Background- Chile1 Chile Is a Prosperous South American Country
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Verrat in Den Eigenen Reihen?
Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen RLK 11 Katharina E. Schefner Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als Kritik an der chilenischen Linken im Kalten Krieg 11 Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen hrsg. von Dina De Rentiis, Kai Nonnenmacher und Enrique Rodrigues-Moura Band 11 2020 Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als Kritik an der chilenischen Linken im Kalten Krieg Katharina E. Schefner 2020 Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Informationen sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de/ abrufbar. Diese Arbeit hat der Fakultät Geistes- und Kulturwissenschaften der Otto-Fried- rich-Universität Bamberg unter dem Titel »Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als eine (unmögliche) diferenzierte Kritik an der chileni- schen Linken im Kalten Krieg« als Dissertation vorgelegen. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Enrique Rodrigues-Moura Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Kai Nonnenmacher Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 07.11.2018 Diese Forschungsarbeit entstand innerhalb des von Prof. Dr. Enrique Rodrigues- Moura geleiteten Projekts »Schmerz und Empathie nach den Iberoromanischen Diktaturen: Narrationen, Filme und andere Kunstformen« an der Professur für Romanische Literatur/Hispanistik der Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg. Dieses Werk ist als freie Onlineversion über das Forschungs- informationssystem (FIS; https://fis.uni-bamberg.de) der Universität Bamberg erreichbar. Das Werk – ausgenommen Cover und Zitate – steht unter der CC-Lizenz CC-BY. Lizenzvertrag: Creative Commons Namensnennung 4.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0. Herstellung und Druck: Digital Print Group, Nürnberg Umschlaggestaltung: University of Bamberg Press Umschlagbild: Typoskript von A partir del fn von Hernán Valdés (ca. -
Chile: Phase 1 Review of Implementation of the Convention and 1997 Recommendation
DIRECTORATE FOR FINANCIAL AND ENTERPRISE AFFAIRS CHILE: PHASE 1 REVIEW OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONVENTION AND 1997 RECOMMENDATION This report was approved and adopted by the Working Group on Bribery in International Business Transactions on 24 August 2004. CHILE REVIEW OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONVENTION AND 1997 RECOMMENDATION A. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONVENTION Formal Issues 1. Chile signed the Convention on December 17, 1997 and deposited its instrument of ratification with the OECD Secretary-General on April 18, 2001. The Convention entered into force for Chile internationally on June 18, 2001 pursuant to article 15.2 of the Convention. Nevertheless, the Convention had legal effect domestically from January 30, 2002, the date its implementing legislation, Executive Decree No. 496, was published in the Official Gazette. 2. Although the Convention prevails over domestic law in Chile, it has no direct effect on the domestic legal system and a law is needed for its implementation. Consequently, on September 30, 2002, the implementing legislation was promulgated in the form of Law No. 19,829. This Law entered into force on October 8, 2002. Thus, during the sixteen months between the entry into force of the Convention and the entry into force of Chile’s implementing legislation, the Convention would appear to have had no practical legal effect in Chile. Convention as a Whole 3. To comply with the requirements of the Convention as well as to implement Chile’s national policy to combat corruption, Law No. 19,829 amended the Chilean Criminal Code by adding article 250 bis A which penalises the bribery of a foreign public official in international business transactions and by adding article 250 bis B which defines a “foreign public official”. -
Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy. -
Algunos Responsables De La Represión En Chile. Juan
Algunos responsables de de la represión en Chile Juan Montecino. Estas 38 personas son requeridas por delitos de genocidio, terrorismo, torturas y detención ilegal seguida de desaparición. Ante la gravedad de las imputaciones, los querellantes piden al juez que se decrete prisión provisional sin fianza y se dicte, a través de Interpol, una orden internacional de busca y captura en contra de las personas nombradas en la lista. Sergio Arredondo González: Teniente coronel del Ejército chileno en 1973. Formó parte de la "Caravana de la Muerte," comitiva militar que en octubre de 1973 viajó en helicóptero a Los Cauquenes, La Serena, Copiapó, Antofagasta y Calama, donde dio muerte a 72 presos políticos. Detenido unos días en los EE.UU. en agosto de 1987, tras una petición de familiares de ejecutados políticos. Entre 1976 y 1978 fue agregado militar en Brasil. Según la investigación de la periodista Patricia Verdugo, Arredondo habría sido el encargado de la DINA-Brasil y hombre importante en el aparato exterior de la DINA. Compañero de curso de Manuel Contreras. Sergio Arellano Stark: General del Ejército en 1973 de tendencia politica DC . Comandó la "Caravana de la Muerte" que ejecutó a 72 presos políticos en el norte de Chile. Eugenio Ruiz Tagle Orrego y primo del Presidente Frei Ruiz Tagle , gerente de Inacesa en Antofagasta hasta el golpe militar, fue una de las 72 víctimas de la comitiva comandada por Arellano Stark. El 21 de octubre, la madre de Ruiz Tagle Orrego vio el cadáver de su hijo en el ataúd:"Le faltaba un ojo, el izquierdo. -
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
UNITED NATIONS CERD International Convention on Distr. GENERAL the Elimination CERD/C/SR.1347 of all Forms of 17 August 1999 Racial Discrimination Original: ENGLISH COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION Fifty•fifth session SUMMARY RECORD OF THE 1347th MEETING Held at the Palais des Nations, Geneva, on Wednesday, 11 August 1999, at 10 a.m. Chairman: Mr. ABOUL•NASR later: Mr. YUTZIS later: Mr. ABOUL•NASR CONTENTS CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS, COMMENTS AND INFORMATION SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION (continued) Eleventh to fourteenth periodic reports of Chile (continued) This record is subject to correction. Corrections should be submitted in one of the working languages. They should be set forth in a memorandum and also incorporated in a copy of the record. They should be sent within one week of the date of this document to the Official Records Editing Section, room E.4108, Palais des Nations, Geneva. Any corrections to the records of the public meetings of the Committee at this session will be consolidated in a single corrigendum to be issued shortly after the end of the session. GE.99•43795 (E) CERD/C/SR.1347 page 2 The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m. CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS, COMMENTS AND INFORMATION SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION (agenda item 4) (continued) Eleventh to fourteenth periodic reports of Chile (continued) (CERD/C/337/Add.2; HRI/CORE/1/Add.103) 1. At the invitation of the Chairman, the members of the delegation of Chile resumed their places at the Committee table. -
The Destiny of the Biobío River
WORKING PAPER SERIES 1 Ingeborg Nordbø The Destiny of the Biobío River - Hydro Development at Any Cost - ÑUKE MAPUFÖRLAGET Ñuke Mapuförlaget Editor General: Jorge Calbucura Diseño Gráfico: Susana Gentil Ebook producción - 2001 ISBN 91-89629-00-0 The Destiny of the Biobío River - Hydro Development at Any Cost - Ingeborg Nordbø School for Postgraduate Interdisciplinary Research on Interculturalism and Transnationality Aalborg University ISBN 91-89629-00-0 ÑUKE MAPUFÖRLAGET Introduction The Mapuche people are the largest ethnic group in Chile and constitute approximately 10% (more than 1 million) of the Chilean population. Pehuenches, people of the pehuen tree (araucaria) area, is a branch of the Mapuche people, who live in the Andes and alongside the Biobío River (Hernandez 1998:8,22). Home to numerous unique plant and animal species, the natural environment connected to the Biobío River is quite fragile, and several species are dependent upon the river for their survival. In 1990, the newly elected Chilean government approved plans for hydro development on the Biobío River by ENDESA, a Chilean private energy and resource-development corporation. Implementing this project would require invoking the National Energy Law (decreed during Pinochet’s regime in 1982) to privatize Pehuenche reservation land. ENDESA asked the World Bank Group to provide funding for state-sanctioned, private development of six hydroelectric dams. The World Bank Group funds such private-sector development projects through its subsidiary, the International Finance Corporation (IFC). In December 1992 IFC board approved the decision to invest in the Pangue Dam project, and in October 1993 the IFC and ENDESA signed an investment agreement providing a US$170 million loan to ENDESA to construct the Pangue dam, in return IFC got a 2,5% equity interest in Pangue S.A., the ENDESA subsidiary that built and operates Pangue (Johnston and Turner 1998: 6). -
The Voices of the Disappeared: Politicide in Argentina and Chile
THE VOICES OF THE DISAPPEARED: POLITICIDE IN ARGENTINA AND CHILE A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Evin Hessel December, 2019 i ii ii Thesis written by Evin Hessel Approved by _____________________________________________________________________, Advisor ________________________________________, Chair, Department of Anthropology Accepted by ___________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………...…….....iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………….vi CHAPTERS I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...………1 i. Chile……………………………………………………...………..2 ii. Argentina…………………………………………………………..6 iii. Genocide or Politicide?..................................................................10 iv. Morality…………………………………………………………..12 II. THE ABDUCTED………………………………………………………….…....16 i. Secret Detention Centers……………………..…………….…….19 III. TORTURE……………………………………………………………………….24 i. Medical Involvement…………………………………………….28 ii. Anti-Semitism…………………………………………...……….30 IV. EXECUTION ……………………………………………………………………32 V. DISPOSAL………………………………………………………………………39 i. Mass Graves……………………………………………………...41 ii. Death Flights……………………………………………………..44 iii. Other Methods…………………………………………...………45 VI. THE AFTERMATH……………………………………………………………..48 i. The Fall of Pinochet……………………………………………..48 ii. Videla Steps Down………………………………………………51 iii. Excavations………………………………………………………53 VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………..56 i. Politicide -
Deaths and Disappearances in the Pinochet Regime: a New Dataset∗
Deaths and Disappearances in the Pinochet Regime: A New Dataset∗ Danilo Freire† John Meadowcroft‡ David Skarbek§ Eugenia Guerrero¶ 30 May 2019 Abstract This article presents a georeferenced dataset on human rights violations in the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile. We coded the personal details of 2,398 victims named in the Chilean Truth Commission Report and added geographical coordinates for all identiable atrocity locations. The dataset comprises 59 variables from 1973 to 1990 and is available as a stand-alone spreadsheet or as the pinochet package for R. As examples, we describe the major temporal and spatial patterns of the human rights abuses. We also discuss our coding procedures, show descriptive statistics, and conclude with suggestions for potential applications of the dataset. Keywords: Chile, georeferenced event data, human rights, Pinochet, truth commission ∗We thank Umberto Mignozzetti, Lucas Mingardi and Robert Myles McDonnell for their helpful comments. Replication materials and R source code are available at http://github.com/danilofreire/pinochet. †Postdoctoral Research Fellow, the Political Theory Project, Brown University, 8 Fones Alley, Providence, RI 02912, [email protected], http://danilofreire.github.io. Corresponding author. ‡Senior Lecturer in Public Policy, Department of Political Economy, King’s College London, [email protected], http://johnmeadowcroft.net. §Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and the Political Theory Project, Brown University, [email protected], http://davidskarbek.com. ¶Software Developer, Attest, UK. 1 1 Introduction On 11 September 1973, General Augusto Pinochet led a coup against Chile’s socialist President Salvador Allende. The coup marked the beginning of a seventeen-year military dictatorship which combined rapid economic liberalisation with large-scale political repression (Valdés 1995). -
Centros De Detencion, Prision Politica Y Tortura. Vii Region
CHILE 1973 - 1990: CENTROS DE DETENCION, PRISION POLITICA Y TORTURA. VII REGION VII Región - MAULE Antigua Biblioteca de Talca (VII Región) Cárcel de Cauquenes (VII Región) Cárcel de Chanco (VII Región) Cárcel de Constitución (VII Región) Cárcel de Curicó (Curicó; VII Región) Cárcel de Linares (Linares; VII Región) Cárcel de Molina (VII Región) Cárcel de Parral (Parral; VII Región) Cárcel de San Javier (VII Región) Cárcel de Talca (Talca; VII Región) Casa de Parral, Carrera Pinto No 262 (VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Constitución; VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Curicó; VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Linares; VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Talca; VII Región) Casa en Camino a Los Niches (VII Región) Colonia Dignidad (Parral; VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 1, Constitución (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 1, Linares (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 3, Talca (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 4, Talca (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros "Armando Alarcón del Canto" (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Cauquenes (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Chanco (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Curepto (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Curicó (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Licantén (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Linares (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Molina (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Panimávida (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Parral (Parral; VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Romeral (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Sagrada Familia (VII Región) -
The Failed Coup in Politically Polarized Venezuela Was the Most Dramatic
AMERICAS OVERVIEW he failed coup in politically polarized Venezuela was the most dramatic Tsign of problems that were increasingly apparent across Latin America and the Caribbean: the fragility of electoral democracy and the weakness of the rule of law. Even though, with the glaring exception of Cuba, the formal trappings of dem- ocracy were in place throughout the region, voters seemed to be losing confidence in the ability of elected governments to cope effectively with the challenges of the day. With poverty and inequality on the rise, widespread popular disenchantment with the region’s shallow democracies raised serious concern. Argentina was another extreme case, with three presidents shuffling through the office during a single ten-day period in December 2001, a crisis provoked by the country’s near-total economic collapse. Haiti, whose government’s democratic cre- dentials were already subject to question, saw increasing political turmoil. Street protests and rioting erupted in both countries, as well as in Venezuela, Paraguay, and Bolivia. The violence and brutality of the police response to such incidents brought deserved attention to the deeply ingrained failings of the region’s criminal justice systems. Unable to bring prosperity to the electorate, some political leaders seemed all too capable of securing financial benefits for themselves. In certain cases, as a com- mentator observed with regard to Argentina, government officials treated public money as “the spoils of war.” For all the talk of anti-corruption efforts, little con- crete progress was made in stemming the practice. And it was official corruption that—perhaps more than any other single factor—eroded public trust in govern- ment. -
9789566095170.Pdf
1 2 Un protagonismo recobrado: la Democracia Cristiana chilena y sus vínculos internacionales (1973-1990) 3 4 Un protagonismo recobrado: la Democracia Cristiana chilena y sus vínculos internacionales (1973-1990) Olga Ulianova, Alessandro Santoni, Raffaele Nocera 5 Un protagonismo recobrado: la Democracia Cristiana chilena y sus vínculos internacionales (1973-1990) Olga Ulianova, Alessandro Santoni, Raffaele Nocera ISBN: 978-956-6095-17-0 Santiago de Chile, junio 2021 Primera edición https://doi.org/10.26448/ae9789566095170.3 Fotografía de portada: propiedad de Casa Museo Eduardo Frei Montalva, entidad a la que agradecemos la deferencia Diseño portada: Matías Villa Gestión editorial: Ariadna Ediciones http://ariadnaediciones.cl/ Obra bajo Licencia Creative Commons Atribución by Este libro cuenta con el auspicio del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Santiago de Chile 6 Índice Agradecimientos………………...………………………....………9 Prólogo……………………………………………………………11 Introducción…...…………………………………………………13 Capítulo I Los años del aislamiento, 1973-75 El Partido Demócrata Cristiano después del golpe…………………25 Las tensiones con la DC italiana y la UMDC……………………….27 La posición de la CDU alemana……………………………………39 Estados Unidos, la financiación al PDC y la gira a Europa…………46 Un partido dividido. La acción del ala disidente…………………….51 Capítulo II El giro hacia la oposición, 1975-77 El PDC bajo la represión………...…………………………………57 La reanudación de las relaciones con la DC italiana….……………...59 La batalla por los Derechos Humanos y la relación con EE.UU……64 -
The Assassin Next Door © 1999 New Times Inc
The Assassin Next Door © 1999 New Times Inc. All rights reserved. November 18 - 24, 1999 Chile's infamous undercover operative Armando Fernandez Larios has lived a quiet life in Miami. But his past is about to catch up with him. By Douglas Grant Mine URL: http://www.miaminewtimes.com/issues/1999-11-18/feature.html After more than a decade of suburban, middle-class existence in a Kendall condominium, Armando Fernandez Larios has lately felt obliged to resume his secret-agent ways. The former undercover operative for Chile's National Intelligence Directorate in the bloody postcoup years of the mid-Seventies does not live where he says he lives, and the corporation he set up to provide himself an occupation does nothing at all. His home telephone number does not ring at his house but relays calls to a cell phone. Answering that phone, a man with a Chilean accent responds to the salutation, "Señor Fernandez?" by asking who is calling, then invariably saying that Señor Fernandez is out of town. His Miami lawyer says Fernandez works at an auto-body repair shop, though he won't name the establishment. If it's true he is in the business of repairing damaged automobiles, and if you believe life finds winding ways to exhibit an odd sort of congruence, such a thing would credit your hypothesis. For 23 years ago Armando Fernandez Larios helped blow up a car, a sky-blue Chevrolet Chevelle, as it drove through traffic a few blocks from the White House in Washington, D.C., in the only assassination of a foreign diplomat ever to take place on U.S.