis is on kʊt̪ a: so, it comes at sentence initial position.

Similarly, in (141c) the object bɪlliː‘cat’ comes at the sentence initial position as it is the point of focus. It can also be noticed that changing the word order in

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a clause changes the emphasis, but it does not influence the basic meaning of the clause.

It can be seen in the above section that the unmarked word order in declarative clause is SOV and from this unmarked order, different orders for different pragmatic functions can be generated by reordering the constituents in the construction.

4.2 NON-DECLARATIVE CLAUSES

The upcoming section will discuss the syntax of non-declarative clauses like imperative clauses interrogative clauses, negative clauses and exclamatory clauses.

4.2.1 IMPERATIVE CLAUSES

An imperative clause expresses commands, prohibitions and instructions, and are formed with imperative verb forms (discussed in 2.5), that are restricted to referring to the second person, and only distinguish between singular and plural.

The following example shows Pahari imperative clauses.

142. a dʒәldiː kәm kʰɑt̪ ʊm kәriː t̪e kәre gәʈʃ quickly work finish do and home go. IMP.2.SG. ‘Finish your work quickly and go home.’

b. dʒәldiː kәm kʰɑt̪ ʊm kәriː t̪ e kәre gәʈʃɑː quickly work finish do and home go. IMP.2.PL. ‘Finish your work quickly and go home.’

The number is the only category that is overtly marked by suffixes on imperatives. In example (142a) the verb gʊʈʃ ‘go’ is marked with the singular

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number whereas in (12b) it is marked with the plural number features. It is inherently understood that the imperative is used to address the second person, so there is no person-marking on infinitives; Furthermore, the subject is always implicitly the second person, so there are usually no overt subjects. However, the objects are usually expressed if the imperative verb is transitive.

143. a. pәlẽ sɑːg sʊkɑː t̪ e fәr pekɑ: first. vegitable.M.SG. get dry.IMP. And then cook.IMP. ‘First dry the vegetable and then cook it.’

b. pәlẽ d̪ ʊd̪ kәɽɑː t̪ e fәr pi: first milk.M.SG. get boiled.IMP. And then drink.IMP ‘First get the milk boiled then drink it.’

Example (143a) has two imperative clauses. In clause one the derived causative verb sʊkɑː is transitive and the second clause has an inherently transitive verb.

Both the verbs have the explicit object sa:g ‘vegetable’. Same is the case with

(143b) where both the imperatives kәɽɑː and pi: have the explicit object d̪ ʊd̪

‘milk’.

Although the imperative clause usually contains no overt subject, however, the overt subjects can be used in marked structures when the purpose is to emphasize the subject, as illustrated in example:

144. a. t̪ ʊ әpne kәre gәʈʃʰ you your home go.IMP ‘You go to your home.’

b. t̪ ʊ әpnɑː kәm kәr you your work do.IMP ‘you do your work.’

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The imperative does not influence the basic case marking rules. Human and animate direct objects with imperative verbs are marked with the dative or accusative case, whereas inanimate objects are not marked with dative or accusative cases in the imperative clauses.

145. a. ɑbe ki: pɑːni: d̪ e father.DAT. water. give.IMP. ‘Give water to the father.’

b. sәpe ki mɑːr snake.ACC beat.IMP ‘Kill the snake.’

c. pɪjɑːliː pәn cup.SG.F. Beark ‘Break the cup.’

d. rɔːttiː pekɑː bread.SG.F cook.IMP. ‘Cook meal.’

The direct objects in example (145a) and (145b) are Case marked. The object in

(145a) is dative marked whereas in (145b) the object takes accusative marking.

As the objects in both the examples are overtly case marked, the verb agrees with the implied subject that is second person. Whereas, the inanimate objects in example (145c) and (145d) are unmarked.

Negative imperatives or prohibitive clauses are formed by the negative marker

/nɑ̃ː/ ‘do not’. The negative marker is placed immediately before the finite verb, as illustrated in the example below:

146. a. nɑ̃ nәs not. run.IMP. ‘Do not run,’

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b. nɑ̃ː kәp not. cut.IPMER ‘Do not cut.’

As the example shows that in negative imperatives, such as to warn or forbid someone, a particular negation particle /nɑ̃ː/ ‘do not’, is used before the imperative verb.

4.2.2 INTERROGATIVE CLAUSES

There are two ways of changing the declarative clauses into interrogatives; by using a question word or through intonation. Three types of interrogative structures have been found in Pahari: yes/no questions, content questions, tag or confirmation questions. These types of interrogative structures will be discussed in the following section:

4.2.2.1 Polar questions

Polar questions, also called ‘yes/no questions’ are the interrogative clauses where typically the expected answers are to be either ‘yes’ or ‘no’ (Payne 1997,

König & Siemund 2007). In Pahari there are two types of polar questions; plain polar questions and alternative Polar questions.

4.2.2.1.1 Plain polar interrogatives

Most of the New Indo Aryan languages employ question particles in yes /no questions, placed either sentence initially (Punjabi, (Bhatia, 1979); , Hindi

(Vasishth ,2003)) or finally (Bengali, (Halhed, 1769) ; Marathi, (Pandharipande

1997)). Polar questions in New Indo Aryan languages may also be marked

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simply by intonation (Masica, 1991). Akin to the New Indo Aryan language, the intonation plays an important role in the formation of polar questions in

Pahari. In Pahari, polar questions are marked with clause final rising and sharply falling intonation. Otherwise, syntactically they are the same as declarative sentences. Unlike the New Indo Aryan Languages, (Punjabi, Hindi,

Sindhi, Bengali, Sinhalese, Marathi) Pahari does not use the question word in polar questions. For example, consider the following sentences:

147. a. t̪ ʊs rɔttiː kʰɑːsɑː you bread eat.2 M.PL. ‘You will take meal’

b. t̪ ʊs rɔttiː kʰɑːsɑː You. bread eat.2.M.PL. ‘Will you take meal?’

The example indicates that there is no question particle in polar questions instead the intonation pattern indicates that the proposition should be understood as an interrogative. Intonation in second example rises up to the last syllable of the last word. When uttered with rising intonation the declarative clause ‘You will take meal’ becomes the question ‘Will you take meal?’

4.2.2.1.2 Alternative Polar Questions

In an alternative question, two or more than two anticipated responses can be included in the clause separated by the conjunction /k/ ‘or’. The alternatives can be a full clause (148a) or clause constituent such as core argument of verbal clause as shown in (148b).

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148. a. pɪjɑd̪ ʊl gәsɑː k gɑd̪ ɪɑr gәsɑː on foot. go.FUT.2.M.SG or van.on go.FUT.2.M.SG ‘Are you going on foot or by van?’

b. ʈʃɑː pɪsɑː k pɑːniː tea.F.SG. drink.FUT.2.M.SG or water.M.SG. ‘Will you drink tea or water?’

There is another type of alternative question that can be formed with the help of negation marker /nei/ ‘not’ and the conjunction /k/ ‘or’. This type of polar alternative questions expresses the alternatives of a negative and a positive proposition.

149. a. t̪ ʊs dʒʊlsɑː k nei you.HON. go.IMP or not ‘Are you going or not?’

b. o: әʃniː k nei she come.IPFV.F.SG. or not ‘Is she coming or not?’

c. o: bɑzɑreɪʈʃ dʒʊlniː k Nei she market.LOC. go.IPFV.F.SG. or Not ‘Is she going to the market or not?’

4.2.2.2 Confirmation or Tag Questions

Tag or confirmation questions are marked with the phrase hẽ nɑ̃ː that follows the main clause. The structure of the confirmation clauses is the same as that in polar interrogative clauses. Confirmation in Pahari is expressed by adding a confirmation particle /hẽ/ followed by the prohibited negation marker /nɑ̃ː/ after affirmative statement. /hẽnɑ̃ː/ comes after an affirmative sentence for

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confirmation irrespective of the person, gender and aspect. The speaker expects an affirmative response as illustrated by the following examples:

150. a. ʊs rɔttiː kʰɑɪ ʃɔɽiː. hẽ nɑː? he.DAT bread.F.SG. eat.F.SG leave.F.SG is’nt it ‘He has taken meal, hasn't he?

b. ɑɪ bɔnh tʰәnd̪ d̪ iː hẽ nɑː? today much cold.F.SG. be.PRES.F.SG. is’nt it ‘It’s too cold today, isn’t it?

As shown in (150), the tag question follows the main clause, and it implies that the speaker is requesting confirmation. /hẽ nɑ̃ː / is an agreement-seeking phrase that is used in questions that offer agreement with the previous statement rather than to conﬁrm whether the statement is true or not.

There is another way of forming tag questions in Pahari i.e by introducing a confirmation phrase ɵi:k d̪ ɑː ‘is that correct’. The phrase ɵi:k d̪ ɑː always follows the main affirmative clause. The phrase ɵi:k d̪ ɑː seeks the confirmation of the truth of the proposition but it is more emphatic.

151. a. әs dɔe kәtʰe dʒʊlsɑ̃ː ɵi:k d̪ ɑː we both together go.IPFV right be.PRES. We both will go together, is it ok?

b. t̪ ũː mәɽe kәpɽe vɪ t̪ ɔsẽ ɵi:k d̪ ɑː you my cloth.M.PL too wash.FUT. right be.PRES ‘You will wash my clothes too, is it ok?

Tag questions with phrase ɵi:k d̪ ɑː are commonly heard in Pahari conversations.

This phrase is used to get the confirmation from the interlocutor that the

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propositional contents of the preceding utterance are true. The phrase ɵi:k d̪ ɑː starts with a low tone on ɵi:k ‘right’ followed by a bit rising tone on d̪ ɑː

4.2.2.3 Content Questions

Content questions also called ‘question-word questions’, are the ones which are answered by the kind of information specified by the interrogative words (Payne

1997, König & Siemund 2007). In New Indo Aryan languages, content questions are formed by one of a set of interrogative words that usually function in a clause in the position of the referent in question (Masica, 1991). In Pahari content questions, as in many other South Asian languages, are formed by using question words and these content questions indicate that the speaker wants the addressee to identify the argument that the question word refers to. The following table contains the question words that are used to form content questions in Pahari:

Table 4.1: Question Words in Pahari

Question Words Word Class Gloss kʊn Pronoun Who kʊs Pronoun whom keʰ Pronoun what/ which thing kɪs Pronoun Whom kәɽәle Adverb when/ which time kʊdәr Adverb Where kʰɑːn Adverb Where kɪjɑ̃ː Adverb Why kɔɪjɑ̃ː Adverb how ked̪ uːn Adverb when/ which day keɽɑː Adjective which keɽiː Adjective which (female) keɽe Adjective which (males) keɽː Adjective which (females) kәt̪nɑː Adjective how much/many

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All question-words that are used to form content questions begin with k in

Pahari. This type of questions is termed as K-words in South Asian Languages

(Koul, 2008). As it can be seen in the table above, the question words in Pahari consist of a set of adverbs, adjectives and interrogative pronouns. The difference between the pronouns used as question words and their use has already been discussed in chapter two. All the question words except adjectival question words occur pre-verbal position in the structure.

152. a. ɔː keh kʰɑːnɑː he.NOM.3.M.SG what eat.IPFV ‘What is he eating?’

b. ɔː әm kʰɑːnɑː he.NOM.3.M.SG. mango.SG.M eat. 3.SG.M. IPFV ‘He is eating mango.’

153. a. kʊn bɑːr gɪɑ who outside go.PST.3.M.SG ‘Who went outside?’

b. dʒәngʊt̪ bɑːr gɪɑ boy.NOM.3.M.SG outside go.PST.3.M SG ‘The boy went out.’

154. a. t̪ vɑɽiː kʊɽiː kʰɑːn d̪ iː your girl.3.F.SG. where be.PRES.3.F.SG. ‘Where is your daughter?’

b. mɑɽiː kʊɽiː kәmreɪʈʃ d̪ iː my girl.3.F.SG.NOM. room.LOC. be.PRES.3.F.SG ‘My daughter is in the room.’

In (152a) the k-word immediately precedes the verb, and the object NP replacing it in (152b) occupies the same position. Similarly, k-words kũn ‘who’ in (153a) and the replacing subject NP in (153b) dʒəngʊt̪ ‘boy’ appear in the

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same sentential initial position. Same is the situation in (154a) where the locative K-word kʰɑːn ‘where’ occurs in the same position as kəmreɪʈʃ, the corresponding locative PP in (154b).

There is no restriction on questioning the arguments in a clause. All the arguments of the clause can be questioned by using different K-words. Consider the example below where (155a) is the simple declarative clause, while in

(155b) the theme (T) argument is questioned, (155c) questions recipient (R), while (155d) questions the agent (A) argument.

155. a. ɑbe mẽ ki pese dɪt̪ e father.ERG.M.SG. me.DAT. money. M.PL. give.PERF.M.PL. ‘ Father gave me money.’

b. ɑbe mẽ ki keʰ dɪt̪ ɑː father.ERG.M.SG. me.DAT. what give.PERF.M.SG. ‘What did father give me?’

c. ɑbe kʊski: pese dɪt̪ e father. M.SG.ERG. whom money. M.PL. give.M.PL.PERF ‘Whom did father give money?’

d. kʊs. mẽ ki pese dɪt̪ e who.ERG me.DAT. money.NOM.M.PL. give.PERF.M.PL. ‘Who gave me money?’

The only crucial difference among the three different questions is that when asking for the T and A arguments, both the T and A arguments are replaced by the interrogative pronouns that are not case marked. On the other hand, when asking question for the R argument, the interrogative pronoun /kʊs/ is marked with the dative marker /ki:/.

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In most of the cases, the K-words occur immediately to the left of the verb. In unmarked clauses the negative particle comes between the K-word and the verb.

156. a kʊn nei ɑʃnɑː who not come.IPFV.F.SG ‘Who is not coming?’

b. ɔː kɪjɑːn neɪ kʰɑːnɑː? he why not eat.IMP.F.SG 'Why is he not eating?'

The adjectival question words precede the noun which they modify. The question word kɪt̪ nɑː ‘how much/ many’ can be used to inquire about the quantity and number of the referents. See the example below where it is used to inquire about the number of the people:

157. a. kәt̪ ne lɔːkẽ kiː pese lәbe How many people DAT. money.M.PL. find.PST.M.PL ‘How many people got the money?

b. pә̃dʒɑː lɔːkẽ ki: pese lәbe fifty people DAT. money.M.PL. find.PST.M.PL. ‘Fifty people got the money.’

The question word kət̪ ne ‘how many’ in example (157a) questions the number of people. The question word kət̪ ne occurs in the pre-subject position. This is the position for the quantifier within an NP, as illustrated in (157b), where the quantifier pə̃dʒɑː ‘fifty’ precedes the head noun.

Another example of the use of the question word kɪt̪ nɑː ‘how many’ is given in

(158) below where it is used to inquire about the quantity of the milk. The question word occurs in the position of the questioned argument.

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158. a. ʊs kɪt̪ nɑː d̪ ʊd̪ piːt̪ ɑː he how much milk.F.SG drink.PST.F.SG. ‘How much milk did he drink?’

b. ʊs kɪlɔː d̪ ʊd̪ piːt̪ ɑː he kilo gram milk.F.SG drink.PST.F.SG. ‘He drank one kg milk.’

A question word may break up a conjunct verb. In the constructions with the conjunct verbs, the question words occur between verb and the nominal or adjectival constituent which accompanies the verb in a conjunct construction.

159. a. t̪ uː ɖәnɖ kɪjɑːn bәnɑɪ ̃ you. noise why put.IPFV.M.SG. 'Why are you making noise?'

b. t̪ uː mәɽe pɑniә̃ kiː kʰәd̪ lɑː kɪjɑːn kәrnɑɪ ̃ you. my water.ACC. muddy.M.SG. why do.IPFV.M.SG. 'Why are you making my water muddy?'

However, the interrogative pronoun may also come immediately to the left of the verb by separating the nominal or the adjectival constituent of the conjunct from the verb. See example:

160. a. t̪ uː kɪjɑːn ɖәnɖ bәnɑɪ ̃ you. why noise put.IPFV..M.SG 'Why are you making noise?’

b. t̪uː mәɽe pɑniә̃ kiː kɪjɑːn kʰәd̪ lɑː kәrnɑɪ ̃ you. my water.ACC. why muddy.M.SG do.IPFV.M.SG ‘Why are you making my water muddy?’

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Conversely, in (160) the pronouns are displaced to the right of the verbs. The high frequency of the occurrence of interrogative pronoun at pre-verbal position suggests that Pahari is similar to Urdu, Hindi and Punjabi but it differs from

Bengali, where the question words come at post-verbal position

(Klaiman, 1987).

A Pahari interrogative clause can contain more than one question word. This feature of Pahari is consistent with Wachowicz (1974) typological observation who correctly points out that multiple question words can occur in a clause when the speaker misses the information provided by other speech interlocutor.

161. a. ʃɑfiːk-e pɑːni: piːt̪aː shafique-ERG.M.SG water-NOM.M.SG drink.PST.M.SG ‘Shafique drunk water.’

b. kʊs keʰ piːt̪ɑː who.ERG what drink.PST.F.SG. ‘Who drank what?’

162. a. kʊɽi: mẽ ki: mɑːrniː girl.F.SG.ERG I. ACC. beat.PST.F.SG. ‘The girl is beating me.’

b. kʊs-ki: kʊn mɑːrnɑː whom ACC. who beat.PST.F.SG. ‘Who is beating whom?’

As examined in the above example, it is possible to use two content question words in the same sentence, one as a subject and the other as an object. It can also be observed in the examples that content question words may be marked by the nominative, accusative or other peripheral cases. When the question words

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are used as the subjects of the sentence they are marked as nominative or ergative while when they are used as objects they are always marked with the accusative case. In example (161b) the question word kʊs ‘who’ is in nominative case while the same question word in (162b) is marked with an accusative case. The nominative is unmarked while the accusative one is marked by /ki:/.

4.2.3 NEGATIVE CLAUSES

Negative clauses in Pahari are formed from an affirmative sentence by the addition of particles /nei/ and /nɑ̃:/. Before discussing the structure of negative clauses in Pahari, it is important to mention that inflection of negative marker is aspect dependent. It inflects in imperfective aspect while it does not show inflection in perfective aspects. This feature of Pahari distinguishes it from other regional languages like Hindi (Vasishth, 2004, Mahajan, 1990) and Urdu

(Schmidt, 1990) where the sentential negative marker does not inflect. Consider the following example:

163. a. mẽ kuːɽ nәɪs mɑːrnɑ: I.1.SG lie.NOM.M.SG not.1.SG.M. beat.IPFV.M.SG ‘I do not tell a lie.’

b. mẽ kuːɽ nei mɑːrjɑ: I-1.SG. lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.PST.M.SG ‘I did not tell a lie.’

c. t̪ ʊs kuːɽ nɪjɑ: mɑːrne you.2.PL.NOM lie.NOM.M.SG not.PL.M. beat.PST.M.SG. ‘You do not tell a lie.’

d. t̪ ʊsẽ kuːɽ nei mɑːrjɑ:

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you.ERG.2.PL lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.PST.M.SG ‘You did not tell a lie.’

e. t̪ uː kuːɽ neɪjẽ: mɑːrniː you.2.SG. lie.NOM.M.SG not.F.SG. beat.F.SG.IPFV. ‘You do not tell a lie.’

f. t̪ uː kuːɽ nei mɑːrjɑː you.2.SG. lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.PST.M.SG. ‘You did not tell a lie.’

In imperfective aspects the negative participle does not inflect for third person pronouns. As it can be observed in the examples:

164. a. ɔː kuːɽ nei mɑːrnɑ: he. lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.IPFV.M.SG ‘He does not tell a lie.’

b. ʊs kuːɽ nei mɑːrjɑ: he lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.PERF.M.SG ‘He did not tell a lie.’

c. ɔː kuːɽ nei mɑːrne They lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.IPFV.M.SG. ‘They do not tell a lie.’

d. ʊnẽ kuːɽ nei mɑːrjɑ: they.3.PL. lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.PST.M.SG ‘They did not tell a lie.’

4.2.3.1 The Distribution of the Negators /nei/ and /nɑ̃/

Cross linguistically, it is not unusual to have more than one way of negation marking in clauses. There may be variations according to tense aspect, mood, verbal and non-verbal clauses or speech act types (Payne, 1985; Payne, 1997,

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Miestamo 2005, Ziegelmeyer 2009). Negation in Pahari does not vary in relation to tense and aspect. As in all tenses and aspects clauses take the same negative marker. Furthermore, each negative marker can occur with verbs which are either transitive or intransitive. However, the negation in Pahari varies according to mood. The difference in the use of negators /nei/ and /nɑ̃/ appears to be mood governed. The subjunctive and imperative mood is marked with negative particle /nɑ̃/ while /nei/ is used for negation marking in presumptive and indicative mood (discussed in 4.2.3.1.2).

4.2.3.1.1The Negator /nei/

In Pahari the basic declarative clauses are negated with the negative particle

/nei/. The examples of clausal negation are provided in (a) and (b), with an intransitive and transitive verbal predicates respectively.

165. a. kʊɽi: skuːle-ɪʈʃ nei dʒʊlni: girl.NOM.F.SG. school-LOC not go.IPFV.F.SG. ‘The girl is not going to the school?’

b. ʊs ʈʃɪprɑː nei hɪnd̃ ̪ ɑː he./she.ERG.SG headdress.M.SG. not buy.PST.M.SG. ‘He/she did not buy the headdress.’

The above example illustrates, the negative particle generally precedes the verb.

In a negated clause with a simple verb, the verb and the subject marking are the only obligatory grammatical elements. Apart from the presence of the negative marker /nei/, there is no difference between negative and declarative clauses whereas, when a clause with compound verbs is changed into negative clause, the light verb is dropped and the negative particle precedes the simple verb.

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166. a. ʊs kәpɽe t̪ ɔːɪ ʃɔːɽe: he/she.ERG. cloth.M.PL wash leave.PERF.M.PL. ‘He/she has washed the clothes.’

b. ʊs kәpɽe nei t̪ ɔːt̪e he/she.ERG. clothe.M.PL. not wash.PERF.M.PL. ‘He/she did not wash the clothes.’

c. ʊs rɔttiː kʰɑɪ ʃɔːɽiː he/she.ERG. bread eat leave.PERF.F.SG. ‘He/she has taken meal.’

d. ʊs rɔttiː nei kʰɑ d̪ i: he/she.ERG. bread not eat.PERF.F.SG. He/she did not take meal.’

Like question words, /nei/ may also split a conjunct verb.

167. a. ɔː kuːɽ nei mɑːrnɑ: that. lie.NOM.M.SG not beat.IPFV.M.SG ‘He does not tell a lie.’

b. ɔː nei kuːɽ mɑːrnɑ: he not lie.NOM.M.SG beat.IPFV.M.SG ‘He does not tell a lie.’

When copular sentences are negated, the copula is dropped and the sentence ends with the negative particle /nei/. The clause final negative marker adds the emphatic reading when the copula is dropped in such sentences. Here are some examples:

168. a. ɔː t̪ vɑːɽiː kʰәt d̪ iː that your cart be.PRES.3.F.SG. ‘That is your cart.’

b. ɔː t̪ vɑːɽiː kʰәt nei that your cart NEG ‘That is not your cart.’

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Negation can be emphasized by moving the negative particle to the post-verbal position followed by the emphatic particle /e/, as shown in the following examples:

169. a. mɑː ɽi: kәɽi: ʈʃәlni: e nei my watch walk.IPFV EPMH. not ‘My watch is not working.’

b. ɔː d̪ ʊvәi pi:nɑː e nei he medicine drink.IPFV EMPH. not ‘He is not taking medicine.’

The example justifies that the negative particle occurs, in the post-verbal position when emphatic particle is used with the matrix verb. In such constructions, the matrix verb and the emphatic particle make one tone unit and are uttered with a high intonation.

The negative particle /nei/ is also used to form indefinite negative. Pahari equivalents of English indefinite negative such as nowhere, never and negative pronouns such as nothing, nobody are the phrases that consist of a pronoun or adverb, followed by the negative particle /nei/. Examples are given here:

170. a. bɑːr kɔiː nei outside someone.not. ‘There is nobody outside.’

b. ɔː kiː nei kʰɑːnɑː he something not eat.IPFV.M.SG. ‘He eats nothing.’

c. mẽ jɔː kede nei bʊdʒjɑː I this ever. not hear.PERF.M.SG ‘I never heard this.’

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4.2.3.1.2 The Negative Marker /nɑ̃/

The second negation marker /nɑ̃/ negates, imperative clauses, the subjunctive mood, inﬁnitival clause and conditional clauses when joined with other clauses.

/nɑ̃/ is frequently used with the verb root to negate imperative sentences. In a negative imperative clause, the negative particle /nɑ̃/ precedes the verb.

171. a. nɪke kiː nɑ̃ rɔwɑː child. ACC. not weep. IMP. ‘Do not make the child weep.’

b. ku:r nɑ̃ mɑːr lie not tell-IMP ‘Do not tell a lie.’

c. ɖәnɖ nɑ̃ bɑː noise not put.IMP ‘Do not make a noise.’

/nɑ̃/ is preferred in inﬁnitival and subjunctive environments while it not allowed in ﬁnite clauses.

172. a. ɑbɑː ɑːkʰne k bɑːdʒi: ʊd̪ әr nɑ̃ guːʈʃʰeː father.NOM.M.SG. say.SG.M(HON.) that sister there not go.SUBJ ‘Father wants the sister not to go there.’

b. bәɽɪɑ̃ niː gәl nɑ̃ bʊdʒnɑː mәnd̪ iː gәl di: elders.GEN. talk.not. listen.INF. bad talk be.PRES ‘It is bad not to obey the elders.’

c. bɑːdʒi: kәpɽe nei ɑːnd̪ e sister.ERG.SG.F. clothes.M.PL. not bring.PST.M.PL. ‘Sister did not bring clothes for me.’

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The example shows that the /nɑ̃/ is preferably used with subjunctive mood as in

(172a) and with infinitives as in (172b), while (172c) indicates that it is not allowed in the finite negative clause.

The negative marker /nɑ̃/ is also used in negative conditional clauses. In conditional clauses, the negative particle /nɑ̃/ follows the main verb in if clause.

173. dʒe o: gɔːliː nɑ̃ kʰɑːnɑː t̪e mәriː gɪɑve eʰ if he tablet NEG eat then die went-PST ‘If he had not taken the tablet, he would have died.’

A pair of /nɑ̃/, /nɑ̃/ is used to negate coordinate clauses having ‘neither, nor’ situation. Out of pair one /nɑ̃/ either precedes or follows the subject in the clause and the second /nɑ̃/ occupies the co-ordinate position.

174. a. nɑ̃ ʊs kɔːl kәr dɑː nɑ̃ pese NEG. he near home be.PRES.M.SG. NEG. money.M.PL. ' He has neither home nor money.’

b. bʊdɪɑ nɑ̃ pʊkʰ lәɣni: nɑ̃ t̪re oldwomen NEG. appetite.F.SG. attach.MPF SG.F. NEG thrist. F.SG. ‘The old woman neither feels appetite nor thirst.’

In conjunct verbs, the imperative negative marker /nɑ̃/ has the freedom of occurrence. It may either come immediately to the left of the verb by separating the nominal or the adjectival constituent of the conjunct from the verb or can follow the conjunct verb. See the following example:

175. a. t̪uː mәɽe pɑniә̃ kiː kʰәd̪ lɑː nɑ̃ kәr you. my water.ACC. muddy.M.SG. NEG. do. IMP. ‘Do not make my water muddy.'

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b. t̪uː mәɽe pɑniә̃ kiː nɑ̃ kʰәd̪ lɑː kәr you. my water.ACC. NEG. muddy.M.SG. do. IMP. ‘Do not make my water muddy.'

Fronting the negative /nɑ̃/ to the left of the modifying elements is considered to use for more emphatic prohibition by Pahari speakers.

4.2.3.2 Clauses with double negation

Pahari allows double negation markers in a clause. The negation marker /nɑ̃/ is frequently used with /nei/ to refuse or reject a proportion. In the clauses with the rejection or refusal, /nɑ̃/ precedes the subject, while /nei/ in its inflected form precedes the verb.

176. a. nɑ̃ mẽ neɪs dʒʊlnɑː NEG I NEG.M.SG. go.IPFV.M.SG. ‘No, I am not going.’

b. nɑ̃ mẽ t̪ vɑːɽiː gәl neɪs bʊdʒnɑ̃ː NEG. I your.F.SG. talk.F.SG. NEG. listen.IPMF.M.SG. ‘No, I do not listen/obey you.’

4.2.4 EXCLAMATIVE CLAUSES

According to Allan (2006) “exclamative occurs within the other clause types and do not count as a distinct clause type in their own right.” Strictly speaking, exclamative clauses are not a distinct clause type because their formal structure is identical to interrogative clauses. Functionally, exclamations can be defined as declaratives with high expressive value, containing some extreme and especially remarkable information (König & Siemund 2007). In Pahari like other languages interjections (given in the table 4.2) are used to express a number of reactions and emotions such as excitement surprise, delight, disgust,

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relief, and pity. They occur clause-initially, following a complementiser, if present. Interjections function as part of a larger utterance and are always pre-posed to the clause initial position. The following exclamatory particles in first-person narration are usually used to express the speaker’s emotions:

Table 4.2: Exclamatory particles in Pahari

Exclamatory Particles Gloss

o:kʰo: Joy, sarcastic, grief, sadness, sympathy ʊff/ʊff ɑllɑʰ Surprise, pain, sorrow mәɽɪjɑː ɑllɑʰ Surprise, pain hɑe / hɑe ɑllɑʰ Pain, sorrow, surprise Hẽ surprise ʃɑvɑːʃe praise, Sarcastic bɑle bɑle praise

It can be seen in the table that a single exclamatory particle can be used to express different emotions. Assignation of an emotion category to a particle is determined by what the speaker says in the discourse where the exclamatory particle appears. That is, the language use in the discourse of the exclamatory particles plays an essential role. For example, the surrounding discourse of the particle ʊff ɑllɑh determines the category of emotion conveyed by it in the following examples:

177. a. ʊffɑllɑh! kɪtnɑː bɑɽɑː kәɽɔlɑː d̪ ɑ o. God how much large.M.SG pumpkin.M.SG. be.PRES.M.SG. ‘O God !what a big pumpkin.’

b. ʊffɑllɑh! mẽ fɪr fɑɪl hɔɪ jɑɪs o. God I. again fail be.PRES.M.SG. O God! I got failed again.’

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c. t̪ũː fɪr fɑɪl hɔɪjɑen you. again fail be.PRES M.SG. ‘You got failed again.’

d. ʊff ɑllɑh! ‘O God’

Example (177a) shows that the speaker is surprised and the situation is interesting, while in example (177b) the speaker is sad on what happened. The particle ʊff ɑllɑh can also function as an utterance by itself, when it is used in response the other interlocutor in an on-going talk like in (177d). We can decode the meaning of ʊff ɑllɑh which are based on the utterance of the first speaker in (177c) that it is used to express sorrow.

4.3 SUMMARY

This chapter presents a discussion of word order in different types of Pahari sentences. Pahari sentences often exhibit SOV word order. In most cases, the subject of a clause precedes the object and other clause constituents, but variations of this order are possible, with varying pragmatic effects. The chapter has also discussed sentence modifications; such as question formation and negation. There are two negative particles in Pahari. Sentence negation in

Pahari is usually expressed through the use of the negative particle /nei/ ‘not’ that normal prceded the finite verb. Secondly, before an imperative verb form the particle /nɑ̃/ is used. Prohibitives commands or instructions not to do something are formed with the particle /nɑ̃/. Questions in Pahari come in two main types: content questions and polar questions. Content questions are formed from Question-words. Question-words are a limited group of words with several

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characteristics in common. Most notably, they all begin with /k/. Polar questions in Pahari may also be marked simply by intonation. Imperative clauses express instructions and commands, and are formed with imperative verb forms which are restricted to referring to the second person.

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Chapter 5

SYNTAX OF COMPLEX STRUCTURES

Complex constructions involve more than one clause with a marker that indicates the relationship between these clauses. According to Foley and Valin

(1984) a complex sentence consists of two or more clauses that are syntactically related by conjoining, juxtaposition, or embedding. This chapter describes all different ways in which clauses can be combined in Pahari. The chapter begins with a description of clause coordination followed by the discussion on the subordinate clauses in Pahari. The adverbial clauses and relative clauses will be discussed in the subsequent sections.

5.1 COORDINATION

It is a syntactic process by which two or more linguistic elements of equal syntactic status are combined into a larger unit and still these elements have the same semantic relation with the other surrounding elements (Haspelmath, 2007).

There is a lot of cross-linguistic diversity in coordinate constructions. Some languages lack overt coordinators, so the coordination in these languages is asyndetic and some languages have syndetic coordination where some overt conjunctions are used to link the syntactic units. In addition, there are various examples of languages which use both syndetic and asyndetic coordinating structures (Haiman, 1985; Deane,1992). In Pahari, most cases of coordination

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are syndetic but the examples of asyndetic coordination were also found in the corpus.

5.1.1 Asyndetic Coordination

Asyndetic coordination links phrases and clauses expressing states of affairs or items that are more closely connected in the real world than those expressed by syndetic conjunction (Faurie & Lynch 2004, Haspelmath 2004). Asyndetic coordination involves the coordination of two or more phrases simply by the juxtaposition. The Asyndetic coordination in Pahari is akin to the "zero-strategy" used by Payne (1985), where linguistic elements are coordinated simply by juxtaposition with no additional conjunctions. In Pahari NPs that refer to closely connected entities especially couples of individuals or pairs of persons, and things are usually expressed by simple juxtaposition. The followings are some of the examples of asyndetic coordination with juxtaposition.

178. a. ʊsne [mɑː pɪjɔ: ] dʒne d̪ e. his/her. mother. father. alive M.PL. be.PRES.M.PL. ‘His/her mother and father are alive.’

b. ʊs ko:l kәt̪nɪɑ̃ [peɖɑ̃ː bekrɪɑ̃] dɪɑ̃ he/she Gen. how much. sheep.F.PL goat.F.PL be.PRES.F.PL. ‘How many sheep and goats he/she has?’

c. o: [ʈʃɑːr pәndʒ ] t̪ɪjɑːɽe pehle ɑːjɑː he four Five day.M.PL before come.PST.M.SG. ‘He came four five days before.’

In each of the above example NPs are juxtaposed without any conjunction.

Rising intonation tends to occur on each juxtaposed element. Example (178c)

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shows that numerals are also coordinated by juxtaposition when expressing approximate numbers.

5.1.2 Syndetic or Conjunctive Coordination

Syndetic coordination in Pahari is achieved by linking the phrases and clauses by different coordinating conjunctions. The semantic relationships expressed via

Conjunctive coordination in Pahari are Addition, Disjunction, Reason, and

Result; each of these is described in the following subsections.

5.1.2.1 Addition

The most common way of coordinating syntactic units in Pahari is the use of conjunction / t̪e /. It is used to link two or more clauses with an addition relationship.

179. a. mẽ kɑː kәpjɑː t̪e bɑdʒiː mɑ̃dʒ meliː I grass. cut.PST. and sister. buffalo milk.PST.F.SG. ‘I cut grass and the sister milked the buffalo.’

b. mẽ ro:ttiː pekɑɪ t̪e ʊs ʈʃɑː bnɑɪ I bread. cook.PST and he.ERG. tea.F.SG make. PST.F.SG. ‘I cooked meal and she made tea.’

The addition conjunction / t̪ e / is not compatible with the temporal sequence between the two clauses. In most of the cases the temporal ordering between the coordinated clauses is determined by the context. See the above examples where

/t̪e/ coordinates related but temporally unordered actions. For example, there two possible interpretations of sentence in (179a) either ‘I cut the grass first’ or after that ‘the sister milked the buffalo’ or both the actions occurred at the same time.

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Similarly (179b) has two possible interpretations. In such instances, the context helps to disambiguate which action was done first.

Besides coordinating sentences, the coordinating conjunction /t̪ e/ is also used to coordinate nouns, and adjectives. See the example (180) where two coordinated noun phrases form a single coordinate noun phrase.

180. a. o: kʊɽɑː t̪e ʈʃekriː d̪ ɑː he. liar and cheater be.PRES.M.SG ‘He is a liar and cheater.’

b. ʊsne d̪ o: dʒәnget̪ t̪e ek kʊri: di:. his/her two boy. and one girl. be. PRES.F.SG ‘He/she has two sons and one daughter.’

c. ɑmmɪ t̪e mɑ̃wɑ̃ bɑdʒi: ne kәr ge mother and uncle sister GEN. home go. PST.M.PL. ‘The mother and uncle went to sister’s house.’

d. mɑ̃wɑ̃ t̪e ɑbbɑː ɑʃne uncle and father come. IPFV.M.PL ‘The uncle and father are coming.’

e. mẽ mɑ̃wɑ̃ t̪e ɑbbɑː ɔ:ɵɪ d̪ ekʰe I. uncle and father. there see. PST.M.PL ‘I saw uncle and father there.’

It can be noticed that the subject as well as object NPs can be coordinated with the conjunction /t̪ e/. Coordination of two noun phrases results in a plural noun phrase and therefore, it affects the subject-verb agreement pattern. When the coordinated NP functions as a subject the verb takes third person plural agreement marker (as in 180c) and when the coordinated NP functions as the object, the closet object agrees with the verb (as in 180b)

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When multiple noun phrases are coordinated, the conjunction /t̪e/ is used before

the final noun phrase. The misplacement of the coordination conjunction /t̪ e/

results in the ungrammaticality of the sentence as shown in (181b).

181. a. lo:kẽ peɖɑ̃ː bekrɪɑ̃ː t̪e mә̃dʒjĩː rekʰɪnɪɑ̃ people. M.PL. sheep.F.PL. goat.F.PL. and cow.F.PL keep.F.PL. ‘People have sheep, goats and cows.’

b. *lo:kẽ peɖɑ̃ː t̪e bekrɪɑ̃ː mә̃dʒjĩː rekʰɪnɪɑ̃ people. M.PL sheep.F.PL. and goat.F.PL. cow.F.PL keep.F.PL. ‘People have sheep, goats and cows.’

5.1.2.2 Disjunctive Coordination

According to Matthews (1997), the disjunctive coordination differentiates

alternatives. Hurford (1974), distinguishes between exclusive and inclusive

disjunction. According to him in inclusive disjunction both disjuncts can be true’

whereas in exclusive disjunction one alternative precludes the other.

Pahari data supports both types of disjunction.

5.1.2.2.1 Inclusive disjunction

Inclusive disjunction means that either of the propositions may be true.

Syntactically, Pahari has two types of Inclusive disjunction; symmetrical and

interrogative Inclusive disjunction.

5.1.2.2.1.1 Symmetrical inclusive disjunction

Clauses that express the symmetrical inclusive disjunction are coordinated by

coordinating conjunction /jɑː/ that indicates that only one of the two

coordinated elements is true. In this function, the obvious English gloss for /jɑː/

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is ‘or’. The position of /jɑː/ is in between the two coordinated phrases or clauses.

Examples of symmetrical disjunction are given below:

182. a. kәpɽe me̪ kiː deʰ jɑː ɑːpe lɑː clothes. M.PL. me give.IMP. or self put.IMP ‘Give clothes to me or you yourself wear them.’

b. ʈʃɑːvʊl rɪn jɑː ro:ttiː pekɑː rice M.PL. cook.IMP or bread F.SG. cook.IMP ‘Boil rice or bake bread.’

5.1.2.2.1.2 Interrogative inclusive disjunction

The conjunctions /k/ and /jɑː/ are alternatively used to conjoin the clauses that express the interrogative inclusive disjunction. Most of the examples in the data are yes/no questions that ask whether the one clause or the other clause is true. Following are some examples of the linking clauses coordinated with disjunctive coordinator /k/, /jɑː/ ‘or’.

183. a. t̪u: dʒʊlsẽ jɑː/ k mẽ gɔ:ʈʃʰɑ̃ː you go.FUT. or I go.SUBJ. ‘Will you go or I may go.’

b. ʊs ko:l kәpɽe ɵe k neɪ he.GEN. clothes. be.PST. or not ‘Does he have money or not?’

c. kәpɽe sʊne d̪ e jɑː/k neɪ clothes beautiful be.PRES.M.PL. or not ‘Clothes are beautiful or not?’

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It can be seen in the above example that in interrogative inclusive disjunction clauses, the disjunctive coordinators /k/ or / jɑː/ occur at the beginning of the second clause often combines with /nei/ ‘not’ to form a tag question. Such a tag question is attached at the end of a sentence and requires the listener to confirm the truth of that sentence.

5.1.2.2.2 Exclusive Disjunction

Exclusive Disjunction involves the juxtaposition. There is no specific coordinator to mark the exclusive disjunctive coordination in Pahari instead the rejected alternative is followed by Pahari plain negative marker /nei:/ ‘not’.

184. a. mẽ ki: pɑːniː deʰ ʈʃɑː nei: I.ACC. water.F.PL. give.IMP tea.F.PL. not ‘Give me water not tea.’

b. mẽ ki: kʊrsi lo:ɽniː mɑɪz nei I.ACC. chair.F.PL. want.F.PL. table.F.PL. not ‘I want a table, not a chair.’

c. t̪ u: gɔ:ʈʃʰs ẽ mẽ nei you go.SUBJ. I not ‘You will go not me.’

5.1.2.3 Adversative Conjunction

Adversative coordination expresses contrast between the propositions of the two clauses (Payne 1997). The coordinator /ver/ typically coordinates clauses or verb phrases in adversative coordination. It is used at the beginning of the second coordinand. See example below:

185. a. ʊs әʃnɑː sɑː ver o: nei ɑːjɑː he.OBL. come.IPFV. be.PST. but he not come.PST.M.SG.

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‘He was to come but he did not.’

b. bɑːr bәd̪ ʊl d̪ ɑː ver sĩ: nei outside rain.M.SG. be.M.SG. but cold.M.SG. not ‘It’s raining outside but it’s not cold.’

c. o: pәɽne ʈʃɑːnɑː ver ʊs ko:l pese nei he read want.M.SG. but he GEN. money.M.PL. not ‘He wanted to study but he has no money.’

5.1.2.4 Cause-effect Clauses

A cause-effect clause is a type of coordinate clauses that describes the motivation for an event or state of affairs to take place. A causal construction is regarded as one encoding a causal relation between two events, such that one of the two (the event coded by the dependent event) represents the reason for the other event (the main event) to take place (Cristofaro 1998). The conjunctions kɪjɑ̃k ‘because’ and ɪsgəlɑː ‘therefore’ are used to coordinate cause-effect clauses in

Pahari. There are two subtypes of cause-effect clause judging by different coordinating conjunctions and their positions in the clauses.

The conjunction kɪjɑ̃k ‘because’ is a compound of the postposition /k/ and the question word kɪjɑ̃ ‘why?’. As a conjunction, kɪjɑ̃k introduces adverbial clauses of reason and is glossed as ‘because.’ It is normally not used when the reason clause comes after the consequence or matrix clause.

186. a. o: Nei ɑʃnɑː kɪjɑ̃k o: mɑ̃d̪ ɑː d̪ ɑː he not come. IPFV. because he ill.M.SG. be.PRES.M.SG ‘He is not coming because he is ill.’

b. mẽ neɪs gɪɑ kɪjɑ̃k mẽ rʊɵɑːnɑː sɑɪs I not. go.PST.M.SG. because I angry.M.SG. be.PST.M.SG. ‘I did not go because I was angry.’

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The conjunction ɪsgəlɑː is the most commonly used conjunction in cause-effect clauses data. It is different from the conjunction kɪjɑ̃k as it takes the clause initial position. It is used to mark the consequences clause rather than reason clause. When ɪsgəlɑː is used to coordinate the reason clause, the reason or cause is stated first and the consequence follows it.

187. a. mẽ rʊɵɑːnɑɪs ɪsgәlɑː neɪs gɪɑ I angry.PST.M.SG therefore not.1.SG.M. go.PST.M.SG. ‘I was angry that’s why I did not go.’

b. nɪkkɑː pʊkʰɑːnɑː ɪsgәlɑː rʊnɑː child hungry.M.SG. therefore weep.IPFV.M.SG. 'The child is hungry that’s why he is crying.

c. kʊɽɪɑ nẽ: kʊkәɽ mәrɪe ɪsgәlɑː rʊniː girl.GEN. cock.PL.M died.PERF.PL. that’s why weep.IPFV.F.SG. ‘The girl’s cocks have died, that’s why she is weeping.’

5.2 SUBORDINATION

According to Matthews (1997) a subordinate clause is a syntactic element of or within a larger clause. Subordinate clauses mark their subordinate relation to the independent clauses by using different grammatical devices. Cross-linguistically, subordinate clauses are marked by using three devices: (i) special verb forms,

(ii) special word order and (iii) subordinating morphemes (Thompson et al.,

2007). The following subsections outlines the various structures which are used in Pahari to express different subordinating functions identified with reference to

Matthews (1997) definition above. Subordinate clauses are marked with square brackets in the examples.

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5.2.1 COMPLEMENT CLAUSES

Complementation has been investigated extensively from various theoretical perspectives in a variety of languages. And there are also typological and functional studies of complementation cross-linguistically, such as Givón (1978,

1990), Dixon (1995, 2006) Cristofaro (2003) and Noonan (2007). Noonan (2007) defines complementation in functional terms as “a syntactic situation that arises when a notional sentence or predication is an argument of a predicate”. In consensus with Noonan’s definition, Dixon (1995), reports two grammatical criteria for a complement clause: firstly, with regard to core argument marking, a complement clause has the internal constituent structure of a clause, and secondly it functions as an argument of the main clause. According to both linguists, complementation from a typological perspective is a grammatical phenomenon coded by morphosyntax.

Noonan’s definition (quoted above) and the classification of complements will be adopted for the present study. Noonan (2007) classifies the complementation strategies as: sentence complements, nominalized complements, paratactic complements, participial complements and infinitive complements. According to

Noonan (2007), all languages of the world have Sentence-like complements and at least one other type. Available data suggest that Pahari has sentence-like complements and non-finite-complements. The complementation in Pahari is mainly determined by the complement-taking predicates1. The majority of predicates take complements as objects. Only a few predicates take the subject complements.

Furthermore, one complement-taking verb can appear in more than one complementation strategies.

1 (See Noonan (2007) for the classification of complement-taking predicates).

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5.2.1.1 Structure of complement clauses

The following section illustrates the types of complements and different semantic relationships that exist between a predicate and its clausal complement in Pahari.

5.2.1.1.1 Sentence-like Complements

A sentence-like complement is a clause which can stand alone and in which verb is fully inflected (Noonan, 2007). The only strategy for marking a sentence like complement in Pahari is complimentizer /k/ strategy. The complements in these clauses consist of finite verbal clauses and itself can stand as a matrix clause. Clauses with the complementizer /k/ can function both as subject complement and object complement of the main predicate. In the unmarked order, the complement clause follows the matrix clause and the complementizer /k/ ‘that’ comes between the matrix clause and complement clause. This is the same rule found in many other free word order languages like

Sinhalese, Oriya, Dakhani, Assamese, Bengali, and Nepali (Masica, 1991).

However, for focus the complement clauses can precede the main clause with no intervening complimentizer.

188. a. mẽ kiː lәɣnɑː k [o: bәzɑːre-ɪʈʃ dɑː] I.OBL. seem.IPFV. that he market.LOC be.PRES.M.SG. ‘I think that he is in the bazar.’

b. [o: bәzɑːreɪʈʃ dɑː] mẽ kiː lәɣnɑː he market.LOC be.PRES.M.SG. I.OBL. seem.IPFV. ‘I think that he is in the bazar.’

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In examples (188a) the finite verbal clause is linked to the main clause as complement to immediate perception predicate ləɣnɑː ‘seems’ Here in this example, the complement clause follows the main clause and it is headed by a complementizer /k/ ‘that’ but in (188b) the complement clause comes sentence initially and is not marked by the complementizer. It can also be noticed in the above example that the word order in both the complement clause and main clause is SVO. The sentence-like complements are governed by the following types of predicates.

5.2.1.1.1.1 Knowledge and acquisition of knowledge

Knowledge and acquisition of knowledge predicates ‘denote the manner or the state of acquisition of knowledge’ (Noonan 2007). The verbs used in this way in

Pahari are pət̪ ɑː ho:nɑː/ dʒɑːnnɑː ‘to know’. Interestingly, this verb can be used to express both the knowledge of a thing or an event and the ability to perform an action as well. When it is used to express the knowledge of a thing or an event, it takes a sentence-like complement, as in (189a), but when it is used to express the ability to perform an action; it takes an infinitival complement as in

(189b):

189. a. o: dʒɑːnnɑː k [әs e kәm nɪɑ̃ kәrɪ sekne] he know.IPFV.M.SG. that we this work not do can.M.PL. ‘He knows that we cannot do this.’

b. o: [gәddiː tʃәlɑːnɑː] dʒɑːnnɑ he vehicle.SG.F drive.IPFV.M.SG. know.IPFV.M.SG. ‘He knows how to drive a vehicle.’

5.2.1.1.1.2 Immediate perception predicates

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Another class of complement taking predicates that take a sentence like complements in Pahari is immediate perception predicates. These predicates express the sensory mode by which the events coded in the complements are directly perceived by the subject (Noonan 2007). Perception verbs indicate activities or states in which one comes to get knowledge of an event through different senses, e.g. see, watch, hear, feel, and touch. In Pahari the immediate perception predicates d̪ ekʰnɑː ‘to see/ to look’, lo:ɽnɑː ‘to find’, bʊdʒnɑ: ‘to hear’, ləɣnɑː ‘to feel /to seem’, and səmədʒnɑː ‘understand’ take sentence-like complements.

190. a. mẽ bʊdʒɪɑ k [o: so:d̪ ɪɑ gɪɑ tʰiː] I. hear.PST. that he saudia go.PST. be.PST. ‘I heard that he has gone to Saudi Arabia.’

b. mẽ kiː lәɣnɑː k [o: bәzɑːreɪʈʃ dɑː] I.OBL. seem.IPFV.M.SG. that he market.LOC. be.PRES. ‘I think that he is in the bazar.’

c. mẽ d̪ ekʰjɑː k [әbe ɑ:pi: kәpɽe t̬ ɔ:t̪e:] I. see.PST. that father. himself clothes. wash.PST.M.PL.

‘I saw that father himself washed the clothes.’

The predicates bʊdʒɪɑ ‘heard’ and ləɣnɑː ‘seems’ permit the non-agent direct core argument to be filled out by a sentence-like complement clause headed by the complementiser /k/.

5.2.1.1.1.3 Propositional attitude predicates

Propositional attitude predicates also take a sentence-like complement.

According to Noonan (2007), propositional attitude predicates “state an attitude regarding the truth of the proposition expressed as their complement.” In Pahari,

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verbs used with this meaning is: so:ʈʃnɑ ‘think/reflect’ and conjunct verbs

‘kʰəjɑːl d̪ ɑː‘think’ jɪki:n d̪ ɑː‘believe’, ʃek d̪ ɑː suspect.

191. a. mẽ jeki:n d̪ ɑː k [o: pɑːs hɔsi:] I. belief be.PRES.M.SG. that he/she pass be.FUT. ‘I belive he/she will be passed.’

b. mẽ so:ʈʃnɑɪs k [kәl nɑ̃ gɔʈʃʰɑ̃] I think.IPFV. that tomorrow not go.SUBJ. ‘I am thinking that I may not go tomorrow.’

c. mɑɽɑː kʰɪjɑːl d̪ ɑː k O: neɪ dʒʊlnɑː My Thought be.PRES that he not go.IPFV..M.SG ‘I think that he is not going.’

5.2.1.1.1.4 Manipulative complements

‘Manipulative complements involve an element of causation between the agent, which is the subject of the matrix clause, and the affected argument, which is the subject of the complement clause’ (Noonan 2007). The verb, ɑkʰnɑː ‘to ask’ and d̪ əsnɑː ‘to tell’, can be used with the sense of giving an order in Pahari. The addressee is coded as the indirect object and may be overtly expressed (192a & b). The complement clause, encoding the order is a sentence-like clause. See the following:

192. a. mẽ ʊskiː ɑːkʰjɑː k [dʒәldiː ɑʈʃʰe] I. him ask.PST. that quickly come.SUBJ.M.SG. ‘I asked him to come quickly.’

b. ʊskiː ɑːkʰ k [o: ɑpnɑː kәm kәre] him say.IPM. that he own work do. SUBJ.M.SG. ‘Ask him to do his own work.’

c. ʊskiː dәs kiː [gɑːliː kәɖnɑː mәnd̃ ̪ iː gәl d̪ i:] him tell.IPM. that abuse give bad talk be.PRES.F.SG.

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‘Tell him that abusing is a bad habit.’

5.2.1.1.2 Infinitival Complements

Infinitival complements are used in Pahari when main clause and dependent clause share the same subject. Infinitive forms can follow or precede the main clause. The following types of predicates in Pahari take infinitive complements:

5.2.1.1.2.1 The desiderative predicate

The desiderative predicate ʈʃɑːnɑː ‘want’ require infinitival complements, such as given below:

193. a. ɑbbɑː pese d̪ enɑː ʈʃɑːne se father money.M.SG. give.INF.M.PL. want.M.PL. be.PST.M.PL. ‘The father wanted to give money.’

b. o: әpne dʒәngt̪e-ki bɪjɑːnɑː ʈʃɑːne they their son.DAT. marry.INF.. want.M.SG. ‘They want their son to get married.’

In example (193), the verbs are in the infinitive forms, and are not inflected for tense, mood, or person. The objects pese ‘money’ in (193a) and dʒəngt̪ ‘boy’ in

(193b) are embedded in the subordinate clauses headed by the infinitives d̪ enɑː

‘to give’ and bɪjɑːnɑː ‘to get marry’ respectively.

5.2.1.1.2.2 Ability Predicate

Ability in Pahari can be expressed through predicates dʒɑːnnɑ / ɑʃnɑː ‘know’.

Each of these predicates takes an infinitive complement.

194. a. ʊs kiː gәddiː ʈʃәlɑːnɑː ɑʃniː tʰi:

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he.DAT. van.F.SG. drive.INF. come. be.PRES ‘He can dive the van.’

b o: gәddiː tʃәlɑːnɑː dʒɑːnnɑ he van.SG.F drive.IPFV.M.SG know.IMP.M.SG. ‘He knows how to dive a van.’

In example (194) both the complement and the matrix clauses share the same subject, the subject is not coded in the complement clause.

5.2.1.1.2.3 Phasal Predicates

Phasal predicates are closely related with aspect and ‘refer to the phase of a state or an act: (Noonan 2007). The predicates ʃʊro: kərnɑː ‘begin’/ ‘start’ is followed by infinitive complements in Pahari.

195. a. ʊs hʊn nәvɑːz pәɽnɑː ʃʊro: kɪt̪iː he.ERG. now prayer.F.SG. read.M.SG.INF. start PRES.do.F.SG. ‘He has just started offering prayer.’

b. kʊt̪e dekʰi:t̪e ʊs nәsnɑː ʃʊro: kit̪ɑː dog.M.SG. ee.CONJ. he.ERG run.M.SG.INF. start do.PRES.M.SG. ‘Seeing dog, he began to run.’

5.2.1.1.3 Participle Complements

Noonan (1985) claims that the participles complements are regularly found with the perception predicates. As the following examples indicate that the participle strategy in Pahari is found with perception predicates, such as dʒənnɑː ‘to know’, səmdʒnɑː ‘to understand’, pʊlnɑː ‘to forget’ bʊdʒnɑː ‘to listen’ dekʰnɑː ‘to see’ etc.

196. a. ʈũː ʊskiː gɑːnɑː gɑːnɪɑ̃ bʊdʒɪɑ ho:siː

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You him/her song sing.PART. listen.PERF. be.PST ‘You might listen him/her while singing.’

b. Mẽ ʊs kiː ɑʃnɪɑ̃ dekʰɪɑ sɑː I him come.PART. see.PST. be.PST ‘I saw him while coming.’

5.2.2 CONDITIONAL CLAUSES

Following traditional grammarians Dancygier (1998) defines conditional clauses as a complex sentence that contains two clauses; the main clause

(the apodosis) and a subordinate clause (the protasis). According to him a conditional conjunction is used to introduce the protasis. Similarly, Bennett

(2003) defines a conditional sentence that is composed of the main and the subordinate clause and the subordinate clause is introduced by a conjunction. In both the deﬁnitions, the term conditional sentences refer to sentences that are introduced by conditional conjunctions. In accord with the above definitions, the data for the present study shows that conditional meaning in Pahari are indicated by sentences that are introduced by conditional conjunctions. The apodosis and the protasis are linked by paired conjunctions, one at the beginning of each clause. The structure of Pahari conditional clauses is similar to the structure of conditional clauses in English. In Pahari, the conditional clause is introduced by using the subordinating conjunctions / dʒe / at the beginning of the clause that corresponds to the English word “if”. The conjunction /t̪ e/ that corresponds to ‘then’ in English is used to introduce the consequence clause. The basic structure of Pahari conditional clause is:

[dʒe (condition) t̪ e (consequence)]

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197. a. dʒe o: ajɑː t̪e mẽ neɪs ɑːʃnɑː if he come.PST. then I not.M.SG. come.IPFV.M.SG. ‘If he came, I won’t be coming.’

b. dʒe t̪ũː dʒәldiː nɑ̃ geәɪn t̪e gәddiː nɪje lәbni: If you hurry not go then van not.F.SG. find.F.SG. ‘If you do not go fast, you will not catch the van.’

Cross-linguistic studies suggest that the normal clause order in conditional sentences is that the main clause follows if-clause (Greenberg 1963 as cited in

Comrie 1986). However South Asian languages allow both orders; that is, either the matrix clause precedes the if-clause or the if-clause precedes the matrix clause (Comrie, 1989). In line with the clause order in South Asian languages, both orders are possible in Pahari as shown in the example below. However, the conditional clause preceding the matrix clause is a more preferred order. When the conditional and consequential clauses are reordered, the conditional clause ends with /t̪ e/ ‘then’ as in (198b).

198. a. dʒe bәd̪ ʊl vɑː t̪ e mẽ neɪs ɑːʃnɑː If Rain happen.SUBJ. Then I not come.IPFV.M.SG. ‘I am not coming, if it rains.’

b. mẽ neɪs ɑːʃnɑː dʒe bәd̪ ʊl vɑː t̪ e I Not come.IPFV. If Rain happen.SUBJ. then ‘I am not coming, if it rains.’

c. vekt̪ er nei pɔ̃nʈʃne lәɣgɑː dʒe jәlddi: nɑː gɪjɑɪn t̪ e on time Not reach.IPFV attach If hurry not go.SUBJ then ‘If you do not go fast, you won’t reach in time.’

Contrary to English conditional clauses where ‘if’ is always required, but ‘then’ is optional, in Pahari, the conjunction je ‘if’ is optional, but /te/ ‘then’ is always

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required. The presence of /te/ between two clauses is enough to signal a conditional sentence as can be seen in the example above.

Different combinations of moods and tense in the clauses lead to different presentations of a conditional relationship in time and likelihood. The tense or mood of the verb in the if -clause determines the status of the condition, whether it is fulfilled or not. The following section elucidates the various types of conditional clauses in Pahari.

5.2.2.1 Improbable Condition

In an improbable conditional clause, the protasis is introduced by conditions with subjunctive form of verbs. The subjunctive mood in protasis indicates that the condition is an uncertain situation, such as a hypothesis, wish, supposition etc. The apodosis was encountered in the future indicative (196a), present subjunctive (196b), and present Indicative (196c). Consider the following examples:

199. a. mẽ pɪnd̪ i: ɡʊʈʃʰɑ̃ːn t̪e ʊs kiː mɪlsɑ̃n I pindi go.SUBJ.M.SG then him/her meet.Fut..M.SG. ‘If I go to Pindi then I will meet him/her.’

b. pese lәbæn t̪e mẽ ʃɑɪd̪ gәɖɖiː money. find. SUBJ.M.PL. then I perhaps van hɪnɑ̃ take.PRES.SUBJ.M.SG. ‘If I get the money, perhaps I may buy a van’

c. dʒe t̪u: ʈʃɑɪn t̪e әs dʒʊli: sekneәñ if you want. SUBJ.M.SG. then we go. can. PRES..M.PL. ‘If you want, we can go.’

The subjunctive forms of verb in the conditional clause indicate that the speaker is uncertain about the particular condition to be fulfilled. For example in (199a),

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the speaker is uncertain whether he will go to Pindi or not.’ And the indicative verb in the consequence clause implies that the speaker will certainly meet him if he does go there. Similarly, in (199b) the subjunctive mood in the condition clause indicates that the speaker doubts whether he will get the money or not.

The subjunctive mood in the consequence clause indicates that the speaker doubts whether he will buy the van or not, even if he does get the money.

5.2.2.2 Probable conditions

In a probable conditional clause, the protasis and apodosis both use the indicative mood of verb. Therefore, such sentences indicate probability about the fulfilment of both the condition and consequence. Although all conditional clauses are inherently uncertain in the sense that the consequences in the conditional clauses are dependent upon the fulfilment of the conditions, yet, the indicative mood implies a relatively higher degree of probability, whereas the subjunctive mood implies a relatively lower degree of probability. The following tense combinations are used in probable conditional clauses.

If-Clause Consequence Clause

Present Tense Condition Present Tense Present Tense Future Tense Future Condition Future Consequence

The following examples show the tense combination in probable conditional clauses:

200. a. dʒe t̪uki: ʊrd̪ uː әʃni: t̪e t̪u: ʊsni: if you-DAT. urdu come then you His

gәl sәmdʒi: seknɑẽ talk Understand can.M.SG

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‘If you understand Urdu, you can understand him.’

b. dʒe bәd̪ ʊl hona t̪e bo:nh pɑːniː ho:si: if rain be.PRES then much water be.FUT. ‘If it rains, there will be plenty of water.’

c. dʒe ɑbbɑː pese pedʒsẽn t̪e mẽ gәddi: hɪnsɑ̃ː if father money send.FUT. then I van take.FUT. ‘If father sends money then I will buy the van.’

5.2.2.3 Counterfactual conditionals

Counterfactual conditional clauses are those for which it is no longer possible for the condition to be met (Dixon 2009). In Pahari, these are marked with past subjunctive form of verb ho:nɑː ‘to be’ that indicates conditions that are false.

To show unreal condition in the past, the past perfect subjunctive form of verb is used in the consequences clause.

201. a. o: kәr ho:niː t̪e ed̪ er ɑi veә she home be. then here come.PST.SUBJ. ‘If she were at home, she would have come here.’

b. dʒe t̪ũː pәɽjɑːnɑː ho:nɑː t̪e t̪uː ʈʃәngi: if you educated be.SUBJ then you good

nɔ:kri: kәrnɑ vene Job Do be.PST.SUBJ. ‘If you were educated, then you would have been doing a good job.’

c. dʒe mẽ ʊs ni: mɑː ho:niː t̪e mẽ if I his/her mother be. SUBJ. then I

ʊs kiː sәbʊk sɪkʰɑ̃ e him/her lesson teach.PST.SUBJ. ‘If I were his/her mother, I would have taught him a lesson.’

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The verb ho:nɑː ‘be’ in the examples emphasizes the hypothetical nature of the condition and implies that the action is less likely to happen. The past subjunctive form of verb that refers to the past time and thus there is no possibility of realizing the designated condition and the consequence that depends on this condition because they are already in the past. Thus, the condition specified in the if-clause is unreal, unrealizable and contrary to fact.

5.2.3 ADVERBIAL CLAUSES

Adverbial clause functions as modifier of verb phrase or entire clause

(Thompson et al. 2007). In Pahari, adverbial clauses are marked with subordinating conjunctions. The majority of adverbial clauses are sentence-like since they contain finite verb forms. Adverbial clauses in Pahari may follow the main clause. However, as the pragmatic function of adverbial clause is to give background information, they often precede the main clause. The following subsections will discuss the types of adverbial clauses and the structures that are used to express each type.

5.2.3.1 Temporal adverbial

The temporal adverbials answer the question when the action designated in the clause have taken place or will take place. According to Frajzyngier (1996), the function of temporal adverbial clause is to provide temporal reference for the main clause. In Pahari, the temporal reference can either be a general time reference that expresses a ‘when’ type meaning, or specific time reference. In

Pahari different adverbials are used to express relative temporal meanings.

5.2.3.1.1 General time reference

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According to Thompson et al. (2007) general temporal adverbial clauses can be marked with the relative markers cross-linguistically. This strategy is also reported for the South Asian languages (Masica, 1991). This is also the case for general temporal adverbial clauses in Pahari. There are two types of temporal adverbial clauses expressing general time reference in Pahari, namely those introduced by the relative clause time marker dʒɪsle 'the moment or time’ and those marked by dʒed̪ ʊn 'the day'. Temporal adverbial clauses are attested to occupy the pre-subject and post subject positions. The adverbial clause introduced by the relative markers is used to introduce events that occur in sequence either before or after the event expressed in the main clause. Some examples are given below:

202. a. dʒɪsle mẽ ɑʃsɑ̃ː t̪ ʊkiː d̪ әs sɑ̃ː when i come.FUT. you.OBL. tell.FUT. ‘When I will come , I will tell you.’

b. mẽ dʒed̪ ʊn ɑːjɑɪs t̪ ʊkiː pese d̪ e sɑ̃ː I when come.FUT you.OBL.money tell.FUT. When (the day) I will come, I will give you money

In the example (202a) and (202b) the time adverbial clauses are introduced by the adverbial dʒɪsle and dʒed̪ ʊn respectively that indicate a sequence of events.

The time adverbial clauses in both the examples contain finite verbs with tense aspect information.

5.2.3.1.2 Specific Time Reference

The temporal adverbial ‘after’, ‘before’, ‘and now’ express relative temporal meanings in Pahari. Clauses which express the meaning ‘after’ are introduced by the adverbialiser bɑːd̪ ‘after’. It indicates that the action that the verb refers in

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adverbial clause happens after the action of the verb in the matrix clause. It is important to mention that all time adverbial are preceded by the particle /t̪i:/

203. a. mәɽe go:ʃne t̪ i: bɑːd̪ ʊs ro:ttiː kʰɑːd̪ iː my go.PART. after he.ERG. bread eat.PST.M.SG. ‘He took meal after my departure.’

b. bәd̪ ʊl lәɣe t̪ iːbɑːd̪ o: gɪɑ sɑː rain attch.PART. after he went be.PST.M.SG. ‘He went after the rain started.’

The adverbialiser pehlẽ is used to express the meaning ‘before’. It indicates that the action that the verb refers in adverbial clause happens after the action of the verb in the matrix clause.

204. a. ɪs t̪ iːpehlẽ k o: ɑʈʃe mẽ dʒʊlnɑɪs this before that he come.SUBJ. I go.PRES.1.M.SG. Before his arrival, I am going.’

b. o: sәt̪ bәdʒe t̪ iː pehlẽ ʊtʰnɑ̃ː he 7 o’clock before wakeup.IPFV.M.SG. ‘He wakes up before seven o‘Clock.’

5.2.3.2 Manner adverbials

Manner adverbial clauses are introduced by correlative dʒɪst̪ ərɑː ‘the way’/ as’,

ʊst̪ ərɑ ‘/that way’. In order to express manner, the marker dʒɪst̪ ərɑː comes at the start of the first clause and ʊst̪ ərɑ begins the second clause

205. a. dʒɪst̪ әrɑː nɪkɑː hɑsnɑː ʊs t̪ әrɑ hɑs the way child. M.SG. laugh.IPFV.M.SG. that way laugh.IMP. ‘Laugh the way the child laughs.’

b. dʒɪs t̪ әrɑː ɑbbɑː ɑːkʰne ʊs t̪ әrɑː kәr the way father.M.SG. ask.IPFV.M.SG that way do.IMP. ‘Do as father asks to do.’

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Note in the example that in unmarked order, the relative manner clause precedes the correlative manner clause, however for the emphasize purpose this order can be reversed.

206. a. ʊst̪әrɑ hɑs dʒɪs t̪әrɑː nɪkɑː hɑsnɑː like that laugh the way child laugh. IPFV ‘Laugh the way the child laughs.’

B ʊs t̪әrɑː kәr dʒɪs t̪әrɑː ɑbbɑː ɑːkʰne like that Do the way father ask.IPFV. ‘Do as father asks to do.’

5.2.3.3 Purpose Clauses

Stassen (1985) and (Croft 1990) state that a purpose clause encodes a particular relation between different events. This relation is such that one of the linked events is performed with the goal of obtaining the realization of the other one.

Bode (2009) states that cross-linguistically languages can have more than one purpose clauses. The two most common purpose constructions are finite purpose clauses which are typically marked by an overt conjunction, affix or adposition and non-finite purpose clause that make use of deranked verb2 forms.

Pahari has both types of purpose clauses. Finite purpose clause is used when the subject needs to be expressed overtly while the non-finite purpose clause is used when the subject of the main clause and the adverbial clause is same.

5.2.3.3.1 Finite Purpose Clauses

A finite purpose clause is preceded by subordinating conjunctions / t̪ ɑ̃ke/ ‘so that’ with the verb in the imperative form. This is the most common way to

2 A deranked verb form is one that cannot be used in independent declarative clauses. A deranked verb form may lack some or all of the categorical distinctions relevant to verbs in the language (such as tense, aspect, mood or person agreement distinctions (Stassen, 1985).

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express purpose in Pahari. In finite purpose clause, the purpose clause precedes the matrix clause.

207. a. dʒәld̪ iː seʰ t̪ɑ̃ke dʒәldi: ʊtʰẽ early sleep so that early get up ‘Seelp early so that you can get up early.’

b. go:liː hɪn t̪ɑ̃ke bәl vẽ tablet Take so that well be.PRES.SUBJ. ‘Take medicine so that you may get well.’

In this example, the purpose clause is introduced by the conjunction t̪ ɑ̃ke. In both the sentences the purpose clauses state the purpose of the action in the independent clauses.

The subject of Purpose Clause and that of the main clause may remain the same as in the above example or it may change and introduce a new subject as shown in the following example:

208. dʒәld̪ i: go:tʃʰ t̪ɑ̃ke ʈʃɑːʈʃe-ki: mɪli: sekẽ quickly go.IMP. so that uncle.OBL. meet.can.SUBJ. ‘Go quickly so that you may see uncle.’

5.2.3.3.2 Non-finite Purpose Clauses

The non-finite purpose clause involves the use of infinitive in oblique form followed by the postposition /tĩː/ ‘for’. This construction is used where the event within the purpose clause is simultaneous with the event in the matrix clause and when the subject of the main clause and the subordinate clause is the same.

209. a. o: [ɑːtɑː ɑːnd̪ e tĩː] hɑttɪjɑːr gɪɑː he flour bring.INF. for shop.LOC. go.PST.M.SG. ‘He went to the shop to bring flour.’

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b. ʈʃɑːʈʃɑː [mẽ-kiː mɪlne t̪ĩː̃ ] ɑe uncle me meet.INF. for come.PST.M.SG. (HON.) ‘Uncle came to see me.’

Example (209) above provides an instance of a non-finite reason clause. The verbs are in the infinitive form, and are not inflected for person, number and mood. In both the examples the bracketed clauses, embedded in main clauses encode the purpose of the verb gɪɑː ‘went’ and ɑe ‘came’.

5.2.4 CONCESSIVE CLAUSES

A concessive clause renders a concession which conflicts with the proposition in the matrix clause (Thompson et al., 2007). Pahari concessive clauses are marked by the adverb vi: ‘even’. It is followed by the conjunction /t̪ e/. In most of the cases the particle /t̪ e/ ‘then’ follows the adverb /vi:/ as in (210a) but when the adverb /vi:/ is preceded by an object the verb intervenes between the adverb /vi:/ and the conjunction /t̪e/ as given in (210b).

210. a. o: ɑːkʰe viː t̪e mẽ nɑɪs gʊʃnɑː He ask.SUBJ. even then i not.1.M.SG. go.IPFV.M.SG. ‘I won’t go even if he asks.’

b. t̪uː go:ʃt̪ vi: d̪ ẽ t̪e Mẽ nɑɪs kʰɑːnɑː you meat even give.SUBJ. then I not.1.M.SG. eat. IPFV.M.SG. ‘I won’t eat even if you serve me meat.’

5.2.5 RELATIVE CLAUSES

According to Payne (1997) the relative clauses function much like that of any other nominal modifiers, generally to provide additional information about their head NPs. Different languages employ different strategies for relative clause formation. A cross-linguistic typological survey indicates that there are three

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commonly used relativization strategies across the languages; gap strategy, presumptive pronoun strategy and relative pronoun strategy (Keenan & Comrie

1977). Pahari generally prefers the relative correlative constructions, where a demonstrative pronoun /o:/, which also functions as third person pronoun

(discussed in chapter 2) in Pahari, always occurs in correlation with relative pronoun to correlate two clauses. In Pahari, the relative pronoun agrees with the head nouns in number, noun class and case. The relativizers tend to occur in relative clause-initial position. The general pattern for a Pahari relative clause is as follows: (The bracketed constituents in the examples are relative clauses that modify their respective head nouns.)

Relitivizer + Relative Clause + Correlative Pronoun + Main Clause

211. a. dʒeɽɑː [dʒәngʊt̪ pɑːs vɑː] o: kʰɑn d̪ ɑː which.M.SG boy pass happen. he where be.PRES.M.SG. ‘Where is the boy who got passed?’

b. dʒeɽiː [kʊkɽiː mɑ̃nd̪ iː siː] o: mәriː eɪ which.F.SG. hen ill.F.SG. be.PST. that die.PERF. ‘The hen which was ill, has died.’

All the examples contain a relative-correlative pair of words. Secondly, the example shows that unlike English where a relative pronoun typically succeeds its referent the relative pronouns precede their referents in Pahari and it agrees with the head noun in person gender, and number.

5.2.5.1 Position of RCs in a Sentence

Regarding the position of relative clauses in a sentence, Comrie (1989) shows three positions of relative clauses: (i) clause-initial position, (ii) clause-medial

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position, and (iii) clause-final position. Although based on the example of relative clauses from the narratives that were examined, the relative clause commonly appears to precede the correlative clause. However, there are the instances where the relative clause follows the correlative clause as shown in

(212b) and it can also occupy the clause medial position as in (212c)

212. a. [dʒeɽɑː kʊkʊɽ kʰәlt̪ɑnɑː] o: mɑɽɑ d̪ ɑː Which cock.M.SG. stand.IMP.M.SG. that my. be.PRES.M.SG. ‘The cock that is standing is mine.’

b. o: kʊkʊɽ mɑɽɑ d̪ ɑː [dʒeɽɑː kʰәlt̪ɑnɑː] that cock.M.SG. my be.PRES.M.SG. which .M.SG. stand.IMP.M.SG. ‘The cock that is standing is mine.’

c. o: kʊkʊɽ [dʒeɽɑː kʰәlt̪ɑnɑː] mɑɽɑ d̪ ɑː that cock.M.SG. which M.SG. stand.IMP.M.SG my be.PRES.M.SG. ‘The cock that is standing is mine.’

Usually for emphasis purpose, the correlative clause precedes the relative clause in Pahari but the example shows that the order of the relative clause and correlative clause can be reversed.

5.2.5.1.1 The position of the RCs with respect to the head

Pahari does not show restrictions on the position of the relative clause in a structure with respect to the head NP. A Relative clause can be pre-posed, post-posed or extra-posed relative to the head noun.

5.2.5.1.1.1 Pre-posed Relative Clauses

Pre-posed relative clause is the clause that precedes the head NP and the head

NP appears outside the relative clause. Thus, the usual word order in a pre-posed relative clause in Pahari is:

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Relative Clause + Demonstrative Determiner + head+ Main Clause

Sentences in example (210) exemplify prenominal relative clause in Pahari.

213. a. dʒeɽe mẽ ɑːnd̪ e se o: kәpɽe kʰɑːn d̪ e which.M.SG. I bring.PST be.PST. that clothes. where be.PRES . ‘Where are the clothes that I brought?’

b. dʒeɽa.M.SG pәdʒjɑː sɑː o: pɪjɑːlɑː ʊsnɑː sɑː which.M.SG. break.PST be.PST that cup.M.SG his/her be.PST. ‘The cup that was broken was his/hers.’

Sentences (213a) and ( 2013b) are the examples of pre-posed relative clauses.

The head NPs: kəpɽe ‘clothes’ in (213a) and pɪjɑːlɑː ‘cup’ in (213b) occur outside the relative clauses and in both the examples the relative clauses precede head NPs.

5.2.5.1.1.2 Post-Posed Relative Clauses

A Post-posed relative clause immediately follows the head NP. In it, the head

NP occurs outside the relative clause. In Pahari, the usual word order thus is:

determiner + head + relative clause.

Sentences in (214) exemplify post nominal relative clauses in Pahari.

214. a. o: kɔɪjɑː dʒɪs kәt̪ʊl kɪt̪ɑː sɑː nәsɪɑː That Man who.ERG. murderer do.PST be.PST. run.PERF. ‘The man who murdered has run away.’

b. o: lo:k dʒeɽr zed̪ e ʈʃɑː piːne kәm sẽne

that people who.OBL plenty tea drink. IPFV less sleep.IPFV.M.PL. ‘People who drink a lot of tea sleepless.’

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Sentences in (214a) and (214b) are the examples of post-posed relative clauses

as the head NPs kɔɪjɑː ‘man’ in (214a) and lo:k ‘pepole’ in (214b) occur outside

the relative clauses and the relative clauses immediately follow the head NPs.

5.2.5.1.1.3 Extra-posed Relative Clauses

Like post-posed construction, in extra-posed construction the relative clause is

separated from its head NP noun. In this formation, the relative clause occupies

the sentence final position to the right of the VP of the matrix clause as in (215).

215. a. mɑ̃vẽ-nɑ̃ dʒәngʊt̪ әʃnɑː dʒeɽɑː so:d̪ ɪɑ-ɪʈʃ sɑː uncle.GEN Boy come.IPMF.M.SG. who.M.SG. saudia.LOC. be.PAST ‘Uncle’s son, who was in Saudi Arabia, is coming.’

b. o: kʊɽiː kʊn d̪ iː dʒeɽi: ru:ni: that girl who be.PRES.M.SG. who.F.SG. weep.IPM.F.SG. ‘Who is the girl that is weeping?’

5.2.5.1.1.4 Internally headed Relative clauses

According to Payne (1997), in an internally headed construction, the head NP

occurs within the relative clause. Internally headed relative clauses are very

frequent in Pahari corpus. In these clauses, the head NP can be repeated in the

matrix clause and it is preceded by the correlative demonstrative. However,

usually the head NP is deleted and only a correlative demonstrative is used. The

following sentences illustrate the phenomenon:

216. a. [dʒeɽɑː dʒәngʊt̪ әʃnɑː] o: ʈʃәngɑː d̪ ɑː

Which boy.M.SG. come.IPFV.M.SG. that nice be.PRES.M.SG. ‘The boy who is coming is nice.’

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b. [dʒeɽɑː dʒәngʊt̪ әʃnɑː] o: dʒәngʊt̪ ʈʃәngɑː d̪ ɑː Which boy. come.IPFV.M.SG that boy nice be.PRES.M.SG. ‘The boy who is coming is nice.’

c. [dʒeɽiː kʊkɽiː mɑ̃nd̪ iː siː] o: mәriːeɪ which.F.SG. hen ill.F.SG. be.PST. that die.PERF. ‘The hen that was ill has died.’

d. [dʒeɽiː kʊkɽiː mɑ̃nd̪ iː siː] o: kʊkɽiː mәriːeɪ which.F.SG. hen ill.F.SG be.PST. that hen die.PERF. ‘The hen that was ill has died.’

It is also possible to delete the relativized NP from the relative clause and have a copy of the head NP in the main clause as demonstrated in the following example:

217. a. [dʒeɽɑː әʃnɑː] o: dʒәngʊt̪ ʈʃәngɑː d̪ ɑː which come.IPFV.M.SG that boy nice be.PRES.M.SG. ‘The boy who is coming is nice.’

d. [dʒeɽiː mɑ̃nd̪ iː siː] o: kʊkɽiː mәriːeɪ which.F.S. Ill.F.SG. be.PST. that hen die.PERF. The hen that was ill has died.’

5.2.5.2 Relativization of Various NP positions

Different types of finite relative clauses in Pahari can be distinguished based on the role of the relativized NP. Keenan and Comrie (1977) propose the following typological hierarchy of the roles of NPs that can be relativised cross-linguistically.

Subject > Direct Object > Indirect Object > Oblique > Possessor

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Pahari does not show any restriction on the position of relativization. All positions of the above given typological Hierarchy can be relativized in Pahari.

The head noun of a Pahari relative clause can be the subject of the main clause, the object, adjunct or any other argument of the verb. So, any argument of a sentence, including the Ergative, Absolutive, Instrumental, or any other oblique argument, can be the head of a Pahari relative clause. The following section examines the processes of relativization from the perspectives of the different position of NPs in Pahari:

5.2.5.2.1 Subject Relative Clauses

A subject relative clause in Pahari is illustrated below:

218. a. [dʒɪs kʊɽɪɑ mɑɽiː mәd̪ ʊd̪ kɪt̪iː] o: e d̪ i: who.ERG girl my help do.PRES. she this be.PERF.F.SG. ‘This is the girl who helped me.’

b. dʒeɽɑː kʊt̪ɑː po:knɑː sɑː ɔ: mәrɪɑː which Dog Bark be. PST.M.SG. that die.PERF..M.SG. ‘The dog which used to bark has died.’

In the example above the subjects kʊɽɪɑ ‘girl’ and kʊt̪ ɑː ‘dog’ that are the subject of the verbs məd̪ ʊd̪ kɪt̪ iː‘helped’ and po:knɑː ‘to barke’ respectively are relativized. The relative clauses in both the examples are preceded by the relativizors.

5.2.5.2.2 Direct Objects Relative clause

The relativized direct object usually occupies the preverbal position. However the relativized object NP can be placed at the relative clause initial position (as

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in 219 c) in order to indicate focus on the relativized NP. In the example given below, the object NP is relativized.

219. a. mẽ o: d̪ ʊɑɪ kʰɑːd̪ iː [dʒeɽiː t̪ʊsẽ ɑːndi: siː] I That medicine eat.PST. which you.ERG. bring be.PST. ‘I took the medicine that you brought.’

b. [dʒeɽi: kʊɽi: kʊt̪eː kʰɑd̪ i:ː siː] o: tʰi:k d̪ i: who.ACC girl dog eat.PST. be.PST. she right be.PRES ‘The girl who was bitten by the dog is fine.’

c. kʊɽi: [dʒeɽi: kʊt̪eː kʰɑd̪ i:ː siː] o: tʰi:k d̪ i: girl who.ACC. dog eat.PST. be.PST. that right be.PRES ‘The girl who was bitten by the dog is fine.’

5.2.5.2.3 Indirect Objects

In Pahari relative clauses, it is also possible to relativize the indirect object. In the example below, the indirect object ‘kɔɪɑː’ is relativized:

220. a. dʒɪs kɔɪe-kiː tu: pese d̪ ɪt̪e se o: mәrɪɑː whom man.DAT. you money give.PST. be.PST. that died.PERF ‘The man whom you gave money has died.’

5.2.5.2.4 Ergative arguments

The Ergative arguments of transitive verbs are also relativizated in Pahari and in these constructions the relative pronoun like its referent also inflects for ergative case as can be seen in the example:

221. a. dʒeɽɪɑ kʊɽɪɑ kәt̪ɑːv sәtiː o: kʰɑːn d̪ i: who.ERG girl.ERG. book throw.PST she where be.PRES.F.SG. ‘Where is the girl who threw the book?’

b. dʒerɑ kɔɪjɑ tu:ki: bo:lɑnɑː o: bɑːr d̪ ɑː who.ERG man.ERG. you.ACC call.IPFV. he outside be.PRES.M.SG. ‘The man who is calling you is outside.’

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5.2.5.2.5 Instrumental arguments

The following example shows that the NP in instrumental object position can also be relativized in Pahari.

222. a. dʒɪs pәɵre--sәŋg ʊs pɪt̪ pәnjɑː o: bәrɑː sɑː Which ston-INST. he.ERG door break.PST. that big be.PST. ‘The stone with which he broke the door was big.’

b. dʒɪs so:tɪɑ-sәŋg ʊs ped mɑːriː o: pәdʒɪ ɣɑɪ Which stick-INST. he.ERG. sheep beat.PST. that break. be.PST. ‘The stick with which he beat the sheep has broken.’

5.2.5.2.6 Locative case and postpositional arguments

It is also possible to relativize the locative noun phrases:

223. a. dʒɪs dʒәngle-ɪʈʃ әs go:ʃne ho:ne sɪɑ̃n o: kɑ̃nɑ̃ d̪ ɑː That forest.LOC. we go.IPFV. be.HAB. be.PST. that where be.PRES ‘Where is the forest where we used to go?’

b. dʒɪs ɑlmɑːrɪɑ-ɪʈʃ pɑ̃ːnɖe de ʊs-ɪʈʃ dekʰ That cupboard.LOC. pots be.PRES. that-LOC. see.IMP. ‘See in the cupboard that has the pots. ’

5.2.5.2.7 Genitive arguments

Genitive arguments in Pahari are also commonly relativized. In possessive

constructions the possessor commonly follows the possessum. For possessor

relative clauses, the possessor is coded by a possessive pronoun in a relative

clause.

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224. a. dʒɪs dʒәngt̪e-nɑː kʊt̪t̪ɑː nәsɪɑː o: rʊnɑː who boy.GEN. dog run.PERF. that weep.IPFV.M.SG ‘The boy whose dog ran away is weeping.’

b. dʒɪs nɪke -ni: dʒә̃g pәdʒɪni: o: ru:nɑː who child.GEN. leg break.PST. that weep.IPFV. ‘The child whose leg is broken is weeping’

The above examples confirm that the possessors, in possessive constructions in

Pahari can be relativezed. To sum up, from the analysis of relative clauses, it can be concluded that the relative clause allows its modification in all positions of relativization hierarchy proposed by Keenan and Comrie (1977).

5.3 SUMMARY

Pahari exhibits both syndetic and asyndetic coordination. Coordinated constructions are usually formed with coordinating conjunctions in Pahari. In some constructions units of more or less similar type are connected without being coordination in the strict sense. Conjunctive coordination in Pahari expresses different semantic relationships such as addition, disjunction, reason, and result. There are a number of subordinators in Pahari, which indicate the semantic relationship of the subordinate clause to the main clause it belongs to.

Conditional clauses are a particular kind of subordinate clauses and are formed by finite clauses that function as conditions for a second clause. The conditional clause is introduced by using the subordinating conjunctions /dʒe/ at the beginning of the clause. The usually the main clause follows if-clause in conditional sentences yet for the purpose of focus, the conditional and consequential clauses can be reordered.

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Pahari uses relative pronouns for relativization of NPs. the relative clause precedes the main clause and both are overtly marked; the relative clause by a relative pronoun and the main clause by a demonstrative. The relative clause commonly appears to precede the correlative clause. However, the relative clause can also follow the correlative clause. Pahari permits relativization of the noun phrase in all the positions in terms of the Noun Phrase Accessibility

Hierarchy.

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Chapter 6

CONCLUSION

The aim of this work was to study the morphology and the syntax of the Pahari language. This descriptive grammar has been written from a typological perspective and describes the forms and functions of structures starting from words to the sentence level.

This thesis is divided into six chapters. The first chapter presents a detailed description of the sociolinguistic profile of Pahari with special reference to the geographical location, the origin and history and the position of Pahari within the Indo Aryan language family. In addition, the chapter also discusses the available literature in Pahari. It also throws light on different components of this research such as the research objectives, research questions, significance of the research etc.

Chapter two discusses the noun, pronoun and adjective morphology. This chapter exhibits various characteristics related to Pahari nouns i.e. gender, number and case. With few exceptions, almost all nouns in Pahari bear masculine and feminine gender. The animate nouns are marked as masculine or feminine by the masculine and feminine markers /a/: and /i:/ respectively. There is no specific morphological rule for gender marking on inanimate nouns.

Usually powerful, huge, and bigger objects are treated as masculine while the smaller, lighter and weaker objects are considerd feminine.

Pahari nouns like English, Urdu, Hindi, have two numbers; singular and plural.

Unlike Sanskrit and Arabic, Pahari has no category for dual nouns. The

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pluralisation of nouns is related to the gender of the nouns. Masculine nouns ending with / ɑː/ replace /ɑː/ with the marker /e/ for plural while the feminine nouns that end in /i/:, form their plurals with the addition of plural marker /ɑ̃/.

The regular vowel change rule does not affect the nouns ending with consonants or the vowels other than /a:/ and /i:/. There are some nouns that do not have a formal difference between singular and plural. The same form is used for singular as well as the plural objects. In addition to this, the bi-syllabic singular nouns that end in a consonants /l/ and /r/ form their plural by modifying the vowel in second syllable.

Pahari has seven cases including nominative, ergative, dative, accusative, genitive, locative, and Instrumental. Except for the nominative which does not take an overt case marker in Pahari, as it is found in all other Indo Aryan

Language, all the other cases receive morphological marking on nouns. Ergative marker is predictable to appear on the agents of transitive verbs in past tense and perfective aspect. Beside morphologically split, ergativity in Pahari is related to some phonological aspects too.This pehomenon can not be seen in its sister languages. The ergative marker /e/, /ɑː/, /ɪɑ̃n/ appear only on those nouns that end in consonants. The nouns ending in a vowel do not take an overt ergative marker in Pahari. Vowel ending nouns are covertly marked for ergative case with the exception of third person singular nouns ending with /i:/ that also takes ergative marker. This demonstrates that ergative case marking in Pahari is different from other South Asian languages. Both the animate and inanimate direct objects in Pahari are accusative marked. The study further proposes that the experiencer subjects and indirect objects in Pahari are marked with the

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dative case. The patient or the object receives agreement with the verb when the subject is case marked. In instrumental case inanimate nouns are marked with case marker, /sʌ̃ng/. Only inanimate nouns take instrumental case marker and they are typically used with some actor or agent as an aid to accomplish some task.

Pahari lacks a definite article. Generally, the numeral /ek / acts as a definite article. Demonstratives are also used when the speaker needs to stress the identification of a referent.

Adjectives in Pahari can be categorized as inflected and non-inflected. Inflected

Adjectives are marked, through terminations, for the gender, number and case of the nouns they qualify. Whereas, the non-inflected adjectives do not show gender, number and case agreement. Apart from the regular inflected and uninflected adjectives, a great number of adjectives are derived by adding suffixes to nouns, verbs, and other adjectives. The suffixes /ənɑː/, /əlɑː/ and

/dʒɪɑ/ are used to derive adjectives from nouns, adjectives, verbs and pronouns respectively. Adjectives can be used either attributively or predicatively. The attributive Adjectives precede the nouns to which they modify. Syntactically adjectives incline to function as predicates in copular clause or as modifier in the noun phrase. The comparative and superlative degrees of adjectives are formed by suffixing the comparative marker kɔlɑː ‘from/then’ and superlative marker sɑrɪɑ̃ kɔ:lɑː ‘than all’ respectively.

Pahari has two personal pronouns; mẽ ‘I’, t̪ ũ: ‘you’. There is no third person pronoun in Pahari and the demonstratives in Pahari functions as third person

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either animate or inanimate. Pahari indicates possession for first and second person pronouns in two ways. Firstly, Pahari has possessive pronouns for the first person and the second person. Secondly, the possessive pronouns for first person plural and second person can also be morphologically indicated by the genitive postposition /nɑː/ following first and second person pronouns in oblique forms. There are no possessive pronouns for third person. The possessive pronouns for third persons in Pahari are indicated by the genitive postposition /nɑː/ following the personal pronouns in oblique forms. The language has a set of interrogative pronouns that begin with k-words. These pronouns, like in other South Asian languages, ask questions about a person, place, and time. Pahari has only one relative pronoun /jәɽɑː/ that inflects for number, gender and case. Demonstrative pronouns are formed by the determiners /e/ ‘this’ (proximate) and /o:/ ‘that’ (distal). Pahari makes use of reflexive pronouns /әpʊn/ and’ /api:/ with meaning ‘him/ herself’ and a compound reflexive pronoun /әpne ɑːpe/ ‘himself, herself, itself’. The reflexive pronoun /әpʊn/ and /api:/ have no inflected forms. There are two indefinite pronouns in Pahari /kɔɪ/ ‘someone, somebody’ and /ki:/ ‘something’.

Chapter three has discussed the Pahari verbs and adverb morphology. Most of the verbal roots in Pahari are intransitive. A great number of transitive verbs are derived from the intransitive verb root through vowel modification and affixation processes. In Pahari, the monosyllabic verb roots ending in /l/, /r/, and

/ɽ/ having /ә/ as peak are transitivised through the vowel gradation process.

Another set of transitive verbs is derived from the intransitive roots by adding the suffix /ɑ:/ to the root.

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Pahari exhibits the phenomenon of derivational or morphological causatives with two subclasses; direct causative and indirect causative. Pahari indicates causation with the help of suffixation and vowel modification. A similar situation is found in other sister languages such as Hindi (Mohanan 1994a),

Urdu (Butt and King 2003) and Kohistani (Baart, 1991). The root of a majority of the direct causative can be formed by adding the suffix /ɑː/ with intransitive verb root. The derivation of some of the direct causative verbs involves the vowel alternation. The /l/ and /r/ ending monosyllabic intransitive verb roots having /ʊ/ as peak derive their causatives by replacing /ʊ/ with /ɔ:/ in the derived causative root. The formation of indirect causative from intransitive verbal roots is a two-step process. First the direct causatives are formed from the intransitive verbal root and then the indirect causative verbs are formed from the direct causative verbal roots simply by adding the suffix /ɑː/.

Conjunct verbs in Pahari are formed by combining a noun or an adjective with a verb. The verbs such as kərnɑː ‘to do’, lɑːnɑː ‘to attach’, bənɑnɑ ‘to make’, and

əʃnɑː ‘to come’ are the most frequently used verbs in conjunct verbal constructions in Pahari.

There are three types of participles in Pahari; conjunctive, perfective and imperfective. These participles function as adverbs and adjectives. The conjunctive participle is formed with the past form of verb plus the conjunction

/t̪e/ ‘and’. It frequently functions as an adverb and used in linked sentences in which two verbs having the same subject express an action happening before the other. Imperfective participles in Pahari can be used to modify nominal word in

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a sentence. They can be used as adjectives and adverbs. The suffixes /ɑ:/,

/i:/, /e/ and /ɪɑ̃/ are added to the verbal stem to form a perfective participle.

These suffix mark number and gender agreement with the noun. Infinitives are formed by adding the infinitive suffix /nɑː/ to a verb root. The infinitive is usually used in the masculine singular form. However, masculine plural and the feminine forms are used with the model /ʈʃɑɪnɑː/ ‘should’.

Aspects in Pahari can be divided into two types: perfective aspect and imperfective aspect. In Pahari, suffix /na/, /ni/, /ne/ and /nian/ on verb commonly encode the imperfective aspect. The perfective aspect is coded by light verbs in complex predicates. Moods in Pahari can be divided into five types: imperative mood, presumptive mood, subjunctive mood and indicative mood.

Adverbs in Pahari may be divided into: adverbs of manner, temporal adverbs, place adverbs, degree adverbs and frequency adverbs. The analysis of adverbs morphology exhibits that Pahari distinguishes between pure and derived adverbs. The pure adverbs form a very small class of adverbs in Pahari. As far as derived adverbs are concerned, Pahari has three derivation processes, namely suffixation compounding and reduplication. Manner adverbs in Pahari are derived from the verbs by suffixing the adverbial marker /t̪ e/ while from nouns it takes the marker /səŋg/. Along with this a large set of manner adverbs is formed by adding the postposition t̪ ərɑː ‘like’ to the inflectional stem of an adjective.

Pahari clearly has a small number of core non-derived temporal adverbs.

A limited number of adverbs are formed by adding the objective demonstrative pronouns /ʊs/ ‘that’ and /es/ ‘this’ to oblique forms of noun. In addition, some

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adverbs that refer to the parts of the day are also derived through the adjunction of the suffix /le/ to an oblique form of noun. After discussing the morphological features of Pahari the study concludes that the generally Pahari morphology follows the basic Indo-Aryan patterns to a greater extent.

After this groundwork, this work stepped up towards clauses level features in

Chapter four and five. Chapter four focuses on the syntax of simple clauses. This chapter discusses the word order typology and syntax of simple structures in

Pahari. Under the syntax of simple structures, the chapter discusses different types of sentences namely; declarative sentences, imperative sentences, interrogative sentences, and negative sentences.

Pahari like other sister languages is a free word order language. The canonical order is SVO yet Pahari allows various possibilities of words order for pragmatic functions because of rich case and agreement system. A simple declarative clause is made up of one independent clause with only one predicate. A simple clause consists of a noun phrase and verb phrase. In a neutral declarative clause normally all arguments precede the verb. Imperative clauses in Pahari are formed with imperative verb forms that are restricted to referr to the second person, and only distinguish between singular and plural.

Pahari interrogatives can be divided into two types: polar interrogative and non- polar interrogatives. The structure of the polar questions and content questions in Pahari resembles with the question structures of its sister languages. Yes/no questions in Pahari are marked with clause-final rising and sharply falling intonation. Like most of the South Asian languages, the interrogative pronoun

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in content questions falls immediately to the left of the verb. However, displacement of interrogative pronouns is possible that permits the interrogative pronoun to immediately come to the left of the main verb.

There are two negative markers in Pahari /nei/ and /nɑ̃/. The marker /nei/, inflects for gender, person and number and is used to negate affirmative sentences. It displays variation in inflection depending upon the aspects. It inflects in imperfective aspect while it does not show inflection in perfective aspects. This feature of Pahari distinguishes it from other regional languages like

Hindi Urdu, Punjabi, where the sentential negative marker does not inflect. The second negative marker /nɑ̃/ is cognate with the Hindi-Urdu negative marker mət̪

‘do not’. This is used to negate imperative sentences.

Chapter five discusses the syntax of complex structures in Pahari including complement clauses, adverbial clauses, conditional clauses and relative clauses.

Adverb clauses in Pahari are divided into three types, viz. temporal adverbial clause, manner adverbial clause, concessive clauses and causal and effect adverbial clause. They are overtly marked with the subordinate conjunctions.

The embedded clause can either precede the main clause or follow the main clause. In temporal clauses, the adverbial clause marked by the pronominal adverbs dʒɪsle ‘ when' and dʒed̪ u:n 'when' preceding the main clause.

Concessive clauses can be marked with the subordinating conjunction vi

‘even if’.

In Pahari conditional construction, the protasis is marked with the conditional conjunctive /dʒe/ ‘if’, and the apodosis is marked with the correlative /t̪ e/ 'then'

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where the conditional conjunctive /dʒe/ is optional. Pahari exhibits three types of conditional clauses that show different tense and mood combinations.

The relative clauses in Pahari are marked with the relative pronoun /dʒeɽɑː/. The relative pronoun functions as the relativiser, and it agrees with the head NP in number, gender and case. The relativiser inclines to occur in relative clause- initial position. It is possible in Pahari to relativise the subject, the direct object, the indirect object, and the modifying possessor. Relative clauses in Pahari are mostly post-headed. Pre-headed clauses were seldom found in the data.

However, the constituent order between a relative clause and relativized NP can be adjusted for topicalization.

Chapter six of the thesis summarizes the findings and also gives some future implications of this study.

Writing the grammatical description of a language feels like knitting an infinite sweater so a grammar of any language is inevitable to be incomplete, and this work is no exception. The aim of this work was to provide a synchronic description of Pahari, a previously un-described language. Though the researcher endeavoured to go into as many details as she could, it was impossible for this work to cover every aspect of the language. The study has not dealt with the non-segmental processes during morphological processes in

Pahari; therefore a systematic and detailed study on tonal processes during morphological processes can furnish more insight into the morphology of the language.

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The limitation of this study described earlier can be investigated in future.

Besides, a study from sociolinguistics perspective might be significant. A comparative study of the Pahari dialectical differences is also needed. Such study would not only help to find the difference between Pahari dialects but it will also help to discover the genetic relationship between them. Moreover, it was found during the course of this study that the Poonchi dialect itself appeared to have many dialectical differences across different villages and sub-divisions. A systematic study on the Pahari dialectical differences might be significant for the linguists to track the traces of language variation with the perspective of geographical linguistics.

It is only a preliminary grammatical description of Pahari, a living but extremely endangered language. It can be viewd as the tip of iceberg in terms of the research done on Pahari. It is just the start of the studies on Pahari. It is hoped that this study will function as a catalyst for new and valuable studies on

Pahari grammar, as there is a Chinese saying: Throw a brick in the air and it comes down as a piece of jade.

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