volume vi issue 1 2020 Latin America's Latin Germany in Global Cold War

I m p r e s u Global histories: a student journal Volume 6, Issue 1 (2020) ISSN: 2366-780X

EDITOR

Alina Rodríguez

EDITORIAL BOARD

David A. Bell Joseph Biggerstaff Jack Clarke Diego Dannemiller Ruby Guyot Natasha Klimenko Sam Plumb Kian J. Riedel Joshua Rossetti Billy Sawyers Simone Steadman-Gantous

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 i PUBLISHER INFORMATION SCOPE AND PURPOSE

I m p r e s u Founded in 2015 by students of the In response to the increasing interest M.A. program Global History at Freie in the ‘global’ as a field of inquiry, Uni- versität Berlin and Humboldt- a perspective, and an approach, Universität zu Berlin, Global Histories Global Histories: a Student Journal is a Berlin based bi-annual journal aims to offer a platform for debate, published in association with the discussion, and intellectual exchange Freie Universität Berlin. for a new generation of scholars with diverse research interests. Global Freie Universität Berlin history can provide an opportunity to Global Histories: A Student move beyond disciplinary boundaries Journal Friedrich-Meinecke-Institut and methodological centrisms, both Koserstraße 20 in time and space. As students of 14195 Berlin global history at Freie Universität Berlin and Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, our interest lies not in SPONSORS prescribing what global history is and what it is not, but to encourage This journal project is realized collaboration, cooperation, and with generous support from Freie discourse among students seeking to Universität Berlin, specifically from explore new intellectual frontiers. the Center for Global History of the Friedrich-Meinecke- Institut, the OJS e-publishing project at CeDiS, and COPYRIGHT AND PUBLICATION the ZEDAT hostmaster team. DATES

All material is published under the PUBLICATION FREQUENCY Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Interna- tional copyright license. The journal is published twice yearly This issue was published in in spring and autumn. Please see the December 2020. website for further details.

ii Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 I m p r e s u PEER REVIEW STATUS AND ETHICS

This journal provides immediate open access to its content on the principle that making research freely available to the public supports a greater global exchange of knowledge. All articles which appear in this issue, with the exception of editorial content, were subject to peer review.

CONTACT INFORMATION

For librarians to submit information or questions about the bibliographic history and publication title, please contact the editor at: admin@ globalhistories.com.

For more information, please consult our website www.globalhistories.com or email [email protected]

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 iii 1 EDITORIAL LETTER

3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

5 INTRODUCTION

8 i Colombia MAPPING THE GLOBAL COLD WAR: THE UNFOLDING OF BROT FÜR DIE WELT PROJECT NO. 2746 IN COLOMBIA, 1977-1984 by Markus Buderath, Vera Dickhoff Con-and Carl Magnus Michel 28 ii Nicaragua COMRADES OR PUPILS? THE POLITICO- CULTURAL COOPERATION BETWEEN GDR AND POST-REVOLUTIONARY NICARAGUA (1979–1989) by Janaina Ferreira dos Santos and Marie Holthaus

48 iii Cuba THE CONSTRUCTION OF SOLIDARITY IN PUBLIC SPACES BETWEEN GERMANY AND CUBA BEFORE AND AFTER GERMAN REUNIFICATION by Johanna Habel and Anairis Díaz Maceo iv Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 tents 72 iv Chile SOLIDARITY OR SYSTEM STABILIZATION? CHILEAN EXILE IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC (GDR) – AN ANALYSIS OF THE MEDIA COVERAGE OF NEUES DEUTSCHLAND by Georg Sturm and David Kristen

90 v Paraguay THIRD WORLD INTERVENTION IN THE GLOBAL COLD WAR: THE GERMAN FEDERAL REPUBLIC IN PARAGUAY Con- by Vincent Kammer and Carla Venneri

tentsGlobal Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 v

Dear reader,

Although we usually work with articles and pieces that engage with the different approaches to global history, regardless of their regional or temporal focus, this issue of Global histories deals specifically with the connections between Latin America and Germany during the Global Cold War. Students from the Latin American Institute of the Freie Universität Berlin produced the five articles in this issue, and the Global histories editorial team is now glad to publish it and continue with this student- run initiative. We hope you enjoy it.

- Alina Rodríguez (on behalf of the Global histories editorial team)

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 1

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to thank Prof. Dr. Markus-Michael Müller from the Lateinamerika Institut for approaching us and proposing this collaboration. We are especially grateful to the authors published in this edition with whom we have had an extensive and fruitful collaboration throughout the production of this journal: Markus Buderath, Vera Dickhoff, Carl Magnus Michel, Janaina Ferreira dos Santos, Marie Lena Holthaus, Anairis Díaz Maceo, Johanna Habel, David Kristen, Georg Sturm, Vincent Kammer and Carla Venneri.

We would also like to acknowledge the dedicated work of the editorial board, this journal could not be realized without their committed contributions: David A. Bell, Joseph Biggerstaff, Jack Clarke, Diego Dannemiller, Ruby Guyot, Natasha Klimenko, Sam Plumb, Kian J. Riedel, Billy Sawyers and Simone Steadman- Gantous.

Finally, we are grateful for the continued support and assistance for this project by the Freie Universität Berlin, particularly the Global History faculty, chaired by Prof. Dr. Sebastian Conrad, and the Online Journal Systems team at CeDiS.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 3

I n t r o d u c i this ideological, military and cultural INTRODUCTION conflict. To this end, all five articles of this edition are taking a closer look Looking back half a century at the relationships between state in history reveals a string of events and non-state actors in the GDR considered decisive for the era (German Democratic Republic), the commonly referred to as the Cold FRG (Federal Republic of Germany) War. Developments such as the and Latin American countries. military coups in Chile and Argentina, Common ground for the studies is the Nicaraguan Revolution or the this relational approach, which draws Guatemalan Civil War are usually attention to the complex dynamics contextualized within this discussion, between all actors involved. The while simultaneously proving that this starting point for the research period of time was by no means a was Berlin, a place of particular peaceful one. importance during these decades, Traditionally, historical and and the Latin American Institute of political academic research has the Free University of Berlin, which, focused on the dualism of the two having been founded in the context superpowers, with Europe as the of the Cold War, celebrates its 50th epicenter of conflict. This special anniversary this year. Furthermore, edition, however, follows the more the articles of this issue all emphasize recent approach of categorizing the political and cultural forces with Cold War as a global phenomenon discussions of power relations and with a special focus on the “third importance of ideological aspects. world.” Crucial for this perspective The first article by Vera is the work of Odd Arne Westad, Dickhoff, Markus Buderath and Carl especially his 2005 volume The Magnus Michel makes the case Global Cold War.1,2 By focusing on the for a novel analytical approach dynamics in and between countries to understanding Cold War at the periphery of the traditional phenomena. On the basis of an bipolar system and its arena, one can actor-relationship analysis of project- begin to appreciate the complexity of based development aid financed by the West German organization Brot für die Welt in Colombia, they 1 Odd A. Westad, The Global Cold War intend to illustrate arguments as to (Cambridge: Cambridge University why applying conventional post- Press, 2005). Cold-War theory to the Cold War era 2 Further reassessment of the Cold War period based on new conceptual could deliver theoretical benefits. frameworks can be found in Richard Specifically, the authors suggest H. Immerman and Petra Goedde, that Saskia Sassen’s thesis on the The Oxford Handbook of the Cold potential globality of localized actors War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, and struggles is not, as initially 2013).

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 5 suggested by Sassen, bound to communication of solidarity between the modern phase of globalization. the Cuban state and the GDR,

I n t r o d u c i Using the structural idea of global and to citizens in both countries, assemblages, the article endeavors in the period of 1974 to 1990. This to show how localized political constructed solidarity affected the interactions could be constitutive relations between the two states of a Global Cold War, thus linking after the events surrounding German Sassen’s theoretical approach with reunification until 1995, the structure that of Odd Arne Westad. of relations shifting from a state level The subsequent article by to solidarity and friendship groups. Janaina Ferreira dos Santos and The fourth article by Georg Marie Holthaus puts its focus on Sturm and David Kristen also two state-level actors by analyzing deals with solidarity, analyzing the the cultural dimension of the Global instrumentalization of Chilean exiles Cold War, taking as a starting in the GDR and conducting a content point the cultural and scientific analysis of media coverage. Realizing cooperation between the GDR and a quantitative as well as qualitative post-revolutionary Nicaragua in the examination of the newspaper 1980s. Since cultural and scientific Neues Deutschland articles dealing knowledge were crucial categories with Chile and Chilean exiles in the of the East-West division, greatly GDR after the 1973 military coup, influencing domestic as well as the article shows the extraordinary foreign policies, exchange in these importance of Chile for the GDR. The areas was an important part of East authors argue that the solidarity with Germany’s diplomatic efforts. The Chile and the admission of refugees authors focus on the complex and was stylized in order to underline contradictory nature of cooperation in the moral superiority of the GDR’s these fields, highlighting further how ideological framework in the context the export of “official culture” from of the Cold War. In addition to that, the GDR to Nicaragua reflects a form the article suggests that the related of both practical cooperation and media coverage can be understood ideological propaganda. as a tool for system stabilization Cooperation also plays throughout the legitimation of the a role when it comes to the third GDR’s political work, especially article by Johanna Habel and Anairis among its own population. Díaz Maceo, which focuses on the Finally, the fifth article by continuity and change of ideological Vincent Kammer and Carla Venneri structures in the Global Cold War by explores the bilateral relations of taking a closer look at the solidarity the Federal Republic of Germany communication between Cuba and with Paraguay during the Stroessner the GDR before and after German dictatorship (1954-1989), one of reunification. In the first part of the longest and most repressive the article, the authors lay out the regimes in Latin America. It argues

6 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 I n t r o d u c i that relations between the two states, shaped by anti-communist discourses and oriented towards economic goals, centered on development projects. The paper explores the technical and financial aid provided by the FRG to Paraguay in several economic sectors, relying on diplomatic communications between the two states as sources. All articles, as well as the overall idea for this special issue, are the result of the seminar “Latin America’s Global Cold War,” given by Prof. Dr. Markus-Michael Müller at the Latin America Institute of the Free University of Berlin. The interdisciplinary profile of the seminar participants, including students of history, international relations, ethnology and political science, made this pluralistic approach possible. With this diverse background and the unifying focus on Latin America, the eleven authors aim to deliver a contribution to Cold War research, placing these events in a global perspective, both in the geographical and academic sense.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 7 I. COLOMBIA

Mapping the Global Cold War: the unfolding of Brot für die Welt project no. 2746 in Colombia, 1977-1984

by MARKUS BUDERATH, VERA DICKHOFF AND CARL MAGNUS MICHEL

8 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V ABSTRACT

With this article, we set out to make a case for a novel analytical approach to understanding Cold War phenomena, through

linking Odd Arne Westad’s Global Cold War thesis with Saskia e r a D i c k h o ff Sassen’s understanding of assemblages. In 1976, the West German Christian aid organization Brot für die Welt received a request for funding for the Colombian organization Encuentro/ f Dimensión Educativa and its work in liberating evangelism and a n d C r l M g u s i c h e popular education. This article sets off from Brot für die Welt’s project no. 2764 to pursue an analysis of the project’s unfolding at the local level, attempting to map one aspect of the era increasingly known as the Global Cold War. The work is based on archived materials, related to project no. 2764 and located in Berlin, and treats the project as an assemblage as the basis

| of the analysis. Specifically, this article puts forward the idea M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W that the Cold War at large can be seen as an assemblage from a macro-analytical viewpoint, and that the project no. 2764 is an example of a constituent assemblage that is partially global in both the terms of its transactions and in the character of its content. Local actors, global actors and the superstructure of the Cold War all influence, or interact with, both of these aspects and therefore warrant a structural analysis. a r

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Markus Buderath, Vera Dickhoff and Carl Magnus Michel are currently all in the process of obtaining their master’s degree in Latin American studies at the Free University of Berlin. Having a background in interdisciplinary political and social sciences and a degree from Sciences Po Paris, Carl has recently been focusing on diaspora and cultural studies in the British context. Vera previously studied politics and law and currently focuses on renewable energy development and environmental peacebuilding in Colombia. Markus, holding a master’s degree in conflict studies, has prior experience in researching assemblages and actor-relationships surrounding police reform efforts in the context of the Mexican drug war.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 9 a r INTRODUCTION organization Brot für die Welt (BfdW) in Bogotá, Colombia, from 1977 This study proposes that to 1984, which aimed to influence the Cold War in Latin America, and liberation theology movements in elsewhere, was characterized by the region, were largely shaped by complex actor-relationships that the interactions of local and global challenge the core/periphery and actors, thus forming an assemblage local/global dichotomies in which that fits within the parameters of the M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | Cold War politics are often framed. Global Cold War argument. That is to say, rather than a “contest To this end, we are between two military superpowers interested in the notion of project over military power and strategic aid (Projekthilfe) as a specific control,”1 the Cold War was in fact a form of development aid.4 Social global entanglement of contestations, development rather than industrial

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e negotiations and assemblages of advancement should facilitate the f a large number of local, national, lens through which we analyze the supranational, public, private and unfolding process of BfdW project religious actors. Odd Arne Westad, no. 2764. The project first set up e r a D i c k h o ff who pioneered the term Global Cold in 1977 with the stated objective War in his 2006 volume of the same of providing Colombian youth with title, claims that “the most important an informal education built around aspects of the Cold War were neither the notion of liberating evangelism military nor strategic, nor Europe- (befreiende Evangelisation). Notably, M a r k u s B d e t h , V centered, but connected to political the idea that ”Christianity should and social development in the Third accept a political commitment in World,”2 even going so far as to favor of social change”5 became argue that the modern notion of the increasingly popular among (Catholic) “Third World” was itself a product of Latin American churches in the the Global Cold War.3 The so-called 1970s; meanwhile in Germany, liberation theology, seen as one BfdW, originally constituted as a manifestation of this sociopolitical one-time donor event on December development, shall be the focal 12th, 1959 in Berlin, increasingly saw point of this study. Specifically, this itself subjected to the so-called article argues that the development Third World Movement (Dritte Welt efforts of the German protestant Bewegung) and was debating what

1 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold 4 Dieter Nohlen, Lexikon Dritte Welt War: Third World interventions and (Baden-Baden: Signal Verlag Frevert, the making of our times (Cambridge 1980), 296. University Press, 2007), 396. 5 Encyclopedia of Global Religion, 2 Westad, The Global Cold War, 396. s.v. “Liberation Theology,” by Malik Emphasis added. Tahar Chaouch, DOI: http://dx.doi. 3 Westad, The Global Cold War, 403. org/10.4135/9781412997898.n413

10 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V role the Church ought to play in the educational programs (educación context of the Global Cold War.6 popular).” 9 This rather drastic change While the organization’s in the organization’s strategy and name and its 1959 slogan “People ambitions sets the backdrop against

are hungry for bread! Anyone who which we decided to focus on project e r a D i c k h o ff tries to ignore it, is sinning [Menschen no. 2746. The fact that BfdW, as a hungern nach Brot! Wer darüber protestant institution, was going to

hinwegzusehen versucht, versündigt work with a Catholic organization f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e sich]”7 suggest a primary focus on and, by doing so, promote Paulo food security, from the mid-1960s Freire’s highly contested educational BfdW established goals and other methods10, further made for an fields of action that went beyond that, interesting case of inquiry. including education, health, human To this end, this article rights and gender equality. They intends to carefully examine the

described their work as aspiring to unfolding process of BfdW project | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W support all poor and marginalized no. 2746; specifically, this research is people, regardless of their religion concerned with the interactions and and religious denomination.8 With this possible contestations between the new focus on project aid, and Latin involved actors, as well as the goals, America as one region on which the ambitions and justifications of the organization would focus, “contacts relevant project partners. By focusing had now also been made with on the relationships and means of

socially committed Christian groups engagement of the respective actors, a r and ecumenical movements that we aim to illustrate and contextualize asked for help for another form of the ways in which BfdW’s project social work: the trend was ‘away from efforts in 1970s Colombia meant the institutions—towards programs that “localized actors and struggles with a high degree of personal and [were] constitutive of new types of shared responsibility of the target group.’ No schools, but non-formal 9 Hahn, n. d. in Wilfried Veeser. „Brot Für Die Welt“ - Quo Vadis?: Eine Kritische Untersuchung; Unterstützt 6 Nuscheler, 1993 in Claudia Olejniczak, das Evangelische Hilfswerk Die Dritte-Welt-Bewegung in Revolutionäre Befreiungsideologien? Deutschland: konzeptionelle und (Wetzlar: Deutsche Evangelische organisatorische Strukturmerkmale Allianz, Informationsdienst einer neuen sozialen Bewegung, Dokumentation 1985), 37, DS 5. (Wiesbaden: DUV, Dt. Univ.-Verlag, 10 Educación popular is a critical 1998), 76. pedagogical approach that links 7 “Die Geschichte von Brot für die education to notions of class and Welt,” Brot für die Welt, accessed social struggle. Brazilian educator January 22, 2020 https://www.brot- Paulo Freire, with his 1968 publication fuer-die-welt.de/ueber-uns/chronik/ Pedagogy of the Oppressed, is often 8 “Die Geschichte von Brot für die seen as one of the main pioneers of Welt,” Brot für die Welt. this concept.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 11 a r global politics and subjectivities,”11 to structures and processes. Talking borrow from Saskia Sassen’s analysis about Oxfam, Amnesty International of local-global actor relationships in and Forest Watch as examples of the 21st century. By linking Westad’s global civil-society struggles, to Global Cold War thesis with Sassen’s which we could add BfdW, Sassen thesis on local-global assemblages, identifies the “linking together of this research further aims to show multiple local (non-cosmopolitan) that the “globality” of the Cold efforts and their global projection M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | War allowed for “cross-border through a major organization with institutional spaces [and] powerful worldwide recognition”13 as their key imaginaries enabling aspirations to organizational feature. She claims transboundary political practice even that the “rise or global expansion when the actors involved [were] of old and new organized religions basically localized.”12 Despite these also follows this pattern.”14 In defining

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e theoretical-conceptual efforts, we BfdW as constituent of an organized f are not trying to make any claims religion, combined with their self- as regards the universality of our conception as a global platform argument, but merely intend to uniting “distant neighbors”15 (localized e r a D i c k h o ff provide a micropolitical analysis of actors) in a global “struggle,” we a local-global assemblage in 1970s explore an approach to position Colombia and, therefore, to make a religious actions in the Global Cold case as to why the Westad-Sassen War context. The fight for popular conceptual approach might be useful education in Colombia can definitely M a r k u s B d e t h , V in analyzing Cold War phenomena. be seen as a “civil-society struggle” The focus on religious that is global in its significance but actors from a political rather than local in its form taken on by BfdW theological perspective is an project no. 2764. To this end, the especially interesting departure idea of the distant neighbor (der point for the mapping of local- ferne Nächste) is essential to what global assemblages. Sassen’s idea Sassen calls “powerful imaginaries”, of modernity, and therefore for this as it provides a warrant for funding article the Third World as striving to projects that includes a political attain modernity, is first and foremost undertone in supposedly apolitical linked to a disassembly of the organizations. nation state. The subnational, local and global assemblages therefore become the primary markers for 13 Saskia Sassen, “Organized Religions the analysis of organizational in Our Global Modernity (Critical Essay),” PMLA 126, no. 2 (2011): 456. 14 Sassen, „Organized Religions,” 456. 15 Konstanze Evangelia Kemnitzer, Der 11 Saskia Sassen, “Local Actors in Global ferne Nächste: Zum Selbstverständnis Politics,” Current Sociology 52, no. 4 der Aktion “Brot für die Welt,” (July 2004): 650. (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008), 206- 12 Sassen, “Local Actors,” 655. 207.

12 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V BROT FÜR DIE WELT PROJECT conscientization18 (bewusstseins- NO. 2764 bildene Alphabetisierung) to live up to the new Christian responsibility This study is concerned (neue christliche Verpflichtung)

with BfdW project no. 2764, which that the organization saw itself as e r a D i c k h o ff carries the official title “Liberating subjected to.19 Evangelism and Education” To this effect, Encuentro

(Befreiende Evangelisation und initially requested financial aid f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e Erziehung) and was set up in for three individual projects, all response to a request for financial of which aimed to provide youth support16 by the Bogotá-based groups with literacy conscientization Colombian organization Encuentro programs. Specifically, the projects – Investigation Services and intended to support about 50 youth Action for Education (Servicio de groups in setting up literacy and

Investigación y Acción Educativa). evangelization programs, as well as | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W Encuentro later changed its name community centers and activities. to Dimensión Educativa, the reasons Cultural activities were also meant for which will be discussed in the to be part of the programs. In order following chapter, which is why the to train and prepare the tutors for information and citations used in these activities, Encuentro planned this paper may not be consistent as to organize nine 1-week training regards the organization’s name. In seminars in different parts of

a BfdW briefing note dated October Colombia, in which the participants a r 21st, 197617 Encuentro was described as a “charitable organization, which consists of a large team of committed 18 Paulo Freire considered that Christians (priests and laypersons) education, and in that sense also who have come together to live with literacy, cannot be taught without “a concept of man and the world” (Freire disadvantaged members of society, 1970 in Ryan 1974: 67). To this end, and to reflect upon and preach faith Freire believed that teaching adults in Jesus Christ as a liberating activity.” to read and write must include a sort Project no. 2764 in particular aimed of historical-materialist teaching of to provide youth groups with what they are reading and writing for. In other words, Freire believed “tangible solutions” to the systemic that, through becoming literate, one issues that they were facing, and can also become class-conscious as such largely relied on literacy and aware of one’s sociopolitical standing. For further reading on the subject matter see: John W. Ryan, “Paulo Freire, Literacy Through 16 The details of this request and the Conscientization,” Literacy Discussion project financing at large will be (1974): https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ discussed in section three. ED114790.pdf 17 ADE, BfdW-P2746: BfdW project 19 ADE, BfdW-P2746: BfdW project description to be discussed at description to be discussed at meeting, 21.10.1976. meeting, 21.10.1976.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 13 a r would be trained in such matters as of the ecumenical movement and group dynamics, youth psychology, a Christian organization that the faith and alphabetization. In parallel Catholic Church is not a member to these activities, Encuentro sought of.23 The letter was written by Mario to use the project funds to launch a Peresson who, apart from being research and publication program, the head of Encuentro, was also a which included the publication of six well-known Colombian theologist.24 magazines –entitled Encuentro– on Peresson said the following about M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | evangelization and education efforts Encuentro’s ecumenical ambitions: (Erziehungsarbeit).20 For all of the above, [… The] principle and the Encuentro requested a total fundamental attitude of of 72.000 Deutsche Mark, or [Encuentro] has been that of $US28.000.21 The request was the evangelical commitment to

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e directed to BfdW through the World the liberation of the oppressed, f Council of Churches (WCC), which, which should lead us towards as the following chapter will show, ecumenical work, with all assumed an intermediary role in Christians who want to live e r a D i c k h o ff the negotiation process of the and understand our faith in project financing. Prior to consulting Jesus Christ as a historical act the WCC, Encuentro had already of liberation (acción histórica asked the German-based Catholic liberadora).25 organization MISEREOR, as well M a r k u s B d e t h , V as the US-based Catholic Relief Shortly after this Service for financial aid.22 By the correspondence, i.e. before the time that the request reached the WCC could react to Encuentro’s WCC and then later BfdW through request, Adveniat26, speaking on the WCC, however, Encuentro had not yet received a reply from these organizations. In the initial letter that 23 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Encuentro Encuentro sent the WCC on April to the WCC, 13.04.1976 13th, 1976 (which was later redirected 24 See Juan Alberto Casas, ed., A to BfdW), Encuentro laid out their hombros de gigantes. Maestros de la Facultad de Teología de la Pontificia reasoning as to why they, as a Roman Universidad Javeriana (Bogotá: Catholic organization, would be Editorial Pontificia Universidad reaching out to the WCC, a product Javeriana, Facultad de Teología, 2017), 263-281, https://kaired.org.co/ archivo/3756. 25 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario 20 ADE, BfdW-P2746: BfdW project Peresson to the WCC, 31.08.1976, 2. description… 26 Adveniat: “pastoral help for Latin 21 ADE, BfdW-P2746: BfdW project America, est. 1961 in Essen, Germany; description… support of the (Catholic) Church in 22 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Latin America and its pastoral projects Peresson to the WCC, 31.08.1976, 2. through financial aid[…]” in Nohlen,

14 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V behalf of MISEREOR27, responded to Catholic Church, albeit an expected Encuentro’s letter from August 31st, consequence given the positioning of 1976 and explained that they would the Vatican in Cold War politics, was not be able to support the project in a particular burden to the project in 28

question due to its “orientation” . question. e r a D i c k h o ff Specifically, the letter states that Given Adveniat’s reaction, Encuentro had requested help for Encuentro convened with the

a similar project in the past, which consulting agency Proyectos – f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e Adveniat had declined to support, Special Development Study Group and which was eventually shut down to revise Encuentro’s financing plan. by the respective ecclesiastical Proyectos then sent both the new authority in Colombia (Jerarquía financing plan and an evaluation of Eclesiástica Colombiana). The Encuentro to the WCC on April 1st, letter goes on to state that this prior 1977. Importantly, the financing plan

project did not have the support of was designed in such a way as to | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W either the Archbishop of Bogota, make sure that “each project would Cardinal Anibal Muñoz Duque, or the be financed by a different donor president of the Colombian Episcopal agency” and, as specified in the Conference (Conferencia Episcopal letter accompanying the plan, that de Colombia), and since the current “[the WCC could] change projects project that Encuentro were seeking to another donor agency and vice support for had not changed much in versa, but this [was now] laid into [the

character, Adveniat would not be able WCC’s] hands.” In the context of this a r to support it either. These negotiation arrangement, BfdW would contribute processes are illustrative of the US$37.040 of a total of US$144.040, complex relationships that were the remaining sum of which was at play in the context of global aid divided among the following other assemblage P2746. Organizational organizations: Cebemo (US$64.500); conflicts and relationships, as well Entraide et Fraternité (US$14.000); as personal ones, all influenced the Adventsaktie (US$9.500), unfolding process of BfdW project HEKS (US$9.000); Vastenaktie no. 2746 (see figure 1). As chapter (US$10.000).29 four will show, the conflict with the

29 CEBEMO: Central agency for joint “Lexikon Dritte Welt”, 10. financing development programs; 27 MISEREOR: “Episcopal Aid Dutch agency based in Den Haag, the organization, est. 1958 in Aachen, Netherlands. See ADE, BfdW-P2746: Germany; Christian development Letter CEBEMO to BfdW, 07.06.1977; work in education and health; foreign Entraide et Fraternité: Belgian and missionary programs through Catholic development organization Adveniat;” in Nohlen, “Lexikon Dritte founded in 1961. Welt”, 247. Entraide et Fraternité, “Présentation,” 28 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Adveniat to accessed 29 March 2020, https:// Mario Peresson, 07.05.1976. www.entraide.be/-Entraide-et-

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 15 a r In other words, BfdW was only relationships and modes of responsible for about 26 percent of engagement between BfdW and the overall project financing. While the other relevant actors that each the money that they provided still played their part in the unfolding went to the activities as discussed processes of the project activities in the previous paragraphs, the fact that they had envisioned or were that they formed part of a larger responsible for. donor consortium is nonetheless M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | important when considering the arguments advanced in this article, A GLOBALIZED ASSEMBLAGE as it goes to show that our illustration BETWEEN LOCAL AND of global aid assemblage P2764 is, TRANSNATIONAL ACTORS in a sense, incomplete. That is to say, the negotiation processes and With this in mind, let us turn

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e actor-relationships that we discuss in to the question of why Proyectos f this article only account for a share assumed such a central role in of Encuentro’s overall project efforts assessing and helping redesign and, as such, only illustrate part of Encuentro’s project and why BfdW e r a D i c k h o ff a larger endeavor. This, however, put their trust in this organization does not render our argument void, from this point onwards. The key as our interest lies not so much in the actor in relation to Proyectos was particular weight of BfdW as a Helmut von Loebell, a German based donor in relation to Encuentro’s other in Bogotá. Von Loebell worked for M a r k u s B d e t h , V donors, but rather in the the Colombian government, what he called Bogotá’s “high society”,30 and various projects in the “slums” Fraternite-; Adventsaktie: Dutch simultaneously. By setting up Catholic foundation, originally Proyectos as a committee to help independent, later merged with foreign Christian aid organizations Vastenaktie. See Vastenactie, –such as BfdW– in assessing the “Adventsactie, een campagne van applications made by Colombian Vastenactie,” https://www.vastenactie. nl/adventsactie, accessed 28 March organizations for project funds, 2020; HEKS: Swiss Evangelical von Loebell vowed to review both foundation founded in 1945. the applicants and their projects Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz, from sociological, psychological, “Hilfswerk der Evangelischen Kirchen sociopolitical and economic der Schweiz (HEKS),” accessed 28 viewpoints.31 Furthermore, Proyectos March 2020, https://hls-dhs-dss. ch/de/articles/043179/2006-11-10/; Vastenaktie: Dutch Catholic development organization founded 30 Helmut von Loebell, Der in 1961. See Vastenactie, Over Stehaufmann: Berlin, Bogotá, Vastenactie, accessed 28 March Salzburg - im Unterwegs zu Hause 2020, https://www.vastenactie. (Salzburg: Residenz Verlag, 2016), 107. nl/over-vastenactie. 31 Loebell, Der Stehaufmann, 107.

16 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V aimed to only endorse projects that on the allocated funds. Furthermore, went beyond a purely caritative the participation and nature of the initiative, as well as to distance role BfdW took in Encuentro’s work itself from the so-called theory of was largely facilitated and enabled by 32

marginality. The aim was to help the intermediary actor WCC. e r a D i c k h o ff projects that promoted a social The WCC, although neither conscience for such matters as actively participating in the project

inequality and exploitation. One of unfolding in Colombia nor the f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e the main methods used to promote decision-making processes in West social conscience was educación Germany, assumed an important, popular, which was applied in the albeit passive, role. As such, the context of BfdW project 2764 too. assemblage only functions with the Whether or not the fact that participation of the WCC. However, von Loebell was himself German was as opposed to most other actors

a factor in the direct acceptance of in this assemblage, the WCC gains | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W his authority by BfdW and the WCC its agency exclusively through cannot be answered. Nevertheless, the structural position it inhabits. why a German middleman was used That is to say, it is not so much for the assessment is an interesting the human interactions within the question within the complex web organization, with all their potentially of actor-relationships at play in the conflicting views and ambitions, unfolding of the BfdW project. To but the structural importance of the

thus be able to analyze and map the organization itself (as a facilitator) a r local unfolding process of the BfdW that matters in the context of the project, it can be helpful to define global aid assemblage P2746. The the project in and of itself as an structure of the assemblage and the assemblage that involves a multitude interactions between its actors are of actors with differing levels and illustrated in fig. 1 sometimes conflicting origins of Helmut von Loebell and agency in relation to the project. Proyectos occupy positions as Brot für die Welt, although a transnational actors linking the global major point of focus for the analysis organizations based in Europe to of the project and an important actor the local actors in Colombia. They in many ways, had limited direct seemingly possess a bifold agency, control over the project. Despite through von Loebell himself, within the decision-making power over the the relationship surrounding BfdW financing of the project (activities), project no. 2764 – on the one hand BfdW was only one of multiple being local actors helping and donors in the constellation and thus working for the cause of Encuentro’s the project did not entirely depend struggle to continue their work and obtain funding, and on the other hand working as trustworthy international actors to legitimize the 32 Loebell, Der Stehaufmann, 107.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 17 a r M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W |

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e f e r a D i c k h o ff FIGURE 1 shows the relationships between the actors in the organization before the possible “global aid assemblage P2746.” We differentiate between organizations and persons as active actors, and have donors. Important for understanding identified one passive actor, i.e. the postal services. Graphic the relevance of the global aid created with Kumu relationship mapping software. (Kumu, Kumu relationship mapping software (Kumu, 2020), https:// assemblage at work in BfdW project kumu.io (accessed April 3, 2020)). M a r k u s B d e t h , V no. 2764 is how the context of the Global Cold War introduces new actors to the construct, thus supporting the ontological TENSIONS WITH assumption of assemblage theory, THE CATHOLIC CHURCH which is essentially one that holds that the world operates in As to the evaluation of assemblages, the number of which Encuentro by Proyectos, it is first is potentially infinite, and the number necessary to highlight why and of actors within each assemblage how Encuentro decided to change is potentially infinite as well. From their name to Dimensión Educativa. a macro-analytical perspective Throughout the letter dated April 1st, then, the Global Cold War is an 1977 Proyectos mentions “problems” assemblage in itself, composed of with the Colombian Catholic micro-assemblages with a local- hierarchy and diminished support by global character. The following clerical groups.33 These problems chapters serve the purpose of stemmed primarily from ecclesiastical illustrating and mapping one of these constituent assemblages. 33 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Proyectos to project partners, 1 April 1977, 5-6

18 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V repression of various projects across Proyectos mentions that the project Colombia through Archbishop Muñoz had in fact already been shut down Duque of Bogotá who, having hosted by Cardinal Muñoz Duque along Pope Paul VI on the first papal visit to with papal authorities in Rome and

Latin America, strategically aligned had to be continued as clandestine e r a D i c k h o ff himself with the Second Vatican activity alongside regular clerical Council.34 Liberation theology and work.37 Therefore the new registered

the educational methods of Paulo name Dimensión Educativa and the f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e Freire, which were to be employed installation of secular educators as in the projects developed by responsible parties would serve Encuentro, were deemed too radical the purpose of erasing all links with and politicized by the Catholic the religious congregations and authorities.35 Seeing as some catholic evasion of control through the papal aid organizations had already refused authorities. The report nonetheless

support on the grounds of not being ensures the clerical educators’ | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W able to work without authorization paramount pledge to “Christ from the country’s highest catholic personified in the marginalized and authority, changing the group’s name exploited poor”38 as proof of their and its function (and leadership) from religious commitment in the unfolding Christian to secular was deemed of the projects. a necessary and useful step by The traditionally local Proyectos.36 and politically informal nature of

In a document attached to Dimensión Educativa and its projects a r the letter and marked “part of the lies in stark contrast to the global report of utmost confidentiality”, network of the Catholic church and its role as a Cold War actor. The Catholic Church had for a long time found 34 See “Paul VI,” in The Concise itself in a “[pre-existing] competition Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, https://www. with Marxist socialism over answers 39 oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/ to the social question” . The role acref/9780199659623.001.0001/ that the Church and its bishops acref-9780199659623-e-4393.; across the world occupied was not “Vatican Council, Second,” in The one of mere “anti-communism”, Concise Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, https://www. but rather a “progressive pastoral oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/ acref/9780199659623.001.0001/ acref-9780199659623-e-6009; and 37 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Proyectos to Casas, A hombros de gigantes. project partners, 1 April 1977, 11. Maestros de la Facultad de 38 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Proyectos to Teología de la Pontificia Universidad project partners, 1 April 1977, 11. Javeriana, 263-281. 39 Piotr H. Kosicki, “The Catholic Church 35 Casas, A hombros de gigantes, 263- and the Cold War,” in The Routledge 281. Handbook of the Cold War, ed. Craig 36 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Proyectos to Daigle, (London: Routledge, 2014), project partners, 1 April 1977, 8-9 260.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 19 a r reorientation away from Europe and formation of transnational political the United States and towards the groupings. In her article on local decolonizing Third World.”40 Through actors in global politics, Sassen puts the three most important Cold War forward the argument that localized popes,41 the Catholic Church defined citizen-driven political practices, “Catholicism’s international advocacy arguably such as those planned around three pillars: the dignity of the and undertaken by Dimensión human person, nuclear disarmament, Educativa, “are constituting a M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | and international development.”42 specific type of global politics, one One could assume that that runs through localities and is the “guerilla” work of Dimensión not predicated on the existence of Educativa would lie outside the global institutions.”45 According to sphere of the papal authority’s Sassen however, “the engagement interests. On the contrary however, can be with global institutions [...] 46

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e the politicization of aid-work during or with local institutions” – in the f the Global Cold War meant that case of the global aid assemblage even small, resource-poor and P2764 this could be the WCC, the localized actors inhabited spaces that papal authorities in Rome, BfdW or e r a D i c k h o ff transcended the borders that they the archdiocese of Bogota or, as were traditionally confined to, thus will be shown below, the Colombian enabling what Sassen calls a “set of government as global and local processes that does not necessarily actors respectively. scale at the global level as such, Especially John Paul II, often M a r k u s B d e t h , V yet […] is part of globalization”43 seen as an “anti-communist warrior”47 and involves “specific localized was more motivated to “strike a struggles with an explicit or implicit balance between pursuing dialogue global agenda.”44 The case at hand on behalf of human rights and goes to show that these processes drawing lines in the sand to crack were underway even before new down on Latin American liberation Information and Communication theology.”48 It is therefore not Technologies (ICTs) allowed for the surprising that, through the agency of the local actor Cardinal Muñoz Duque and the archdiocese of Bogotá, the

40 Kosicki, “The Catholic Church and the “global player” in Rome decided to Cold War,” 260. intervene in Latin America through 41 John XIII (1958-1963); Paul VI (1963- 1978); John Paul II (1978-2005). 42 Kosicki “The Catholic Church and the 45 Sassen, “Local Actors in Global Cold War,” 260. Politics,” 655. 43 Saskia Sassen, “Globalization or 46 Sassen, “Local Actors in Global Denationalization?,” Review of Politics,” 655. International Political Economy 10, no. 47 Kosicki, “The Catholic Church and the 1 (2003): 1. Cold War,” 269. 44 Sassen, “Globalization or 48 Kosicki, “The Catholic Church and the Denationalization?,” 2. Cold War,” 269.

20 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V this already established network. of BfdW’s grant.51 The remaining Here the one-directional interaction amount, viz. US$17.360 of a total from a classically non-state actor of US$37.040, would be needed to working to control its subordinated complete the previously agreed upon 52

structures is a counterexample project goals of BfdW’s grant. In e r a D i c k h o ff to the traditional assumption that his report, Peresson links a delay of political repression during the Cold the report to the current situation in

War era stemmed mostly from Colombia: f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e state actors. Despite rising doubt surrounding the political tenability I am a bit late in sending the of Dimensión Educativa’s projects, report due to a delay in the BfdW decided in a meeting on May realization of the projects, 25th, 1977 to finance Encuentro/ caused by some unforeseen Dimensión Educativa over the course events, especially due to certain

of three years with a total of $37.040, repressive measures that are | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W specifically for the formation of being mounted against all leaders for youth groups, printing progressive forms of organization and publication costs as outlined in our country. However, the work by Proyectos.49 On July 6th, 1977 continues, although with a little a contract was sent for signature more caution.53 to Dimensión Educativa which confirmed that the solicited sum A number of political events 50 would be paid out. in Colombia serve to contextualize a r this extract from the 1979 report. Among them are the 1977 national WORKING UNDER A REPRESSIVE civic strike during the presidency of STATE President Alfonso López Michelsen, which resulted in 19 deaths and On top of the difficulty nearly 3,500 detainees,54 as well as of obtaining funding and the the so-called Security Statute in 1978, problems with the Catholic Church, Encuentro/Dimensión Educativa was increasingly facing political 51 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho challenges at home. In a progress (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979. report from Dimensión Educativa 52 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario dated May 31st, 1979 Peresson lists Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho the successes of the project in 1978 (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 1. and requests the second instalment 53 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 1. 54 Mauricio Archila-Neira, “El Paro 49 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Meeting BfdW, Cívico Nacional del 14 de septiembre 25/26.05.1977, 2. de 1977. Un ejercicio de memoria 50 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter BfdW to colectiva,” Revista de Economía Encuentro with contract, 07.06.1977. Institucional 18, no. 35 (2016): 317.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 21 a r introduced by President Julio Cesar of the Colombian left.58 This places Turbay Ayala only weeks after taking the initial delay in the realization office.55 Decree 1923, later known of the projects within the local as the Security Statute, intended to political context and shows the stop rural and urban guerilla warfare possible dangers that arose from and granted military and police the organization’s approaches and forces extraordinary authority.56 As partners. summarized by Forrest Hylton, “by A closer look at the M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | the late 1970s a broader urban Left project activities illustrates the was becoming visible [in Colombia], exact destination of BfdW’s donor as worker, student, and guerrilla contributions, which were meant to networks began to converge with cover both training seminars and a new neighborhood movements on research and publication program. the hillsides. This coalition was met The training seminars included

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e with severe repression by state courses on literacy conscientization f forces—trade unionists, students, and popular education. The professors and left-wing community workshop locations indicate a leaders were detained, beaten, or nationwide approach to the project; e r a D i c k h o ff killed.”57 As for the case at hand, specifically, seminars were held in this meant that Proyectos and its Medellín, Bogotá, Armenia, Cali, founder Helmut von Loebell were Ibagué and Cartagena.59 Participants also subjected to the repressive include youths from both working- measures of the Colombian state. class and student backgrounds. So- M a r k u s B d e t h , V Von Loebell and other members of called “profoundization reunions” in the organization were detained by Bogotá attract between 14 and 54 the Colombian military and remained participants, on topics such as “The in custody while being questioned capitalist state: militarism - national on their political affiliation, the security” and “What are Christians political motivation behind Proyectos for socialism?,” respectively.60 The and their links to various leaders Marxist orientation of these activities was particularly problematic in the context of the Global Cold War, where 55 J. P. Osterling, Democracy in even localized activities were heavily Colombia: Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (New Jersey: politicized out of fear that they could Transaction Publishers, 1988), 105. 56 Osterling, Democracy in Colombia, 105. 58 von Loebell, “Der Stehaufmann: 57 Forrest Hylton, “The Cold War That Berlin, Bogotá, Salzburg - im Didn’t End Paramilitary Modernization Unterwegs zu Hause,“ 110-113. in Medellin, Colombia,” in A century 59 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario of revolution: insurgent and Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho counterinsurgent violence during (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 4-5 Latin America’s long cold war, ed. 60 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Greg Grandin and G. M. Joseph (Duke Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho University Press, 2010), 346. (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 7

22 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V have an impact on the politics of the Christians can be liberation wider region. As for the theorization theologians, and Marxism and of the events at hand, this aspect is Christianism: towards a common of utmost importance, as it can be project.62 While the publications

argued that it was the politics and had thus far focused on Colombia, e r a D i c k h o ff project incentives of Dimensión Peresson’s report includes a section Educativa that enabled the unfolding on the preparation of the second

of the global aid assemblage P2746 edition of the book LUCHAREMOS, f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e in the first place. That is to say, the stating that the first edition “was very temporality of the events, i.e. that successful’’ and that ‘’the second they took place in the context of the [edition] will be 5000 copies and Global Cold War, meant an automatic [distributed] at the Latin American widening of their spatiality, as more level’,’ suggesting an approach and more actors wanted to assert expanding beyond national borders.63

their influence on the project. Peresson’s idea to remodel | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W Dimensión Educativa or adapt the project in such a way as concludes about the workshops of to be more inclusive of other groups 1978 that the groups of workers and (viz. non-youth), as well as to increase farmers had been more constant the reach of the organization’s than those made up of students. publications, could very well be It furthers calls for a removal of its interpreted as dangerous to the youth exclusivity, even if it intends political system in Colombia at the

to continue as predominantly time and thus explains the hostile a r focused on youth in the future, in response of the Colombian state. The order to expand participation within increasingly global, or transnational, the movement. It emphasizes the ambitions of Dimensión Educativa need for a stronger organization itself are further interesting in light of the movement and calls for a of the fact that the highly politicized more nuanced and intelligible nature of their work did indeed, theoretical approach within the whether intentionally or not, enhance groups, highlighting the importance the globality of their activities, and of popular education.61 Meanwhile, therefore also of the assemblage at the organization’s research and hand. publication program numbered four This orientation towards publications in 1978. Besides its liberation theology then serves to, textbook LUCHAREMOS: Method as Sassen’s says, “illuminate the of liberation alphabetization, these include titles such as Education in

Cuba: Part I and 2, Only militant 62 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 8. 61 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario 63 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho Peresson to Mr. Pinto de Carvalho (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 7. (Treasurer BfdW), 31.05.1979, 2.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 23 a r distinction between a global network was inquiring whether the remaining and the actual transactions that project funds, viz. US$17.360, were constitute it: the global character of still needed. Peresson responds a network [in our case assemblage] quickly and expresses his surprise at does not necessarily imply that its the receipt of Landsberger’s letter: transactions are equally global, or that it all has to happen at the global Actually the letter has caused me level.”64 Global aid assemblage astonishment since on May 31st, M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | P2764 is thus partially global in 1979 I sent Mr. Pinto de Carvalho both the terms of its transactions both the operational report that and in the character of its content— specified the progress of the project local actors, global actors and the and the financial report. [. . . ] It superstructure of the Cold War seems strange that it didn’t arrive. context all influence or interact with The only reason could be the mail 66

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e both of these aspects. [service]. f

In the following paragraphs [THE LACK OF] of this letter, Peresson goes on to e r a D i c k h o ff COMMUNICATION DURING THE state that in the same year of 1979 GLOBAL COLD WAR he received a visit from both Daniel Leitner, BfdW’s head of operations While the previous chapter at the time, and pastor Jesús Vieira illustrates Dimensión Educativa’s far- from Proyectos, both of which M a r k u s B d e t h , V reaching and optimistic ambitions, he apparently informed about the subsequent unfolding of project the progress of the project. Our no. 2746 was heavily influenced examination of the archived files did by the fact that Peresson’s 1979 not yield any results as to the precise progress report never arrived at the events of this meeting, but what is responsible department, as a letter obvious from the letter exchange from Ilse Landsberger from BfdW’s is that there were considerable finance department to Peresson gaps or flaws in the communication shows. In this letter, dated December between the respective actors. Even 8th, 1981, Landsberger enquires if it were true that Peresson’s initial about the status of the project and project report from May 31st, 1979 asks Peresson to send her a full was lost by the postal services, the “operational and financial status question remains why Daniel Leitner update.”65 Rather importantly, she

Peresson, 08.12.1981. 64 Sassen, “Local Actors in Global 66 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario Politics,” 654. Peresson to Ilse Landsberger 65 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Ilse (Treasury department for Latin Landsberger (Treasury department America, BfdW), 24.01.1982, 1. for Latin America, BfdW) to Mario

24 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V and/or pastor Jesús Vieira did not goes on to mention that BfdW “never forward the information to their BfdW responded to Peresson’s letter from counterparts in Germany. January 24th, 1982, probably because Unfortunately, the archival they were embarrassed by the 67 th

materials at hand do not allow us to incident.” It was not until April 7 , e r a D i c k h o ff draw any firm conclusions as regards 1984 that Werner Rostan, the head this matter, but the incident illustrates of BfdW’s Latin America department,

the inherent and inevitable flaws sent a personal letter of apology to f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e of the communication tools of the Mario Peresson, explaining that the period. This includes the fact that finance department had received letters and other types of common and archived Peresson’s letter from exchanges of the time did not January 12th , 1984 but apparently nearly allow for the type of record- never forwarded it to the relevant keeping that we know today, thus departments.68 This is particularly

making it difficult to understand an striking in light of the fact that the | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W event, or a chain of events, ex post. finance department was headed This, in turn, sometimes makes it by Daniel Leitner, who had visited difficult to attribute wrongdoing to Mario Peresson in 1979 and— any given individual. In the context according to Peresson—had been of the Global Cold War, technology personally informed about the project therefore played an important role progress.69 in and of itself, going so far as to By no means is it our intention

assume agency. This is true for the here to make any assumptions a r case at hand as well, where all of as to Mr. Leitner’s objectives or the actors that formed part of the possible mistakes. However, the global aid assemblage P2746 were fact that Peresson’s second letter reliant upon and thus influenced by never reached the necessary communication technology such departments (after the first one as landline phone technology and was allegedly lost by the postal postal services, with a particular services) becomes interesting when emphasis on the latter. As for the taking into consideration that it was operationalization of our research, Daniel Leitner who, on November we therefore attributed agency to 23rd, 1981 suggested that part of the postal services and labeled it the funding originally reserved for a passive agent in the global aid project no. 2746, namely US$4.953, assemblage P2746 as illustrated in figure 1. Returning to the case at hand, 67 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Project closure report P2746, 12.01.1984. the loss of the information meant that 68 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Werner BfdW cancelled the second part of Rostan to Mario Peresson, 07.04.1984. the funding, as is shown in BfdW’s 69 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Letter Mario final project report from January 12th, Peresson to Ilse Landsberger 1984. Perhaps surprisingly, the report (Treasury department for Latin America, BfdW), 24.01.1982 , 1.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 25 a r be redirected to an unrelated youth CONCLUSIONS project in Colombia.70 In a separate note71 that carries the same date as With this paper, we set out the former, Mr. Leitner states that to make a case for a novel analytical BfdW does neither have a project nor approach to understanding Cold War a financial report and that Dimensión phenomena. By linking Odd Arne Educativa should be asked to send Westad’s thesis on the Global Cold over these documents. That is to say, War with Saskia Sassen’s thesis on M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W | Mr. Leitner had already suggested local-global actor relationships in the the reallocation of a faction of the 21st century, we intended to show that funding to a different project before the globality of an assemblage does Mario Peresson had a chance to react not necessarily depend on modern to the request that was subsequently technologies such as information and forwarded to him by Ilse Landsberger communication technologies (ICTs), th

a n d C r l M g u s i c h e (letter dated December 8 , 1981). which, to Sassen, is a key enabling f It is beyond the scope of this factor of local-global assemblages. article to examine this any further Instead, such factors as ideology, but suffice it to say that the project which was obviously a driving force e r a D i c k h o ff unfolding was shaped by (the lack of action during the Cold War, also of) communication processes and possess the capacity to generate tools that, as such, influenced the “powerful imaginaries” that enable global aid assemblage P2746 in actors to enter “cross-border oftentimes unpredictable ways. This institutional spaces,”72 allowing them M a r k u s B d e t h , V is of theoretical importance in that it to transcend the structural limits that underlines the fact that although the they were previously confined to. global aid assemblage P2746 may This is not to say that have been intentionally constructed technology is not an important by (a number of) certain lead actor(s), factor in the unfolding process of it only functions in interplay with an assemblage, but rather that other (possibly non-human) actors technology (or the lack thereof) and, therefore, its mechanisms does not so much limit the unfolding rely on forces outside of the process of a given assemblage, control of the lead actor(s), for which but rather influence its outcome reason its precise effects are often in important, but oftentimes uncontrollable. unpredictable ways. Without a doubt, the global aid assemblage P2746 would have assumed an entirely different shape and character if the (human and organizational) actors 70 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Note Daniel had been able to communicate Leitner Betr.: P2764/WCC 7702, 23.11.1981. 71 ADE, BfdW-P2746: Note Daniel 72 Sassen, “Local Actors in Global Leitner to H. Kunz, 23.11.1981. Politics,” 655.

26 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 M a r k u s B d e t h , V through such mediums as email or Nonetheless, it would probably be instant messaging. The fact that the possible to paint a more accurate respective actors did not have access picture of what had happened here. to these possibilities, however, did Finally, therefore, we can only hope

not necessarily limit the unfolding of that we have inspired someone to do e r a D i c k h o ff the assemblage, but perhaps even exactly that. increased its politicization, thus

facilitating its unfolding process in f a n d C r l M g u s i c h e the sense that more actors wanted to become involved. In a sense, it seems, that the slow means of communication available to the actors at the time meant that they had limited access to up-to-date

information and occasionally had to | M a p i n g t h e G l o b C d W make assumptions about the actions or objectives of their counterparts. This “acting based on assumptions” is perhaps illustrative of the Global Cold War as a whole, and certainly in the case of global aid assemblage P2746.

It is for these reasons that a r we trust that the Westad/Sassen analytical approach is a useful point of departure for assessing and identifying local-global assemblages in the context of the Global Cold War. As for the assemblage that we have identified, however, we must concede that we have merely charted a fraction of it, for the scope limitations of this research meant that we only accessed one archive, namely that of Brot für die Welt. That is to say, to fully understand the interactions between the various actors, as well as the intentions of the actors themselves, one would have to consult a greater variety of sources. Even then, there is no guarantee that one would have sufficient material at hand to fully map the assemblage.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 27 II. NICARAGUA

Comrades or pupils? The politico-cultural cooperation between GDR and post-revolutionary Nicaragua (1979 – 1989)

by JANAINA FERREIRA DOS SANTOS AND MARIE LENA HOLTHAUS

28 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L ABSTRACT

This article examines the cultural relations between East Germany and Nicaragua during the time period that ranges from 1979 to 1989. After Anastasio Somoza was overthrown in 1979, material resources as well as qualified personnel were scarce in Nicaragua. Amongst other aspects, education and culture were politically perceived by the new Sandinista government as one of the main pillars of social reconstruction. To overcome the deficiencies in this sector, the Nicaraguan

government heavily relied on foreign aid. The German e n a H o l t h u s Democratic Republic, as eager for economic partners as it was for diplomatic recognition, supported the country not only with financial and material resources but also by sending specialists,

experts, and political consultants. Taking the East German- | C o m r a d e s p u i l Nicaraguan “Agreement on cultural and scientific cooperation” from 1980 as a starting point of the investigation, this article explores the transfer of personnel and knowledge in the three areas of culture, education, and politics, mainly from the GDR’s perspective; it thereby investigates GDR officials’ perception of themselves and of their Nicaraguan counterparts. We argue that this relationship, as well as the one fostered by both ? countries, were simultaneously perceived in part as an equal relationship between “comrades,” in part also as a student- teacher-relationship, exhibiting ideas of European superiority.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Janaina Ferreira dos Santos studied History and Political science at the Universidade Estadual de Campinas and Julius-Maximilians- Universität Würzburg. She is currently concluding her master’s degree in History at Freie Universität Berlin with a thesis on West German- Brazilian relations on the field of nuclear energy in the 1970s. Her fields of interest are social movements in early 20th century Latin American History and transcontinental political relations.

After having studied her B.A. in Spanish and European Ethnology at Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Marie Lena Holthaus is currently completing the master program in Latin American Studies at Freie Universität Berlin. She is particularly interested in the historic relations between Latin America and Europe, with a research focus on the history of social and feminist movements in the late 20th century.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 29 ? 1. INTRODUCTION the global dimension of the conflict, the transfer2 or export of knowledge The year 2019 marked the during the Cold War Era can be 40th anniversary of the Sandinista seen as an instrument to spread a Revolution in Nicaragua. The end of determined ideology and to forge C o m r a d e s p u i l |

Anastasio Somoza’s authoritarian political and economic alliances. rule in June 1979 was the result of a In other words, knowledge and multitude of ongoing riots, protests education became, amongst other and strikes, especially from the mid- aspects, the intellectual ammunition e n a H o l t h u s 1970s onwards, which gave vent to which kept this global conflict running a long-lasting dissatisfaction with for over 40 years.3 the established system that cut off the vast majority of Nicaraguans

from their most basic needs— 2 There are a variety of studies on the material, political, and not the least concept of transfer of knowledge. The educational needs. In their efforts to idea of a mere export of knowledge rebuild and reshape Nicaragua, the from the political “centre” in the Sandinista Liberation Front (Frente “periphery” has gradually given place to a notion of an intertwined Sandinista de Liberación Nacional- production of knowledge and the FSLN) faced determined resistance

J a n i F e r d o s S t M L exchange of its results between most prominently from US-backed various nations worldwide. For an paramilitary Contra-groups, making overview on the different phases Nicaragua an arena of armed of the studies on the subject see: 1 Veronika Lipphardt and David Ludwig, confrontation in the Cold War. Yet, “Wissens- und Wissenschaftstransfer,” while this dimension of the conflict is accessed on March 3, 2020, http:// the most prominent, especially due www.ieg-ego.eu/lipphardtv-ludwigd- to the following Iran-Contra affair, the 2011-de. Global Cold War was not primarily 3 On the relevance of knowledge and its transfer during the Cold War see characterized by violent struggle. Bernd Greiner, Tim B. Müller and Instead, scientific, technical and Claudia Weber, eds., Macht und Geist medical knowledge rapidly advanced im Kalten Krieg (Hamburg: Hamburger to become major categories in the Edition, 2011). On the concept and conflict and influenced domestic and research on “Cultural Cold War” see Nicholas J. Cull, “Reading, viewing foreign policies. When regarding and tuning in to the Cold War,” in The Cambridge History of the Cold War. Crisis and Détente, vol. 2, eds. Melvyn 1 For an overview on the events P. Leffler and Odd Arne Westad surrounding the Regime under the (Cambridge: Cambridge University Somoza dynasty and the Sandinista Press, 2010), 438-459; Jessica C. E. Revolution see Héctor Perla Jr, Gienow-Hecht, “Culture and the Cold Sandinista Nicaragua’s resistance War in Europe,” in The Cambridge to U.S coercion: Revolutionary History of the Cold War. Origins, vol. deterrence in asymmetric conflict 1, eds. Melvyn P. Leffler and Odd (Cambridge: Cambridge University Arne Westad (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 2016). University Press, 2010), 398-419.

30 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L Following the examples of section of this paper retraces the production and transfer of knowledge “Agreement on Cultural and Scientific in and from both superpowers, the Cooperation” from 1980 and its United States and the Soviet Union, implications in Nicaragua. We will the German Democratic Republic argue that the measures taken on the as well as the Federal Republic East German side could be perceived of Germany understood science, as both mechanisms of practical technology and education not only cooperation as well as an attempt as instruments to highlight state to carry on its political calculation legitimacy but also as strategic and ideological propaganda in fields to build political bridges to the ‘Third World.’ Further, we will e n a H o l t h u s other nations, according to their draw conclusions on East German respective political filiations or engagement in Nicaragua, discussing

position in this race of systems. The the GDR government’s perspective | C o m r a d e s p u i l GDR’s involvement and support in and investigating whether it saw developing countries played a key the transfer of knowledge and the role in the country’s self-perception cooperation in the field of culture and as an established socialist player in sciences as a collaboration between the power constellation of the Cold two “equal” partners, as references

War. to an internationalist solidarity ? Against the background of between comrades would have the “cultural Cold War”, this article suggested, or rather as an emblem discusses the politico-cultural for mere development support. relations between Nicaragua and the GDR in the 1980s. As well as other documents collected from 2. NICARAGUA, THE GDR the Archive of the Ministry of AND THE EXCHANGE OF Foreign Affairs, the Agreement on KNOWLEDGE IN THE CULTURAL Cultural and Scientific Cooperation COLD WAR (“Abkommen über die kulturelle und wissenschaftliche Zusammenarbeit”), “We must develop scientific and ratified by both countries in 1980, technical knowledge in general, will be used as a basis of our and political science in particular, analysis. After a brief summary of without letting ourselves be the situation in Nicaragua following pressured by prejudices and the downfall of Anastasio Somoza influences that come from the in 1979, we will describe the post- centers of imperialist domination. revolutionary relationships between Through education we must the protagonists in Nicaragua and promote revolutionary strength, in the GDR, focusing particularly hatred of man’s exploitation by on the interaction and cooperation man, loyalty to the revolutionary regarding the production and export principles that sustain our of knowledge. Therefore, the third vanguard, the FSLN, and open

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 31 ? the floodgates of science so that For better or worse, this had man’s beliefs and superstitions, to be achieved while completely accumulated over centuries, can realigning the country’s foreign be washed away.” policy. The United States had wielded strong influence over Nicaragua C o m r a d e s p u i l |

-Nicaraguan Home Secretary for more than a century and had Tomás Borge on February 4th, supported the governments of 1983 4 Anastasio Somoza Debayle and his predecessors with state aid. After e n a H o l t h u s When the Frente Sandinista the revolution, Nicaragua gradually de Liberación Nacional rose to lost access to this kind of support, power in Nicaragua in July 1979, the with Ronald Reagan’s government newly established government faced instead assisting opposition militants. major socio-economic challenges. However, international cooperation The last revolutionary insurrection was still much welcomed—and in 1978 had led to many deaths, needed—by the Sandinistas in economic crisis and evidently order to promote the renewal of the dependency on foreign resources. Nicaraguan society. The fostering Furthermore, the bad condition of of cultural and scientific exchange the Nicaraguan education system - in between the country and other J a n i F e r d o s S t M L the form of a high illiteracy rate and a states were essential components system of higher education that was of the Nicaraguan plan for social almost entirely exclusive to urban reconstruction. While Nicaragua elites - was another challenge faced also maintained economic and by the Sandinistas. From the very first diplomatic relations with various months after Somoza’s overthrow, western European countries and its promotion of the development of social democratic parties, relations scientific and technical knowledge, between Nicaragua and Eastern alongside the reform of the popular Bloc countries in these fields saw a education system, was perceived particular and gradual expansion after as the driving force for political and social prosperity for post- revolutionary Nicaragua.5 post-revolutionary Sandinista government was evidenced by the National Literacy Crusade 4 Speech given by Tomás Borge on promoted in Nicaragua 1980. On February 4th, 1983 in Managua at the the subject see Robert F. Arnove congress of the National Association and Anthony Dewees, “Education of Nicaraguan Educators (ANDEN). and Revolutionary Transformation in In: Bruce Marcus, ed., Nicaragua: Nicaragua, 1979-1990,” Comparative The People’s Revolution. Speeches Education Review 35, no. 1, Special by Sandinista Leaders (New York: Issue on Education and Socialist Pathfinder Press, 1985), 70-72. Revolution (Spring 1991): 92-109, 5 The relevance of education https://doi.org/10.1086/446997. and alphabetization for the

32 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L the Sandinistas assumed power.6 In country would be one of the first addition to material aid, Nicaragua amongst these “pueblos hermanos,” welcomed advisors and experts providing its Nicaraguan comrades from different sectors and sent many not only assistance in the politico- students to attend courses in allied military sector, but also supporting socialist countries like Cuba or the them with the country’s social GDR, to name only a few examples.7 reconstruction. As early as October In an address from March 8th 1980, 1979, the Nicaraguan Ministry of the Committee of Propaganda of Culture had consulted the GDR’s the Nicaraguan Centros Populares embassy in Managua regarding de Cultura8 requested revolutionary existing deals in the fields of culture e n a H o l t h u s brother nations (“pueblos hermanos and sciences and had explored the revolucionarios”) worldwide to possibilities of intensifying cultural 10 support the process of reconstruction exchange between both countries. | C o m r a d e s p u i l in Nicaragua. Following the policy of “socialist With the GDR being “one internationalism”, the Ministerium of the true brothers of Nicaragua, für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten alongside with Cuba and the (MfAA), the East German Foreign USSR”9 it is not surprising that the Ministry, saw this as an opportunity

to expand the GDR’s involvement ? in the ‘Third World’. Since at least 6 A considerable part of the research the 1970s the GDR’s leadership had on the connections between acknowledged the importance of a Nicaragua and the Soviet Union dates form the 1980s and, due to the close cooperation with the political actuality of the issue, there is little and intellectual elites of these consensus regarding the intensity of countries in order to attract them to those relations. the “socialist project.”11 7 Johannes Wilm, “On Sandinista Aside from Nicaragua, the ideas of past connections to the Soviet Union and Nicaraguan GDR was most heavily involved in exceptionalism,” in A Nicaraguan Vietnam, Angola, Mozambique and Exceptionalism? Debating the Legacy of the Sandinista Revolution, ed. Hilary Francis (London: University of Westad, The Global Cold War: Third London Press, 2020), 87-101. World interventions and the making 8 The Centros Populares de Cultura of our times (Cambridge: Cambridge were state institutions for the University Press, 2007), 343-44. coordination and management of 10 PA AA, Mf AA M 60, ZR 2891/81, Letter diverse cultural projects in different from Nicaraguan Ministry of Culture cities in Nicaragua. See Gema to the GDR embassy in Managua from D. Palazón, Memoria y escrituras October 10, 1979. de Nicaragua. Cultura y discurso 11 See Rayk Einax, “Im Dienste testimonial en la Revolución außenpolitischer Interessen. Sandinista (Editions Publibook, 2010). Ausländische Studierende in der DDR 9 Speech from July, 1981 by Carlos am Beispiel Jenas,” Die Hochschule: Nuñez Téllez, member of the FSLN Journal für Wissenschaft und Bildung directorate. Quoted from: Odd Arne 17, no. 1 (2008): 165.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 33 ? Cuba, having both political as well primarily through agreements as economic ambitions. According and treaties, which regulated to the East German advisors in the delegation and reception of Nicaragua, the support given would qualified personnel and stimulated be very much appreciated by the new cultural contacts through the C o m r a d e s p u i l |

Nicaraguan population and would exchange of technical and scientific contribute to the prestige and specialists. The “Agreement on reputation of the GDR amongst Cultural and Scientific Cooperation”, Nicaraguans. In fact, even before ratified by Nicaragua and the German e n a H o l t h u s the cooperation between the Democratic Republic in April 1980, two countries was contractually suitably exemplifies this practice. regulated, the idea of the GDR being The agreement’s foundation was a role model for states following the “firm solidary bond between the a socialist path (“sozialistische two nations and governments in the Wege”), seems to have vastly common anti-imperialist struggle.” influenced the approach of East 13 By the mid-1980s the GDR had German advisors and specialists in already sent 3.5 million schoolbooks Nicaragua. For instance, during a to Nicaragua and built the visit of an East German delegation educational centre “Ernst Thälmann” in Managua at the end of October in Jinotepe, where around 300 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L 1979, the posted advisors attested apprentices graduated annually.14 that the power and performance of Moreover, the GDR received a yearly the German Democratic Republic number of Nicaraguan exchange were well known in Nicaragua and students and sent specialists and that the Sandinista leading cadre experts to the country for further would be willing to make use of the qualification of the local teachers and GDR’s expertise on various fields, university lecturers. Not least, the describing the East German actuation GDR sent consultants to Nicaragua as exemplary.12 Furthermore, the to support the FSLN in matters of advisors considered that aid offers political education. from capitalist states were only accepted by the Sandinistas if and when not attached to political terms.

The expansion of the 13 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 5378/13. GDR’s cultural policies throughout “Agreement between the government the Global South was carried out of the German Democratic Republic and the government of the Nicaraguan Republic on cultural and scientific cooperation,”1. 12 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 2891/81, 14 Merlin Berge and Nikolaus Werz, “Report from 1979 from the “Auf Tschekisten der DDR ist Verlaß” GDR embassy in Managua on Das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit the possibilities regarding the und Nicaragua, Zeitschrift des development of the cultural and Forschungsverbundes SED-Staat 27 scientific relations to Nicaragua.” (2010): 170.

34 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L More than a conflict of 3. THE EAST-GERMAN- economic systems or a race NICARAGUAN AGREEMENT ON for technological and military CULTURAL AND SCIENTIFIC ‘supremacy,’ the Global Cold COOPERATION War can be viewed as a “clash between cultures and ideologies.”15 The politico-cultural relations Therefore, the politico-cultural between the GDR and Nicaragua in cooperation between the two states the 1980s were marked, amongst had ideological underpinnings. other aspects, by the urgency of As pointed out in one of the many a social reform in Nicaragua and reports of the East German advisors the country’s efforts to establish a e n a H o l t h u s in Nicaragua, the “aid” (“solidarische broad network with various nations Hilfe”) provided by the GDR worldwide, in order to put its plan of

would not only contribute to the national reconstruction into practice. | C o m r a d e s p u i l consolidation of the new government From the East German perspective, and facilitate the continuance of the these relations could be perceived Sandinista revolution, but would also as an instrument to self-legitimize, ensure the integration of Nicaragua as well as a way of disseminating into the community of socialist states its ideology and permeating the

(“sozialistische Staatsgemeinschaft”), Nicaraguan state machinery. Since ? pointed out as being one of the main these politico-cultural relations goals of the GDR’s foreign policy.16 comprised various ‘segments of knowledge’ (schooling, sciences, political consultancy and education etc.), a glance at three major sectors of this cooperation can be useful to understand the complex and, in some ways, contradictory character of the East German-Nicaraguan relations in the 1980s. In the following sections we will discuss the measures taken 15 Giles Scott-Smith and Joes in the specific fields of schooling Segal, “Introduction” in Divided and academic education, arts and dreamworlds? The Cultural Cold War 17 in East and West, eds. Peter Romijin, popular culture, as well as political Giles Scott-Smith and Joes Segal consultancy and education. (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 1. 16 See e.g. the annual reports on the development of the cultural and scientific relations between Nicaragua and the GDR by the Embassy of the GDR in Nicaragua from December 12, 1981 and January 16, 1983. PA AA, Mf 17 Encompassing various fields from AA, M 60, ZR 580/86; PA AA, Mf AA, theatre, fine arts and literature to M 60, ZR 579/86. sports.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 35 ? 3.1. SCHOOLING AND ACADEMIC adults, as well as promoting scientific EDUCATION and technical fields.20 All these measures aimed to contribute to the At the end of the 1970s, the transformation of the Nicaraguan Nicaraguan educational system educational system which would, in C o m r a d e s p u i l |

reflected the dynastic rule of the turn, operate as the political project’s Somoza clan. Public schooling was foundation for building a new and in disarray and illiteracy rates were self-sustaining society. extremely high, reaching over 76 While emphatically e n a H o l t h u s percent in rural areas. Only 22 characterizing the educational percent of the children enrolled in system’s reform as a matter of public schools had completed sixth national concern, the Sandinistas grade. Meanwhile, the situation in simultaneously recognized that the higher-education system was external support—be it via material rather different: while the number donations or through the deployment of university enrollments were of experts—was essential for the higher than the Latin American project’s effective functioning. average, tertiary education in During the Cruzada Nacional de Nicaragua remained restricted to Alfabetización from 1980, a campaign urban elites.18 Correspondingly, the against illiteracy which mobilized J a n i F e r d o s S t M L leaders of the FSLN declared their thousands of Nicaraguan students commitment to promoting cultural and teachers, Nicaragua received pluralism in Nicaragua, which could the support of 16 countries and only be achieved by a broad reform welcomed “brigadistas” from different of the educational system in the parts of the globe.21 Amongst these country.19 Consequently, after their countries, which were “setting an triumph in July 1979, the Sandinistas extraordinary example of solidarity proclaimed education as one of the and who have shared the illuminating new government’s pillars, as well energy of education”22 to the as an integral component of the Nicaraguan people, was also the GDR. revolution. The Sandinistas listed the guidelines for their educational policy emphasizing the relevance 20 See Kirkendall, Paulo Freire and the of extinguishing illiteracy, creating Cold War Politics of Literacy, 140- proper educational institutions for 41; Arnove and Dewees, Education and Revolutionary Transformation in Nicaragua, 94-95. 21 Cuba was one of the most heavily 18 Arnove and Dewees, “Education involved countries during the and Revolutionary Transformation in campaign in Nicaragua. On the Nicaragua”, 93-94. Cruzada and the role of Cuba see 19 Andrew J. Kirkendall, Paulo Freire Kirkendall, Paulo Freire and the Cold and the Cold War Politics of Literacy War Politics of Literacy, 136-37. (Chapel Hill: University of North 22 Marcus, Nicaragua: The People’s Carolina Press, 2010), 124-126. Revolution, 81.

36 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L The so-called international Spanish” was considered to be “more pedagogical work (“pädagogische than sufficient,” as mentioned in the Auslandsarbeit”) of the GDR23 work plan.25 One can only speculate comprised the activities of educators whether this was more an expression in special schools and academic of the general East German institutions as well as in the training conduct regarding the work of its of teachers. Further, it stipulated functionaries in the ‘Third World,’ or a the assignment of guest lecturers result of the relative lack of Spanish and language instructors. As was speaking experts in the GDR. the case in other Global South Regarding the area of countries, the GDR’s involvement in education, the East German- e n a H o l t h u s the Nicaraguan educational system’s Nicaraguan treaty on cultural and reform proceeded in accordance scientific cooperation stipulated

to this model. This pedagogical joint work in the fields of popular | C o m r a d e s p u i l work could also be realized in the education (for children and adults), form of consultancy work on the vocational and technical training for administrational level of educational young adults, and higher-education. institutions and ministries. Officials The GDR’s main tasks in the field of in the GDR’s embassy in Nicaragua popular education (“Volksbildung”)

considered the deployment of were the reconstruction of schools ? experts and specialists, not only and educational institutions, many in educational institutions but also of which had been destroyed during in the Department of Education in the revolutionary insurrections as the Nicaraguan Ministry of Culture, well as during the 1972 earthquake, as highly important. The know- and the building of new educational how of such specialists in the area facilities. The GDR also declared of socialist education planning to be very committed to the (“sozialistische Bildungsplanung”) professional training of young should have been passed on to the adults, especially in technical Nicaraguan comrades at all levels fields.26 Besides the deployment of of the educational system.24 Little is known about the prerequisites East German experts or specialists 25 Ibid., 3. 26 This was one of the main motivations had to fulfil in order to exercise their for the construction of a centre for function in the area of education. technical education in the Nicaraguan Interestingly, “basic knowledge of city of Jinotepe. The “Politecnico Ernesto Thälmann” was financed by solidarity funds (“Solidaritätsmitteln”) of the GDR and built with the help of 23 Arnove and Dewees, Education and East-German specialists, members Revolutionary Transformation in of the Freundschaftsbrigade of the Nicaragua, 95. Free German Youth (FDJ), as well as 24 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 2891/81. Nicaraguan educators and training “Situational report on the Nicaraguan teachers. See Lothar Fratzke, “Heimat educational system,” 3 einer FDJ-Freundschaftsbrigade.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 37 ? specialists and advisors in higher selection of these “young emissaries” education areas, the GDR stipulated (“Junge Sendboten”28) should the delegation of professors and take place under the supervision lecturers, emphasizing however, the and codetermination of the East importance of student exchanges German specialists. Since it would C o m r a d e s p u i l |

between East German and “bring socialist brother nations Nicaraguan universities. together,” thus leading to a broader A careful look into the “socialist economic and social sources reveals that the number of integration,”29 exchange programs e n a H o l t h u s Nicaraguan students going to the fulfilled an important function for GDR was significantly higher than the GDR’s domestic and foreign vice-versa. The number of examined policies. While the SED leadership sources is not sufficient to make a attributed the foreign students also precise statement about the gender a certain “recruitment potential,” ratio in the exchange programs. which could be put to good use on Nonetheless, a list of candidates the national territory, officials at the for exchange programs in the MfAA considered this exchange as GDR, compiled by the Nicaraguan a good opportunity to strengthen Ministry of Education, provides even further political and economic us with an interesting picture of cooperation.30 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L the circumstances: there were 4 women among 27 candidates, one 3.2. CULTURE AND ARTS of whom was the daughter of a well-known late Guerrillero.27 The If we understand the Cold War as a “struggle for cultural supremacy,”31 in which the Soviet Das Berufsausbildungszentrum Union, the United States, and their in Jinotepe” in Aufbruch nach allies found themselves in constant Nicaragua: deutsch-deutsche Solidarität im Systemwettstreit, eds. competition for the most prestigious Erika Harzer and Willi Volks (Berlin: artists, artworks and cultural Ch. Links Verlag, 2008), 141-144. 27 2 PA AA, Mf AA M 60, ZR 2892/81. “List of candidates for scholarships 28 Einax, Im Dienste außenpolitischer in the German Democratic Republic”. Interessen, 162. While during the literacy campaign 29 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 579/86, “Brief in Nicaragua the Sandinistas assessment of the development emphasized the importance of of cultural and scientific relations women in the process of educational between the GDR and Nicaragua in reconstruction of the country, this 1982,” 1-2. emphasis seems to fade when it 30 Einax, Im Dienste außenpolitischer came to exchange programs between Interessen, 183. Nicaragua and its “brother nations.” 31 For a broader study on the linkage On the role of women during the of Cold War ideological warfare and campaign against illiteracy see culture see David Caute, The Dancer Kirkendall, Paulo Freire and the Cold Defects (Oxford: Oxford University War, 134. Press, 2005).

38 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L productions in order to dominate Only two months after on a politico-cultural level, the GDR- the FSLN junta had formed the Nicaraguan cultural cooperation government council in September appears to be embedded in a 1979, East German foreign constructed broader political minister Oskar Fischer travelled identity. At that time, referring to the to Nicaragua.33 The newly formed black-and-white ideological divide Ministry of Culture in Managua had meant referring to one cultural already contacted GDR officials and political concept by refusing in October 1979.34 These events the other. However, this framing express an apparent mutual interest is, at best, suitable to describe the that was fundamental for the shaping e n a H o l t h u s relations between countries within of the Cultural Agreement, signed the respective blocs, rather than a few months later in April 1980. As

their relationship with non-aligned for the official cultural interactions | C o m r a d e s p u i l states. An example of a contradictory between the GDR and Nicaragua, or, at least, flexible and ambivalent theatre and music seemed to be attitude towards ideological alliance dominant fields for cultural exchange in terms of artistic exchange, is the right from the beginning.35 cooperation between the aligned Nevertheless, cultural

GDR and non-aligned Nicaragua. cooperation between the post- ? Both partners simultaneously referred revolutionary country led by a former to socialist values to underline the guerilla group and the bureaucratic urgency of their culturally mutual German socialists did not always interests, while only one of the two work the way it was planned. In sides positioned itself “inside” the accordance to the earlier cited socialist cultural bloc system.32 As a consequence, socialist ideology traversed cultural borders and 33 PA AA, Mf AA, M 95, ZR 12079/93. 34 The Nicaraguan Ministry of Culture formed a recurring reference element in October 1979 aimed to intensify in official communication. the relationship to GDR in the area of Culture and sees the cultural exchange as an effective instrument for national reconstruction. PA AA, MfAA M 60, ZR 2891/ 81. 32 Nevertheless, ideological affiliation 35 The Cultural Agreement from 1981 was marked by inner differences as names theatre and music already in well. From 1986 onwards, GDR and its first article, while sports appears Soviet Union were distancing, as in the 6th and film in the 8th article: Honecker refused Gorbatschow’s PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 5378/13 opening and reformist tendences. “Abkommen zwischen der Regierung Hermann Wentker, “Außenpolitik der Deutschen Demokratischen in engen Grenzen. Die DDR im Republik und der Regierung der internationalen System 1949 – Nationalen Erneuerung der Republik 1989,” Quellen und Darstellungen Nikaragua über kulturelle und zur Zeitgeschichte 72, Institut für wissenschaftliche Zusammenarbeit,” Zeitgeschichte, 490-91. 1-4.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 39 ? “clash of cultures and ideologies,” of cultural cooperation between Nicaraguans and Germans both had Nicaragua and the GDR for the to adapt: the former to the fact, that years 1989 till 1991.”38 The example many of their requests for donations, illustrates a growing self-esteem and internships, and funding of cultural a stronger level of organization in the C o m r a d e s p u i l |

material were rejected; GDR officials Nicaraguan Ministry of Culture, found in contrast were surprised that in the official correspondence and some of their planned “diverse and arrangements from the end of the generous measures”36 were met 1980s, whereas artists in Nicaragua e n a H o l t h u s with little response. An assessment still had to work under precarious from 1982 on the development of circumstances. the cultural and scientific relations During Cold War times, suggests a confident behavior of national cultural politics of both the the young Latin American republic, East and the West were integrated seeing itself not in the inferior role in a greater project of (re)producing of a petitioner. Instead, Nicaraguans capitalist or communist “divided wanted to obtain advice and dreamworlds,”39 and in doing exchange on an equal level. By so many times they ignored the referring to concepts such as individual artists’ political opinion by solidarity and brotherhood to gain interpreting it only through a special, J a n i F e r d o s S t M L support from socialist countries they narrow framework. Producing artistic seemed to “press the right buttons,” work and exchanging talented while they maintained cultural students and experts underlined contacts to capitalist countries as the cultural strength and progress, well; this gave them access to both whereas the artists themselves could ideological ‘worlds.’ have intended a different meaning Later, Nicaragua proposed or would even have preferred to the exchange of goods and people stay ‘outside’ an imagined collective in smaller disciplines apart from appropriation. One can only theatre and music, as for example juggling, or circus,37 an idea that was taken up by the official “Work plan 38 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 5378/13, “Work plan between the Government of the GDR and the Government of the Republic of Nicaragua over 36 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 579/86, “Brief Cultural and Scientific Cooperation in assessment of the development the years 1989-1991,” 12. of cultural and scientific relations 39 The authors define both capitalism between the GDR and Nicaragua and communism as “dreamworlds,” in 1982” through GDR embassy in because they can be interpreted Managua, authored by Macht, II. as “[...]collective dream projects, Secretary, January 16, 1983, 1. as thought systems or ideologies 37 Nicaragua proposes the sending of an supported by ‘dream communities’ animal trainer and asks for internships which share a common interpretation for “maestros de circo.” PA AA, Mf AA, of the world,” Scott-Smith and Segal, M 60, ZR 2895/94, 5. “Introduction,” 1-2.

40 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L speculate what Hilda Vogl’s40 political female integration into the cultural position in detail might have been, sector through GDR-Nicaraguan as she was proposed to travel to the cooperation, as all documents are GDR by Nicaraguan Cultural Workers’ only formulated in masculine form in Association, accompanying 40 of her terms of language, women are not pieces of art, but she was definitely mentioned at all as Spezialistinnen. representative for Nicaraguan In addition to the fine arts, muralism at the time. Donaldo theatre was also an integral part of Altamirano’s41 planned visit in East the cultural cooperation: apart from Germany provides another example being a public event, it became a for exchanging artistic expertise vehicle for political communication, e n a H o l t h u s through people‘s participation in art particularly when the GDR and fairs and meetings of arts criticism.42 Nicaragua corresponded about the

The “Asociación Sandinista de possible production of “Die Mutter” | C o m r a d e s p u i l Trabajadores de la Cultura” proposed by Bertolt Brecht to celebrate the the exchange of these two artists and second Anniversary of Sandinist listed further artists by name. Once Revolution.44 The playwright’s again, the gender ratio disproportion communist political opinion made in this sector is worth noticing: only his work a well-suited reference

one woman in comparison to three within GDR-Nicaraguan cultural ? men were proposed for the short cooperation, in which Brecht served courses, as well for the two-year as an East German poster child. Far internships.43 We cannot draw certain from being only a national wish for conclusions as to the degree of aggrandizement and self-legitimation, the GDR evidently wanted to strengthen progressive forces in the 40 Hilda Vogl (also known as Hidalgo socialist bloc, considering the special Vogl Montalegre) was a Nicaraguan role of Nicaragua in the US sphere muralist and painter, some of her pieces of art are in: David Kunzle, of influence, and had an educational ed., The Murals of Revolutionary and ideological mission. The Nicaragua 1979-1992, (Berkeley: Kulturarbeitsplan (Cultural Work plan) University of California Press, 1995), from 1981 justified GDR engagement 16, 51, 196. through the idea of rendering 41 Donaldo Altamirano was a well- known Nicaraguan painter and writer. solidarity and support to ideologically 45 Arnulfo Agüero, “Muere el escritor related movements. y pintor Donaldo Altamirano,” La Prensa, October 25, 2016, https:// www.laprensa.com.ni/2016/10/25/ cultura/2123258-fallece-donaldo- altamirado-de-un-infarto. 44 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, 2892/81, 42 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 2895/94, Telegram “ihr 474:” from Gen. “Propuesta de Intercambio Cultural” Moeckel (Managua) to Gen. Dr. Tautz, of the “Asociación Sandinista de October 29, 1980. Trabajadores de la Cultura.” 45 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 2891/81, 43 Ibid., 3. “Sketch of Cultural Work Plan,” 5.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 41 ? Despite the important role at once. This position may have of Cold War binaries in the sphere helped to make the GDR accept their of foreign policy, implemented requests, as East German cultural measures, adapted methods, and relations during the Cold War were the important place of consultancy always formed under the impression C o m r a d e s p u i l |

and transfer of knowledge in cultural of being confronted with richer fields were not always ideologically capitalist countries and their ability to justified. The decision to send offer broad cultural exchange. experts and educators to Nicaragua Its own economically tense e n a H o l t h u s was, to some degree, rooted in circumstances and the practical pragmatic thinking and financial problems of cultural relationships pressure. After having evaluated the became overt when the GDR was cultural measures, planned by the directly confronted by the constant Cultural Agreement and the Cultural threat of cultural and financial Work plan, the GDR embassy, contest with capitalist actors. The instead of qualifying cadres at home, example of Indiana Gonzalez’ posture recommended the cheaper version of towards her participation in the sending educators to Latin America.46 “5th International Summer Course In that sense East Germany profited for Culture” in the GDR illustrates twice: by secretly saving costs on how Nicaraguans made use of this J a n i F e r d o s S t M L the one hand and appearing as a fact—which they referred to as travelling teacher, or ‘illuminating diplomatic strategy—that increased savior’ in European colonial tradition pressure on East German officials. on the other. Gonzalez was head of Division IV of The economically weakened the newly formed Ministry of Culture Nicaragua was eager to participate in Managua, and had understood on the international stage as well. that her attendance at the Summer The country’s need for donations, Course included the pay of travel as well as its reliance on the costs, which was not the case in the goodwill of further industrialized eyes of the responsible “Genosse countries simultaneously bore the Dr. Greiser”, who had neglected possibility to position itself as a post- to explain it to her. After the East revolutionary and multi-influenced German embassy had clarified the country, threatened by the USA situation, Gonzalez asked if the but still nonaligned, in order to be GDR was capable of paying the able to cooperate with a variety costs, as Nicaragua “would be keen of communist and capitalist actors to participate not only in cultural seminars in capitalist states, who would usually pay for the whole 47 46 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 579/86, “Brief stay.” assessment of the Development of Cultural and Scientific Relations between the GDR and Nicaragua in 47 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 2892/81, 1982,” 4. “Letter from GDR Embassy in

42 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L 3.3. POLITICAL CONSULTANCY AS (“Realsozialismus”).48 The relationship POLITICAL EDUCATION between the consultants and their socialist comrades conceived the The educational mandate Nicaraguans more as students, while that underlay the exchange of both partners shared the common specialists, experts, and expertise, agenda to advance the process of codified in the Cultural Agreement reconstruction in Nicaragua. from 1980, characterized not only The GDR’s service in the East German operations in the fields Central American country was one of popular culture and education, strategy to acquire influence in the it structured political relations international sphere and to spread a e n a H o l t h u s between Nicaragua and GDR even Marxist-Leninist agenda while gaining stronger. The East German cultural international respect. In the act of

sense of mission is to be found in passing on a specific political culture, | C o m r a d e s p u i l the design and implementation the East Germans were very aware of political consultancy and was of their integration into a bigger to a certain degree rooted in the “framework.” They found themselves idea of belonging to the ‘culturally in concurrence, or at least in constant superior’ side in a divided Cold War comparison to the Soviet Union’s

world—a world of constant struggle. political internationalist work. ? Adopted by the two superpowers Efficiency was measured glancing to and their official cultural positioning Moscow.49 as hegemonic ideologic forces, this Far from being only a worldview influenced East German consultant, the GDR liked to see involvement in Nicaragua in a double itself as avant-gardist educator, sense. First, because consultants with the final report by the referred to the “collective dream political consultant’s group in 1988 world” of real existing socialism, but, mentioning the FSLN’s “political secondly, because they perceived maturity”50 as one criterion to themselves as avant-gardist and superior to their FSLN “students.” GDR policy in terms of FSLN 48 The term “Realsozialismus” was consultancy ranged from benevolent popularized from the 1970s onwards, as a designation for the political behavior and a self-confident systems of countries like the GDR appearance to a rather arrogant and alluded to a highly “developed” attitude towards a possible socialist socialist system. See Klaus Ziemer, ally with less experience in terms “Real existierender Sozialismus” in of real socialist state organization Dieter Nohlen, ed. Lexikon der Politik, vol. 7 (Berlin: Directmedia, 2004), 535 f. 49 PA AA, Mf AA, MAV Managua, ZR 2888/94, “Letter to Günter Sieber” Managua to the Office for Cultural that refers to a visit of members of Foreign Relationships in the GDR from FSLN in Germany, October 19, 1987, 1. Gen. Dietrich, July 4, 1980”, 2. 50 PA AA, Mf AA, MAV Managua,

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 43 ? measure the consultancy’s success that there was little qualification or failure. Nevertheless, this might be amongst the cadres and described the characteristic style of the Marxist- the young ones as full of “ignorance Leninist GDR to express a sense of and inexperience“ which would lead progress to reach a better world, to a frequent change in office.53 C o m r a d e s p u i l |

it upgrades the act of consultancy Schoolmasterly judging of their while downgrading the people it was capacity of formation and evaluation addressed to at the same time. The of their skills to concentrate, the political consultants deployed in the final report on consultancy for FSLN e n a H o l t h u s Managuan bureaucracy perceived resembles a school certificate themselves as envoys in the role of given to children in primary school, facilitators, whose state of knowledge crediting them with a “thirst of was superior to those they intended knowledge, flexibility of mind” while to educate, form and illuminate, even simultaneously being “volatile, easily if the agreements were established distractible and influenced,” as between formally equal partners. well as tending to a “sporadic work Treating the Nicaraguan style [...]”54 Rather than as a socialist cadres as students was nourished European politician speaking about by the existing age discrepancy an allied Latin American partner, the between the East German author seems to speak as a “teacher” J a n i F e r d o s S t M L consultants and the latter. According judging his “students,” evaluating to Fischer in 1979, citing in turn their intellectual capacities and their members of the State Council of will to properly behave. National Renovation in Nicaragua, the Nevertheless, FSLN members cadres were very young and militias had confidently demanded advice were formed out of 13 to 16 year-old through consultants of the central members.51 The average age for a committee of the SED, especially member of the cadres was under because they relied on cadres of 20 years old and “unexperienced,” the old Somoza state system, who “without expertise”—though often were of a different political also capable of redeeming this affiliation. Embedded in an avant- inexperience through a “fighting gardist attitude towards FSLN— spirit.”52 Another two years later, the seeing them technically as equal but GDR embassy in Managua still stated practically treating them as inferior,

ZR 2888/94, “Final Report of ZK 53 PA AA, Mf AA, M 60, ZR 580/86, Consultants Group in Managua,” “Report on the Development of February 2, 1988, 4. Cultural and Scientific Relationships of 51 Here again we miss more details on GDR Embassy in Managua,” January the gender relations inside FSLN, 16, 1983, 3. there is no reference to women. 54 PA AA, Mf AA, MAV Managua, 52 PA AA, Mf AA, M 95, ZR 12079/93, ZR 2888/94, “Final Report of ZK “Report after a visit of Oskar Fischer Consultants Group in Managua,” in Nicaragua in 1979”, 11. February 2, 1988, 5.

44 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 J a n i F e r d o s S t M L with a tendency to paternalism—the about the difficult circumstances in GDR though showed respect for their Nicaragua and reassured him “[…] achievements, as the final report in aquí tendra siempre un pequeño 1988 documents.55 pedazo de Patria Libre.”58 Recurring fundamental values structured and guided the cooperation between the two CONCLUSION countries. Besides the mutual reference to internationalism, When the very “rigid” world Nicaraguan officials emphasized of diplomatic codex clashed with the the clarity, consistency, and respect fluid subject of “culture(s),” and the e n a H o l t h u s towards work, as well as the good infamously bureaucratic GDR met relationship of trust to the people the rebel group turned government

in everyday life as remarkable FSLN, the ensuing interactions | C o m r a d e s p u i l characteristics of the Berlin SED.56 contained various challenges and The communication about such facts misunderstandings, highlighting the between both parties and inside provisional or even experimental GDR offices in Managua and Berlin character of measures. Within the influenced the political education, inter- and transcultural engagement

as insights circulated back to the especially the representatives of the ? consultants. East German state were acting with Therefore, the GDR two conflicting understandings of “teachers” themselves learned from their role: they saw themselves as their activity in a new environment, partners in an internationalist fight where they had to face the new against imperialism that emphasized challenges of “clashing cultures and equality and solidarity, but also ideologies.”57 A rather unintended presented deep-rooted ideas of side effect of consultancy for FSLN European superiority—nourished by might have been the personal their self-perception as a socialist knowledge GDR officials brought avant-garde—that reduced their home after having completed their Central American comrades to mere mission. Dionisio Marenco wrote in a pupils. letter to former-consultant Gert Ulrich, The role of the East Germans expressing his regret that he had not as “educators” was even more obtained maximum profit from his prominent in the fields of political stay in Nicaragua, but was sure that consultancy and education, less so Ulrich would have learned something in the mostly cooperative work in the field of schooling and academic

55 Ibid., 4. 56 PA AA, Mf AA, MAV Managua, ZR 58 PA AA, Mf AA, MAV Managua, ZR 2888/94, “Letter to Günter Sieber”. 28888/94, “Letter from Dionisio 57 Scott-Smith and Segal, “Introduction,” Marenco to Gert Ulrich,” November 4, 1. 1988.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 45 ? education. Although the sources of the documents surveyed—little offer little insight into the numerical information in the ways differences proportion of the participants, in gender and race might have especially regarding the East German influenced the interactions between students, the exchange programs the German and Nicaraguan C o m r a d e s p u i l |

listed in the accessible documents associates and further bolstered point to a severe imbalance, since the conception of an unequal far more students from Nicaragua cooperation. Accessing different visited the GDR, while the relation sources that provide better insight e n a H o l t h u s was inverse with lecturers. It remains into the Nicaraguan perspective debatable to which degree this was might help historical research to a result of more limited capacities avoid involuntarily reproducing the of the Nicaraguan universities, an power imbalance that was inherent in expectation that there was less to this cross-continental relationship. learn there for German students, or the excessive caution the GDR- authorities showed when granting permissions to leave the country. Ambivalence and simultaneity of ideologic and rather pragmatic J a n i F e r d o s S t M L decisions characterize the different areas of cultural cooperation. Taking place in the fields of culture - especially theatre, arts and music - education and political education, it was mainly driven by the idea that experience, knowledge and culture implemented through education were central principles for national and revolutionary liberation. Apart from the cultural sovereignty and freedom that should be obtained it was a practical way of influencing the other country and self-assert on a national level, thereby increasing the own international prestige in the global Cold War world. Although the present paper provides an insight into the complexity of the cultural entanglement between the two countries, our analysis offers— due to the singular perspective

46 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020

III. CUBA

The Construction of Solidarity in Public Spaces Between Germany and Cuba Before and After German Reunification

by ANAIRIS DÍAZ MACEO AND JOHANNA HABEL

48 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l ABSTRACT

The concept of solidarity between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Cuba have been the focus of several works of academic research. This contribution, however, aims to understand how these relations could persist in a reunified Germany by analyzing the communication of solidarity between the GDR and Cuba before and after reunification. This article illustrates how the GDR and Cuba communicated solidarity towards their respective people and among each other, and

|

argues that the GDR’s type of solidarity communication was T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p not transferred to the government of the Federal Republic of Germany after reunification, but rather to its non-governmental solidarity organizations. The German working group Cuba Sí of the Party of Democratic Socialism serves as an example to compare the communication styles of these two transnational partners. Focusing on this example, this article studies the evolution of power relations and cooperation structures before and after reunification. In order to further comprehend and classify solidary communication of the period, this analysis aims to understand the continuity of ideological structures present in the Cold War beyond the collapse of the state socialism.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Anairis Díaz Maceo studied Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Goethe University in Frankfurt am Main, Germany, and continues her studies in the M.A. Interdisciplinary Latin American Studies at the Free University of Berlin. Her connection to intercultural communication stems from the bicultural background of her parents - her Cuban father and German mother, born and raised during the times of the GDR, are her historical links to the topic of this article.

Johanna Habel studied Political and Social Studies at the Julius- Maximilians University in Germany and the University of San Andrés in Bolivia, and developed a strong interest in communication. She is currently deepening her knowledge of international cooperation at the Institute for Latin American Studies at the Free University of Berlin.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 49 INTRODUCTION considered a moral phenomenon3 that is difficult to measure. According International solidarity in to Katrin Radtke, solidarity is the German Democratic Republic defined as either a demeanor or a (GDR) as a symbolic show of the feeling.4 The advantage of viewing global bond between communist it as a demeanor over a feeling and socialist countries was a source is that demeanor can be better of pride for government officials in operationalized into concrete action. the state, whereas it simultaneously Radtke divides solidarity-based suppressed independent solidarity demeanor into three groups: groups domestically. As a type of “voluntary coercion,”1 the 1. Material goods: such as currency concept of solidarity and solidarity or natural resources. communication took on many 2. Communication, whether oral or forms that require a closer look and written: in the form of petitions, a global perspective in order to speeches or articles. properly understand their complex 3. Labor: physical or mental. motivations, and their consequences within the GDR and throughout the The concept of solidarity socialist world. Due to the ideological has been analyzed in various case intimidation exerted by the state, studies with differing perspectives: the full extent of the economic, The authors JeannetteBrosig-Koch political and social consequences of et al., for example, consider German A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p international solidarity became more reunification5 as “an excellent apparent after the reunification. opportunity to study the influence The concept of solidarity is often used in political and social as well as academic discourses as a 3 Herfried Münkler, “Enzyklopädie der cross-cutting theme2 and is mostly Ideen der Zukunft: Solidarität”, in Transnationale Solidarität: Chancen und Grenzen, ed. Jens Beckert et al. (Frankfurt/New York: Campus, 2004), 1 “UMBRÜCHE-Diskussion: A Work in 15-30. Progress - Ein Gespräch Zwischen Ost 4 Radtke’s solidarity concept is more Und West,” UMBRÜCHE, 1993, 14. complex than presented here. The 2 Ulf Tranow, “Solidarität: presented part is the most relevant Vorschlag Für Eine Solidarische concept for this article. The entire Begriffsbestimmung,” Analyse & concept of solidarity according to Kritik, 2013, 395-398; Katrin Radtke, Radtke can be found here: Katrin “Transnationale Solidarität: Mehr Hilfe Radtke, Transnationale Solidarität, Für Entferntes Leid,” in Solidarität Und 118-123. Internationale Gemeinschaftsbildung: 5 The term “German reunification” is Beiträge Zur Soziologie Der part of many different debates. The Internationalen Beziehungen, ed. article does not want to assume a Sebastian Harnisch, Hans Maull, position or an evaluation of the term Siegfried Schieder (Frankfurt am Main: itself but merely uses it to define a Campus, 2009), 115-136. historical moment.

50 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l of the economic and political communication of solidarity between environment on social behavior. [...] the GDR and Cuba will be presented. So this historical moment allows the Again, a distinction is made between investigation of how] social norms the type of communication between adapt to economic and political the two states and towards their change.”6 Further authors to be respective people. Connected to this considered are Petra Goedde and aspect of our analysis is the work of Richard H. Immerman, whose theory Jadwiga E. Pieper Mooney and Fabio focuses on the aforementioned Lanza, who pointed out that the processes of change. According discourse of the Cold War and thus

| to their analysis, local, regional the communications both between T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p and global reactions to the danger states and between the state and of a nuclear war, the influence of its population was centered around decolonization, the rise of human the state’s fear of revolutions and rights, environmental politics as activism to maintain the structure well as comparable transnational of the political regime. In contrast affairs deeply influence international to this, multiple social movements interaction and cause social, political and solidary groups were formed as and economic transformations with a result of transformations in global a ripple effect of global affairs on diplomacy and state politics, creating domestic politics.7 global alliances beyond the Cold War This article will examine two and its tensions.8 separate time periods, from 1974 In addition, a short overview to 1990 and from 1990 to 1995, to of the time of transition from the fall demonstrate a completely different of the Berlin Wall to reunification set of approaches to the concept of is given. Here, primarily due to (international) solidarity in various the negotiations between the two parts of society and state institutions. German states, there was a break in Considering that solidarity is a solidarity relations between Cuba and complex construct, this article will the GDR. Although communication be based on Radtke’s demeanor- remains a level of analysis in this based perspective, with a particular area, there will also be a closer emphasis on communication. In focus on solidarity in the domains of the first part of the article, the material and labor. It will be shown that changes at all levels were often the (main) reason for the foundation

6 Jeannette Brosig-Koch, “Still Different after All These Years: Solidarity Behavior in East and West Germany,” Journal of Public Economics 95 (2011): 8 Jadwiga E. Pieper Mooney and 1373-1376. Fabio Lanza, De-Centering Cold 7 Richard H. Immerman and Petra War History. Local and Global Goedde, The Oxford Handbook of the Change (London: Routledge, 2013), Cold War (Oxford: Oxford University, 1-8. 2013), 3-4.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 51 of civil society engagement or other position” instead of “promoting solidarity groups. These groups an independent development will then be analyzed in further path.”9 In this context, the Solidarity detail in the third part using the Committee was in possession of aforementioned working group a power monopoly. As a direct Cuba Sí as an example. Here, the link to the Socialist Union Party’s analysis will be carried out on the (SUP, Sozialistische Einheitspartei level of communication as well, Deutschland = SED) Central although this part will additionally Committee, the Solidarity Committee display the interconnectedness was established as a social of the three levels. This part will organization that had been tasked closely examine the communication with the economic development of of solidarity between Cuba Sí and so-called “third world countries” and Cuba in the period of 1991 to 1995. coordinated different development We will conclude with a summary assistance activities in the GDR in the and highlight the relevance of this government’s best interest. Citizens analysis in the context of Cold War depended on cooperation with such research. institutions and had littlecapacity This article thus serves to to realize independent aid projects illustrate the continuity in solidarity outside the state- a strong deficit of communication that can be observed domestic policies.10 in solidarity and friendship groups This disparity of state after reunification. ideologies and social reality became A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p apparent during the establishment of solidary connections with other THE DISPARITY OF STATE like-minded countries. Connected to IDEOLOGIES AND SOCIAL a political, top-down solidarity, the REALITY SUP decided which nations should be supported.11 This state of affairs, The concept of international however, did not withstand the solidarity in the GDR not only collapse of the Council for Mutual thrived due to material benefits Economic Assistance (CMEA, Rat für stemming from cooperation with solidary partner countries, but also political statements, diplomatic 9 Carl Ordnung, “Ein Teil des positiven support and historical as well as Erbes: Die DDR-Solidarität hat cultural engagement. However, die Partner erreicht und wirklich these solidarity measures often geholfen,” INKOTA-Brief 146 (2008): 8. 10 Ordnung, “Ein Teil des positiven did not match the interests of all Erbes,” 8. parts of the population and solely 11 Willi Volks, “Eigennützige Solidarität: followed the GDR government’s Die Solidarität in der DDR war stark goal of “strengthening partners in reglementiert und häufig an den an anti-Western, anti-imperialist eigenen ökonomischen Interessen orientiert,” INKOTA-Brief 146 (2008), 9.

52 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l gegenseitige Wirtschaftshilfe), an excerpt of the GDR’s official report international economic organization of Erich Honecker’s friendshipvisit comprised of socialist states under (Freundschaftsbesuch14) to Cuba the leadership of the Soviet Union. in 1974 shows quite clearly how The CMEA operated from 1949 to much significance was placed on before being dissolved in 1991 due the communication of a “brotherly” to the radical decrease in trade closeness between the two nations’ concomitant with the decline and government and peoples: disintegration of the Soviet.12 The fall of the CMEA revealed a fundamental With this friendly visit, relations

| problem of the GDR’s understanding between the two countries are T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p of their solidarity concept: solidarity entering a new stage in their only functioned on the basis of development. They aim to serve top-down executive regulations, as the progress of their peoples and the state generally mistrusted the to contribute to the consolidation population and left a crippling lack of the socialist community [...] of space for independent (political) The fraternal bond and close thought and action. All direct, friendship between the Socialist interpersonal relationships and Unity Party of Germany and interactions with solidary partners the Communist Party of Cuba, were prevented.13 between the peoples of the German Democratic Republic and the Republic of Cuba are CONSTRUCTING A SOLIDARY indispensable prerequisites for WORKFORCE the great common achievements in building socialism and in the To fully understand the extent struggle for peace, democracy of the differences between the and social progress.15 communication styles of the GDR and Cuba to their citizens and to each other on a governmental level, the 14 A Freundschaftsbesuch between values and priorities communicated two states can be defined as a less to each population deserve a closer formal political visit of state officials as an expression of friendship look. Their relevance becomes and cooperation. Duden, s.v. especially apparent in speeches “Freundschaftsbesuch,” https:// given to their communities and official www.duden.de/rechtschreibung/ government documents handed out Freundschaftsbesuch. to the population. For instance, an 15 Klaus Dieter Kröber and Wolfgang Meyer, Compañeros Im Sozialistischen Amerika: Freundschaftsbesuch Der Partei- u. 12 Encyclopaedia Britannica, s.v. Regierungsdelegation Der DDR Unter “Comecon,” 2020, britannica.com/ Leitung Des Ersten Sekretärs Des topic/Comecon. ZK Der SED, Erich Honecker, in Der 13 Volks, Eigennützige Solidarität, 9. Republik Kuba (Leipzig: Brockhaus,

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 53 The population of each against imperialism, colonialism, nation, according to this speech, was neocolonialism, and racism.17 In to focus on contributing to social working towards these goals, the restructuring and to be an active part GDR and Cuba emphasized the of the palpable progress in terms of importance of their citizens’ skills, cultural development as well as the education, and their labor. fundamental changes in the lifestyles This aspect of labor as of Cuban citizens. This policy was to an essential element of solidarity serve as an example and role model communication was also analyzed of “social progress and national by Che Guevara. As Hugo C. F. liberation” for other or soon-to-be Mansilla explains in Systembedürfnis parts of the socialist state community. und Anpassung, Che Guevara This common goal of social juxtaposed the “blind motivation of progress and national liberation the individual through interest and can be witnessed as a constant profit” under capitalism with the communication element, in speeches “conscious, societally oriented and given during the friendly visit. For selfless motivation” in socialism.18 example, in the aforementioned The foundation of this socialist official GDR report released after the motivation, according to Guevara, visit, the authors Klaus Dieter Kröber is a moral stance, the “revolutionary and Wolfgang Meyer emphasized conscience,” which does not work on the pursuit of cooperation “rooted in the basis of a material reward but on mutual trust, solidarity and fraternity,” the basis of a sense of duty towards A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p as well as the “goal of dynamically society as a whole. On this basis, developing the productive forces the amount of the reward does not of both countries, using science depend on the quality and intensity and technology more and more of the work performed. Thus, the effectively, promoting socialist “revolutionary conscience” receives economic integration and increasing the function of a productive force and the standard of living of both peoples contains an inherent moral attitude.19 as planned.”16 Elements of Guevara’s Each side officially articulated theory can be seen in the solidarity to their population the goal of concept of Cuban socialism at the national and social liberation, time of the 1974 friendship visit; and constantly communicated a steadfast mindset of solidarity with global liberation movements 17 Kröber and Meyer, Compañeros Im Sozialistischen Amerika, 19. 18 Hugo C. F. Mansilla, Systembedürfnis und Anpassung. Zur Kritik 1974), 5; translated from German to Sozialistischer Verhaltenssteuerung English, as all of the citations of this (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1973), article. 215. 16 Kröber and Meyer, Compañeros Im 19 Mansilla, Systembedürfnis und Sozialistischen Amerika, 14. Anpassung, 216.

54 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l however, it remains to be argued eternal friendship because it is how much of his theory was actually based on the love of the people! accepted by Cuban society at This friendship has its roots in large. The communication style the the hearts of all Cubans. Long Cuban government and the GDR live the friendship between Cuba adopted to construct international and the German Democratic solidarity during their representatives’ Republic!22 speeches was based on this value of the “tireless, social and solidary When analyzed, it can be workforce.”20 However, the GDR and seen that Castro’s constant use

| Cuba did not approach this value in of a rhetoric that appealed to the T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p identical ways. Differences in their emotions and personal lives of approaches become more apparent the Cuban population served as a when analyzing Fidel Castro’s and communication strategy to direct Erich Honecker’s speeches during their attention to the priorities of him the friendship visit. and government: an interpersonal, Castro, on the one hand, international long-term commitment approached the subject in a more between two societies that placed emotional, passionate manner, productivity and development first. emphasizing the fact that “it is logical However, these sentiments that [their] peoples march together, of shared economic aspirations and that they deepen their relationships[, interests were not wrapped up in an …] that the struggles, efforts and emotional and passionate package battles of the GDR are also [theirs]. during Erich Honecker’s speech, but Hence [their] solidarity, [their] rather approached straightforwardly: sympathy, [their] cooperation.”21 The core of his communication style with Our economic relationships Cuban citizens becomes visible in the are increasingly developing following part of his speech: towards a mutual benefit. The establishment of cement plants Dear comrades of the delegation and other companies and training of the German Democratic centers, joint research projects, Republic! These revolutionary student exchanges, cooperation people welcomed you with between mass organizations, all their warmth, with all their scientists and cultural workers enthusiasm and with all the serve our socialist cause and the solidarity they are capable of. rapprochement of our peoples, This friendship will be a firm and which are forever connected. [...] Long live the indestructible friendship between Cuba and the 20 Mansilla, Systembedürfnis und Anpassung, 216. 21 Kröber and Meyer, Compañeros Im 22 Kröber and Meyer, Compañeros Im Sozialistischen Amerika, 102. Sozialistischen Amerika, 105.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 55 German Democratic Republic!23 The communication of this common spirit and shared ethics Comparing these two from the government to its people speeches alone clearly shows that becomes apparent in speeches such the two speakers focused their as the Central Committee’s secretary cooperation on different aspects Julián Rizo Álvarez’s address in and approaches. For the most part, Matanzas on February 25, 1974, Mansilla states that this led to a view during a rally with the party and of solidarity in Cuban society as government delegation of the GDR. part of a “truly socialist personality” During this speech, Álvarez focused that distinguished itself in terms on the collaboration, “enthusiasm of “selflessness, material lack of and hard work of [Cuban technicians interest, doing work as a patriotic and workers] and working people in matter of honor [and] exemption from the German Democratic Republic.” the obligation to perform:”24 According to Álvarez, the success of and productivity in the chemical Hard work, everyday heroism, factory “Raúl Cepero Bonilla” in complete fulfillment of the Matanzas was a result of fraternity tasks decreed from above and and solidarity between the two above all a political-ideological nations.27 transfiguration of fulfillment of duty and obedience as the highest and noblest revolutionary THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p virtues, and the assumption OF SOLIDARITY that working constitutes the ontological ‘essence’ of people.25 The same orientation towards fraternity and solidarity, In addition, Mansilla points however, cannot be found as easily out the paradox that the identification in the communication between the with above-average work governments of the GDR and Cuba. performance, revolutionary spirit and In these official communications, human value, which appears in this there existed a continuous disparity type of socialist solidarity, represents in how these two states viewed a unique form of a precapitalist merit each other. On the one hand, system: hard work and dedication to the GDR aimed to strengthen its the job play the central role in this position by using their solidarity with ethics.26

27 Marita Bieß, Dokumente Und 23 Kröber and Meyer, Compañeros Im Materialien Der Zusammenarbeit Sozialistischen Amerika, 107. Zwischen Der Sozialistischen 24 Mansilla, Systembedürfnis, 220. Einheitspartei Deutschlands Und Der 25 Mansilla, Systembedürfnis, 220. Kommunistischen Partei Kubas 1971 26 Mansilla, Systembedürfnis, 230. Bis 1977 (Berlin: Dietz, 1979), 122-123.

56 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l “developing countries” as a tool in its leaders. In the final hearing on its battle for international recognition February 26, Castro expressed this against the competing, West sentiment towards the GDR again.30 German state.28 Furthermore, state This stark contrast in terms solidarity was constantly connected of the communication of solidarity to the Commercial Coordination between the state and the population (Kommerzielle Koordinierung) under versus the practical application Alexander Schalck-Golodkowski that and communication of solidarity shaped relations and changed the between the two states can be approach to developing countries witnessed by taking a closer look

| based on the economic difficulties at the cooperation between state T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p of the GDR—particularly in the institutions of the GDR and Cuba. 1980s. Economic relations with Cuba For example, cooperation between were based on the “economization the Ministry of State Security of the of [Cuban] contract workers for GDR (Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, their own benefit.” Towards the in short: MfS) and the Ministry of end of the 1980s, Cuban contract the Interior of Cuba (MININT), was workers increasingly served the defined by the solidarity-based purpose of debt repayment and “development aid” for Cuba.31 were “an integral part of social work This “aid” included the transfer of capacity, although the GDR viewed repressive techniques and concepts, relationships between contract such as a very clearly defined image workers and German citizens as of a subversive internal32 that served highly undesirable, which led to numerous deportations of contract workers. Thus, expressions of 30 Dietrich Lemke, Cuba, Castro y solidarity mandated by the state did Comercio. 30 Jahre Im Dienst Des not include personal connections Aussenhandels DDR - Kuba (Zeuthen: D. Lemke, 2004), 235. between citizens, and was bound 31 Gerhard Ehlert, Jochen Staadt, and by multiple conditions not directly Tobias Voigt, Die Zusammenarbeit conveyed to the population.29 zwischen dem Ministerium für Cuba’s government, on the other Staatssicherheit der DDR (MfS) und hand, had already expressed their dem Ministerium des Innern Kubas (MININT) (Berlin: Freie Universität, dissatisfaction with the insufficient 2002), 2. solidarity of their GDR comrades after 32 The GDR’s enemy image started as the meetings with Erich Honecker seeing resistance as state treason and on February 21, 1974, and attributed the connected suspicion of espionage the economic defects to a lack of as a valid reason for state intervention. This definition, however, was extended internationalism and the narrow- more and more so that minor criticism minded thinking of the SUP and of the state system could result in arrests and other punishments. This enemy image was then transferred to 28 Volks, Eigennützige Solidarität, 9. Cuba. See Ehlert, Staadt, Voight, Die 29 Volks, Eigennützige Solidarität, 9. Zusammenarbeit, 2.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 57 to criminalize and disenfranchise economy of the Republic of Cuba, broader parts of the population. in particular through the continuous, The solidarity between these two stable exchange of information and ministries was based on a mutual practical experience.”36 idea of who threatened their authority Despite this close bond and who did not, as well as common between the states, the solidarity ways to govern what or who they concept communicated between perceived as a threat.33 the governments was never Cuba solicited assistance for formulated on an empathetic level, its radical social transformations: it as might be suggested by the official asked for assistance in the creation communication and the relations of of a uniform prison system and two international solidarity they upheld. ministries similar to the GDR, well- On the contrary, during the second trained cadres in the fight against half of the 1980s, Cuba suffered from “counter-revolutionary forces,” as well a loss of confidence in SUP politics as an exchange of experience and and governance.37 advice from the working group of the Due to this gap in their Minister of the Interior of the GDR.34 solidarity communication—combined This ongoing list of demands directed with the diminishing resources of the at the GDR’s government was an GDR that led to a rising demand of extreme contrast to the more relaxed, profit—, this system of international emotional and friendly stance the solidarity38 could not be supported Cuban government communicated to any longer after the fall of the Berlin A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p its citizens. Wall. With German reunification, This close cooperation aimed these relations ended abruptly and at a mutual benefit was maintained left the solidarity and friendship until the end of the GDR and not groups of the FRG with a solidarity only consisted of forms of concretely concept that needed to be redefined coordinated “political-operational and communicated anew. measures” developed at the central level of the ministry leaders as well as between technically congruent service units,35 but also included the “development of cooperation in the establishment and organization of the work of security officers in the 36 Ehlert, Staadt, Voight, Die Zusammenarbeit, 35. 37 Ehlert, Staadt, Voight, Die 33 Ehlert, Staadt, Voight, Die Zusammenarbeit, 64-65. Zusammenarbeit, 9-10. 38 Susanne Ritschel, Kubanische 34 Ehlert, Staadt, Voight, Die Studierende in Der DDR. Zusammenarbeit, 10. Ambivalentes Erinnern Zwischen 35 Ehlert, Staadt, Voight, Die Zeitzeuge Und Archiv (Hildesheim: Zusammenarbeit, 16. Georg Olms, 2015), 47.

58 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l NEGOTIATING SOLIDARITY Soviet Union, or pro Soviet Union DURING TRANSITIONS and against the US. The individual character of the Cuban Revolution CUBA AND THE FRG and the Cuban system, which surpassed this categorization, thus As explained in the previous went unnoticed.40 sections, bilateral relations between Another point of conflict Cuba and the GDR were extremely was the establishment of bilateral strong and well-connected through relations between Cuba and the GDR. the discourse of international For the FRG, this was a violation of

| solidarity. Relations between the the Hallstein Doctrine,41 which led T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p FRG and Cuba, however, were not it to suspend bilateral relations with as strongly developed. The author Cuba just two days later. With the Ralf Breuer even described the improvement of relations between FRG as a “Nordic hardliner”39 among the two German countries in the the Western European nations that 1970s, relations between the FRG traditionally supported the United and Cuba also relaxed, and bilateral States. The FRG, consistent with relations were resumed. The situation the US policy of embargo, rejected changed in the 1980s, however, when cooperation with Cuba following the Cuba negotiated retraining measures Cuban Revolution in 1959. Breuer within the framework of the Paris assumes that the FRG’s attitude was Club. The FRG, together with the US, not only an exclusive expression of tried to make the negotiations more their allegiance to the US, but also difficult by the joint acquisition of reflected above all the concern that a majority stake in an English bank a development directed against involved in the debt restructuring the United States could lead to negotiations.42 This example shows the loss of the FRG’s only credible that the bilateral relationship security guarantor. As a result, the revolutionary events in Cuba were indirectly perceived as a threat in 40 Breuer, “Die deutsche Kuba-Politik,” their own right. Up until the end of 775. the Cold War, the FRG regarded 41 The FRG claimed to be the only representative of Germany. Using the the Cuban Revolution in simplified political instrument of the Hallstein terms: either pro US and against the Doctrine, it threatened all states which officially established bilateral relations with the GDR to break 39 Ralf Breuer, “Die deutsche Kuba- off relations. Cuba was the first Politik nach der Wiedervereinigung,” Latin American country to officially in: Kuba: Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur establish relations with the GDR in heute, (2001): 773-800, https:// 1963, thus challenging the exclusive publications.iai.spkberlin.de/ representation of the FRG. Breuer, servlets/MCRFileNodeServlet/ “Die deutsche Kuba-Politik,” 777. Document_derivate_00001715/ 42 Breuer, “Die deutsche Kuba-Politik,” BIA_075_773_800.pdf. 779.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 59 between Cuba and the FRG remained with Cuba on 9 July 1990.45 cold in spite of some attempts to During this period, about 100 rebuild a relationship. intergovernmental agreements still existed between the GDR and Cuba, CUBA AND THE GDR IN TIMES OF which regulated trade and economic TRANSITIONS relations between the two countries. Some of these agreements were In the transition period, the maintained until the year 2000, and relations between the FRG and Cuba part of the intensive cooperation did not change. However, relations was the favorable granting of loans46 between Cuba and the GDR got from the GDR to Cuba. There was worse. With the progressive inner- also an agreement that Cuba could German rapprochement, Cuba pay off the loans in the form of brought back about 8,000 of its GDR trade supplies. As early as 1990, workers from 1990 to the beginning previously agreed upon deliveries of 1991.43 Furthermore, many Cuban from Cuba to companies in the students who studied in the GDR GDR were then suspended, as the returned to Cuba in 1990/91. The GDR no longer had any interest in main reason was the introduction purchasing from them. Furthermore, of the DM (German Mark) in the the demand for primary goods from GDR and the associated increase Cuba such as sugar, fruit, or tobacco in the cost of living for Cubans in diminished, as these products were Germany.44 But it was not only Cuba now increasingly being supplied to A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p and Cubans who changed migration the GDR from the FRG. Still under the processes, as the GDR unilaterally responsibility of the GDR’s Ministry of terminated their visa-free agreement Economics, a monetary reassessment of Cuba’s repayment obligation, deliveries, and payments from both countries in DM was initiated.47 43 This was officially agreed at government level between East Germany and Cuba. In itself, it was not a breach of contract, as these workers were originally supposed to leave the 45 Ralf Punkenburg, “Mit Kuba GDR earlier, but then stayed longer wird es keine staatliche at the request of the GDR. Carola Entwicklungszusammenarbeit Hesse-Andres, “Innenpolitische geben,” Cuba Sí - Zeitschrift der Anspannungen in der Bevölkerung Freundschaftsgesellschaft Westberlin- Kubas” Cuba Sí - Zeitschrift der Kuba e.V (January, 1991) 6-12: 7. Freundschaftsgesellschaft Westberlin- 46 The benefits included 2% interest, Kuba e.V (May, 1992) 2-4: 3. some grace years, and 15-20 years 44 Carola Hesse-Andres, repayment period. “Kurznachrichten zusammengestellt,” 47 Punkenburg, “Mit Kuba Cuba Sí - Zeitschrift der wird es keine staatliche Freundschaftsgesellschaft Westberlin- Entwicklungszusammenarbeit geben,” Kuba e.V (September, 1990) 18-20: 18. 6f.

60 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l THE CUBA WAVE From a Cuban perspective, the international transformation On 26 and 27 July 1990, during this period had an enormous representatives of the Ministry impact on the country. Even though for Economic Cooperation and the Cuban Revolution claimed a the Federal Ministry for Economic certain independence from the East- Cooperation met in Constance. At West conflict, in a very short period this conference, the future of the of time, Cuba was internationally bilateral trade agreements was to isolated at both an ideological and be decided. The FRG was declared a foreign trade level. Cuba lost the

| as the future legal representative Soviet Union and the GDR as trading T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p and was also willing to continue the partners in the short term and, in the binational relations of the GDR in the case of the GDR, in the long term field of economic and development as well.50 Despite the political and cooperation. The big exception, economic circumstances of Cuba, however, was cooperation with Cuba. the German population became The GDR declared itself unwilling increasingly interested in the island, to support Cuba in any form if they their people, culture, politics and would not initiate political changes.48 current news. This phenomenon was The GDR was only prepared to make called the “Kuba Welle” (the Cuba an exception for milk powder delivery Wave). and to stop the cooperation after a transitional period of six months.49 THE INFLUENCE OF REUNIFICATION IN THE EXISTING RELATIONS WITH CUBA

48 Punkenburg, “Mit Kuba,” 9f.; Breuer, A part of society that “Die deutsche Kuba-Politik”, 773f., accompanied the important 780; cf. Michael Zeuske, Insel der transformation processes of German Extreme: Kuba im 20. Jahrhundert (Zürich: Rotpunktverlag, 2000). reunification and grew within it was 49 The GDR had concluded a skimmed organized in the solidarity groups milk powder agreement with Cuba in of both states. The destruction 1981. The agreements were valid until of the real-socialist model of the 1995, and during the negotiations, GDR in particular created space the representatives from the GDR particularly supported this agreement, for the quantitative and qualitative

justifying this for humanitarian development of these movements.51 reasons. They agreed to continue the supply of milk powder for six months, as stipulated in the agreement, and afterwards stop their cooperation on 50 To refer to this period historically this project. This not only affected Cubans use the term “special Cuba, but also farms in the GDR period”. Carola Hesse-Andres, which produced milk powder almost “Kurznachrichten zusammengestellt,” exclusively for Cuba and lost their 18; Breuer, “Die deutsche Kuba- main customers. Ralf Punkenburg, Politik,” 780. “Mit Kuba,” 8. 51 Solidarity groups tried to take over or

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 61 Many people were looking for and Cuba.54 In March 1990, the active forms of life, which they found Friendship Committee GDR-Cuba in solidarity groups, among other was founded in the East of Berlin. things. As a result, the period of This group of about 30 people transition spurred on the growth of emerged from the “Club de los these solidarity groups. Their political Amigos de Cuba” (Friends of Cuba work in particular was expanded Club) which had already existed for and increasingly concentrated on several years in Königswusterhausen. preventing the collapse of GDR aid.52 The friendship committee consisted The special situation in of people who had been working the case of Cuba was after the in official solidarity organizations establishment of bilateral relations in the GDR.55 A short time later between the GDR and Cuba, when a Cuba initiative was founded in greater development policy and Gesundheitsladen-Berlin (a health solidarity measures were organized shop), together with Pro Cuba, a almost exclusively at the state level.53 committee for the support of Cuba. During the period of transformation The initiative strived towards the between 1989-1991, several solidarity goal of supporting the Cuban health projects with Cuba were founded in system, especially by providing various regions of Germany. On the material aid.56 On 23 July 1991, West German side of Berlin, there the Cuba Sí working group of the was the Freundschaftsgesellschaft PDS (Partei des demokratischen (Friendship Society) West Berlin- Sozialismus57) was founded in A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p Cuba e.V., which focused on the Berlin. Their first major project was task of informing the (West) German “Milch für Kubas Kinder” (Milk for population about political, economic, Cuba’s Children), which came as a and cultural issues in Latin America

54 FBK, “Wofür wir stehen,” FBK, https:// at least cushion the disappearance www.fg-berlin-kuba.de/index.php/die- of national, state-organized solidarity freundschaftsgesellschaft-berlin-kuba/ from the GDR. This means that many ueber-die-freundschaftsgesellschaft- new solidarity groups arose, or that berlin-kuba. the work of already existing solidarity 55 Freundschaftsgesellschaft groups intensified. Westberlin-Kuba e.V. (ed.), 52 Malte Letz, “Im Osten nichts “Ankündigung der Aktivitäten der Neues?: Ostdeutsche Redaktion”, Cuba Sí – Zeitschrift der Solidaritätsgruppen vor und nach Freundschaftsgesellschaft Westberlin- der Wende,” Forschungsjournal Kuba e.V, 1992, May, 29. Neue Soziale Bewegungen: 56 Freundschaftsgesellschaft Westberlin- Solidaritätsbewegungen zwischen Kuba e.V. (ed.), “Neue Kuba Initiative Hoffnung und Resignation 3 (1994): in Berlin,” Cuba Sí - Zeitschrift der 53f. Freundschaftsgesellschaft Westberlin- 53 Achim Reichardt, Nie Vergessen: Kuba e.V, 1991, January, 24. Solidarität üben (Berlin: Kai Homilius 57 Party of Democratic Socialism, today: Verlag, 2006), 85. DIE LINKE - The Left.

62 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l result of the previously mentioned in the K.O. Council (Coordination cancellation of the milk powder Council), one of the two elements of delivery from Germany to Cuba. A Cuba Si’s organizational structure, further aim of Cuba Sí was to carry where all essential decisions were solidarity with the Cuban population made. The second element was the into the PDS and to inform Germans foundation and work of regional about the US blockade policies groups.60 Up until 1995, a total of and their effects in Cuba. The 17 regional groups of Cuba Sí were solidarity communities in Berlin were founded. In regional terms, these additionally well-networked with initially were concentrated strongly

| other people or institutions which in the new federal states of the T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p supported Cuba.58 GDR.61 Applying Radtke’s definition, Cuba Sí communicated solidarity in four specific ways – through events, CUBA SÍ: SOLELY information, petitions and requests, HUMANITARIAN? and personal relationships – which will be elaborated on in more detail. The foundation of Cuba Sí was made up of a variety of EVENTS individuals, including members from the Friends of Cuba and the One of the main activities PDS. As a result of their work, the of Cuba Sí was the organization party executive committee officially of different types of events. For announced the association’s example, one of the first activities of foundation in July 1991.59 Therefore, Cuba Sí after its foundation was to from the very beginning, their work participate in an official celebration of carried a political dimension, and was the Cuban National Day on 26 July. not solely based on humanitarian In 1992, the “Fiesta de Solidaridad” reasons. (Solidarity Party), on the same date, A Cuba Sí member explained was organized for the first time by that in the beginning they were a Cuba Sí itself.62 “That had been our “Wilder Haufen” (wild bunch), but specialty from the very beginning. there was a constant development of [Initially several] hundreds of people work. There were many discussions took part in the celebration, and later up to more than a thousand,” said Lukas,63 who celebrated the 58 Not all but most of the solidarity groups still exist today. An overview of the solidarity groups with Cuba 60 Cuba Sí Berlin, “Video: 20 Jahre Cuba Sí - across Germany in 1993 can be found Teil 1,” Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/ in: Reinhard Pohl (ed.), “Cuba,” (Kiel: watch?v=XVhC0fps_5A. Magazin Verlag, 1993), 46. 61 Cf. Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí: eine Chronik 1991 - 59 Cuba Sí, “ Cuba Sí: eine Chronik 1991 2011, 8-23. - 2011,” (Berlin: private digital library 62 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí: eine Chronik, 8. Habel, 2011), 8. 63 The name was changed by the

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 63 first Fiesta de Solidaridad of Cuba US and a solidarity message to the Sí and has been active in Cuba Sí Cuban people.66 for a long time. “We started to have In addition to national a small celebration in the embassy meetings, international congresses67 in Pankow, there were a few stands were also organized and attended, [where] Cuba Libre was sold, [there three of them in Europe. In May was also] an information desk about 1992, Cuba Sí participated in the our projects [and we sold] souvenirs Cuba Congress “’Solidarity with and T-shirts. [...T]here was always Cuba’ - Ending the Blockade by music”. Other solidarity groups the USA, EC [European Community] like KarEn also had desks at the and FRG”68 in Bonn. Cuba Sí did not celebration.64 merely assist at the congress, but Aside from the Fiesta de they sponsored its creation as well. Solidaridad, which was certainly Ulrich Bojé, a member of Cuba Sí, informative but mainly meant for was also a speaker at the conference. celebrating and spending time In his speech, he explained the together, Cuba Sí also organized policy of the FRG towards Cuba. public informative events. The Besides Bojé, numerous other main focus was on the organization people, mainly from Europe and Latin and participation in congresses America, took part in the congress or meetings between solidarity as speakers. This example shows groups. On the one hand, the that the communication was not one- various regional groups of Cuba Sí sided, including a diverse variety A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p met to coordinate their work and of speakers and representatives. exchange information. Then there As with the national congresses, were three national congresses,65 numerous representatives of Cuba one of them organized by Cuba also actively participated in the Sí itself in Berlin. At this solidarity congress. congress, a total of 281 participants In addition, the President of took part, including guests from the Republic of Cuba, Fidel Castro, Cuba and representatives of the sent a message of greeting to the Cuban government in Germany. Solidarity Congress in Bonn. His main The participants addressed a final focus was on presenting the current declaration to the President of the

66 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí: eine Chronik 1991 - authors. Lukas has been an active 2011, 16f. member of Cuba Sí since the first year 67 International Congress is a category of its foundation. that includes congresses attended by 64 Personal interview conducted in solidarity and friendship groups and German and translated to English. other interested parties and friends 65 The National Congress consists of Cuba. The participants originated of friends of Cuba and mainly from different countries (except Cuba participants from German-Cuban and Germany). solidarity and friendship groups. 68 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí, 10.

64 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l blockade by the US from Cuba’s various areas.70 Notable about these perspective. He elaborated: various meetings is that most of the events organized by Cuba Sí were [They think] in Washington that addressed mainly to people who we will not be able to resist, that were already involved with Cuba. the hour of the settlement with However, other events appealed Cuba has come. To this purpose to a larger audience as a result of the USA intensifies its ideological their visibility. For example, Cuba war [...]. Several European Sí organized vigils, such as the one governments and institutions in front of the US Embassy in Berlin

| have joined this policy by setting in October 1993, in which they T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p political conditions for the demanded an end to the US policy development of cooperation and of blockade.71 On top of that, Cuba bilateral relations [...]. [But] no one Sí organized a large demonstration should feel pity to us. [...] You give in protest against the US economic much more. You offer us your full blockade of Cuba in Berlin in 1995 political and material solidarity at together with other Cuba solidarity this decisive moment.69 groups. In addition to the types of events just mentioned, Cuba Sí also Castro did not fully clarify organized a soli-skat evening at the what he understood by political and senior citizens’ club Knaackstrasse in material solidarity, however, thus Berlin, where they offered to play the leaving room for interpretation. Three game skat to promote solidarity with years later, the President of the Cuba. Republic of Cuba himself participated in a conference in Copenhagen. INFORMATION This was the counter-summit to the UN World Social Summit, and a Other parts of the population delegation of Cuba Sí also took part were not reached through events, there. but through the production and Four further international distribution of materials. Cuba Sí took congresses were held in Cuba from over editorial offices and produced 1993-1995, with Cuba Sí participating various informative materials, in each of them. At these congresses, which became available then to cooperation was coordinated, and a wider audience. It participated agreements were reached about in the distribution of information the implementation of projects in about Cuba with the editing and publication of two books. Together with the newspaper Junge Welt (Young World) they also participated 69 Fidel Castro Ruz, “Gruß von Fidel an den Solidaritätskongreß [sic!] in Bonn,” Cuba Libre 2 (1992): 21f. Own 70 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí, 14 - 19. translation. 71 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí, 15.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 65 in the publication of “Granma” project which not only supplied milk International.72 Furthermore, in 1994, powder to Cuba, but at the same Cuba Sí produced and published time also aimed to promote national a film documentary entitled “Milch milk production. The authors Gregor für Kubas Kinder” (Milk for Cuba’s Gysi and Ulrich Bojé expressed their Children). gratitude for the solidarity shown up The people involved in Cuba to that point and made Sí produced brochures, information materials, and articles for magazines the request for increased and themselves. One of the goals here continuous solidarity with Cuba was to draw interest to Cuba. Cuba [... to the reader]. Be more Si member Lukas even had this solidary! Do not let this honest experience himself: people out in the cold! Donate regularly for our own solidarity I began to come into more initiatives! Solidarity unites us and contact with Cuba [...] when I gives us hope! [... It is important [saw] with my girlfriend at an to them that Cuba can gain or event of the Humboldt Society keep its] political and economic [...], a brochure about a trip to independence, which makes Cuba, organized by Cuba Sí. And a socially just development it was there that I came to Cuba possible. [The authors then call Sí for the first time, as a result [I] for donations and conclude with also became more involved with the words:] Let’s be realistic, let’s A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p Cuba.73 try the impossible!74

The work of Cuba Sí or Here the authors equated Cuba in general was not only solidarity primarily with financial communicated through brochures. donations. Only in the second Together with the chairman of the step was the political solidarity PDS Gregor Gysi, the working group and international friendship also also wrote articles which frequently mentioned. were published in newspapers and magazines, mainly relating to leftist PETITIONS AND REQUESTS ideology. In a guest article from 1992, they called for donations for a milk Besides events and the production of written and visual materials, petitions and formal requests represented a third way in 72 Granma is the official Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party. At that time, party-related news was distributed via the platform in a 74 Ulrich Bojé and Gregor Gysi, printed newspaper, which now also “Solidarität mit Cuba!: Schluss mit der appears monthly in a German edition. Blockade durch USA, EG und BRD,” 73 Interview with Cuba Sí member. Cuba Libre 3 (1992): 39.

66 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l which solidarity was communicated. PERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS Cuba Sí submitted a series of petitions and requests during its Finally, Cuba Sí first years . These were primarily communicated solidarity in areas addressed to the PDS, which Cuba Sí where they brought together people also utilized to get petitions through from Germany and Cuba, including to state parliaments.75 For example, forms of organized travel. Lukas also on October 28, 1992, a petition took part in such a trip after seeing submitted by the “Linke Liste” the brochure at an event: (Left List, which is a union between

| different left-wing parties) for a My intention was then to go T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p single humanitarian aid project to Cuba to experience what called “Milk for Cuba’s Children” was Cuba is like. Because after the supported by the Brandenburg state collapse [of] the whole Eastern government.76 Earlier, PDS chairman Bloc [...] I thought, of course, Gregor Gysi had called on Chancellor that they would soon have the Helmut Kohl to continue the agreed same situation as we had [...,] deliveries of milk powder between only worse, they didn’t have a East Germany and Cuba. He was big brother to catch them. [...] referring to the 14,000 signatures And when I was there, the will to of persons organized by Cuba Sí take part [in Cuba Sí] was even who supported this demand. In April bigger because what I saw there, 1993, the PDS and Linke Liste then after the collapse of the Periodo called on the German government to Especial [special period] in Cuba normalize German-Cuban economic in 1992, was a catastrophe. relations. Both petitions, however, were not responded to by the The example of Lukas shows German government. how deep the impressions and experiences of people who came into contact with Cuba through Cuba Sí could be. Of course, this was certainly not as intense for all travelers as it was for him. Nevertheless, Cuba Sí 75 These requests to the PDS were made at the respective party has continuously offered journeys conferences. In the first year of Cuba to Cuba. In addition to these private Sí, 1991, the PDS already applied for trips, Cuba Sí also connected solidarity with the Cuban people and Germans and Cubans in other ways, demanded the immediate ending like the congresses and information of the blockade. The motion was accepted by the Party Executive events analyzed above. There were Committee. In addition, Cuba Sí also working visits of delegations of submitted three further motions at Cuba Sí to Cuba. party conferences. See Cuba Sí, Cuba Another objective was to Sí, 8-21. unite people in political positions. 76 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí, 11.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 67 Gregor Gysi, for example, met organs. Fidel Castro in February 1992 for Aside from embassies and a discussion lasting several hours direct contact, most contacts of in Cuba. During this trip he also solidarity groups with Cuba were had contact with other Cuban organized through ICAP (Cuban party members.77 Other than Gysi, Institute of Friendship with the additional political figures were Peoples). The former President of connected with Cuban politicians, ICAP, Sergio Corrieri, said in 1993: including the honorary chairman of the PDS Hans Mondrow, who had We are living through a time conversations with high-ranking when solidarity with Cuba is at representatives of the PCC (Partido the highest level in its history. [...] Comunista de Cuba), and the Solidarity is more fundamental, National Assembly in 1993. In 1994, even if the friends want to a delegation from Brandenburg also materialize their solidarity in visited Cuba as guests at the Cuban concrete solidarity goods, the National Assembly. really important thing is that Yet it was not only Germans many have contributed to it and that visited Cuba, as Cubans also have been present at events. [...]. came to Germany. They were [Events and campaigns are] an invited to congresses, information important sign of solidarity.80 events, or work visits, to meet with representatives of the PDS and Linke For Lukas, solidarity meant A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p Liste to discuss the current situation giving something to others. He also in Cuba.78 thought “if you’re a child from the Cuba Sí generally GDR, then you [got to know] this communicated with the Cuban system under socialism. Solidarity authorities. Lukas remembered the with other people and other countries contact “in the beginning mainly who are not particularly well off, who went through the embassy [as Cuba were in the struggle for liberation Sí was] formed as a Solidary Group, and the like [...], you’ve always had they worked very closely with the a relationship with other countries Cuban embassy. [Later,] it all went [and] other people.”81 Cuba Sí thus through the [...Cuban] Ministry of took over a function that the FRG Commerce.”79 This meant that the could never have assumed in the work of Cuba Sí was also political from the beginning. Just as it had been between GDR and Cuba, the 80 Isabel Morales, “Die communication was handled via state Solidaritätsbewegung mit Cuba besteht aus vielen ehrlichen Menschen: Interview mit Sergio 77 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí, 10. Correri, Präsident des ICAP,” Cuba 78 Cuba Sí, Cuba Sí, 9-23. Libre 1 (1993): 32f. 79 Interview. 81 Interview.

68 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l same way. As a result, Cuba Sí came reunification, these relations ended to represent the other Germany in abruptly and left the solidarity and Cuba.82 friendship groups of the FRG with a solidarity concept that needed to be redefined and communicated AN OUTLOOK anew. The transition period after the fall of the Berlin Wall and before There is a continuity to be Germany was officially reunited observed in the communication consisted of rising tensions and of solidarity that began with the terminations of contracts, as well as

| first steps towards an intercultural the establishment of intercultural T h e C o n s t r u c i f S l d a y P b p exchange in the GDR, which then exchange networks between the persevered after the German former GDR—then FRG—and Cuba. reunification and the end of bilateral Soon after tensions subsided, relations between the GDR and solidarity groups in the FRG resumed Cuba. their cooperation with Cuba and As our analysis indicates, became increasingly political in solidarity in the GDR and Cuba their work. Besides the organization was bound to the actors it was of events and coordination of communicated and instilled by. development projects, these From the government to its citizens, groups—such as Cuba Sí—focused both states used the rhetorical on the distribution of information and means to appeal to hard work and intercultural (political) exchange as a productivity as international bonds means to continuously communicate that was considered the essence of solidarity. their solidarity. The same emotional Although the type of bond could not be found in the cooperation changed from a state communication between their state to a community level, at its very institutions, as this type of solidarity core solidarity was communicated was solely based on the expectation in a way that appealed to the of a mutual benefit and economic- social norms of citizens and thus to political profit. In addition, it was their demeanor, as Radtke stated endangered by a rising lack of trust in her aforementioned definition towards the end of the 1980s. of solidarity, more than solely for With the German humanitarian reasons such as the general feeling of helping others. The example of solidarity groups such as 82 Cuba Sí Berlin, “Video: 20 Cuba Sí quite clearly displays that Jahre Cuba Sí - Teil 3,” Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/ solidarity was usually based on a watch?v=dR8T2Os0awA. Although mutual benefit such as cooperation this was said by members of and intercultural exchange. For Cuba Sí in the context of cultural Cuba Sí, this resulted in a main representation at a book fair, it sums focus on material assistance with up most areas.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 69 the byproduct of ideological support in their external communication and, in this manner, served as a replacement for the former dynamic between Cuban and GDR relations. The difference before and after the reunification, however, lies in the voluntary core of Cuba Sí’s work and its goal to strengthen Cuba’s political and economic independence as opposed to the aforementioned “voluntary coercion.”83 Another continuity to be observed lies in the organization of cooperation, which proceeded to mainly take place on a state level in Cuba. In this context, the PDS enabled a much more profound political exchange than other solidarity groups at the time. What this analysis aims for is the general understanding of solidarity communication during and following the Cold War and a closer A n a i r s D í z M c e o d J h H b l | T C t u f S y P p look at the ideological structures it depended on. Nonetheless, questions of how these ideological structures offer a top-down mentality and whether the resulting hierarchies can still be found in solidarity groups via so-called “Third World” or development projects remain unanswered and suggest the need for further research.

83 “UMBRÜCHE-Diskussion: A Work in Progress,” 14.

70 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020

IV. CHILE

Solidarity or System Stabilization? Chilean Exile in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) – An Analysis of the Media Coverage of Neues Deutschland

by DAVID KRISTEN AND GEORG STURM

72 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S ABSTRACT

This paper examines the instrumentalization by the SED (Socialist Unity Party of Germany) of granting asylum to Chileans in the GDR after the military coup in 1973. By conducting both quantitative and qualitative content analysis

of Neues Deutschland media coverage, the outstanding t u r m importance of Chile to the GDR is shown. This study is based

| on the post-positivist understanding of frames as interpretation S o l i d a r t y schemes that structure and create different social realities. Based on three main repetitive frames: international class struggle, opposition to illegitimate state and antifascist myth, this article argues that the displayed resistance against the y s t e m S dictatorship in Chile and the solidarity with Chilean opposition and exiles aimed to justify and stabilize the GDR state system. The solidarity with Chile and the admission of refugees was t a b i l z o n stylized in order to underline the moral superiority of the GDR’s ideological framework in the context of Cold War. The high number of related articles and the multitude of analyzed ? articles support the theoretical assumptions and highlights the instrumentalization of Chilean Exile to the GDR. The findings indicate that the media coverage can be understood as a tool for system stabilization while the solidarity seemed to be existent in a variety of actions.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

David Kristen and Georg Sturm are both completing the International Relations masters program at Freie Universität Berlin, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and Universität Potsdam. David Kristen´s main areas of interest are the fields of political economy and security policy. He gained professional experience working for the German Chamber of Commerce in Chile and the German Corporation for International Cooperation (giz). Georg Sturm focuses his academic research on Latin America, Peace and Conflict Studies and political theory. He currently works as a freelance journalist for Neues Deutschland and die tageszeitung (taz).

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 73 ? INTRODUCTION class struggle. The Chilean case was of special importance to both

t a b i l z o n The Chilean Cause is our Cause. supporters and opponents of the Erich Honecker, 12.09.19741,2 Socialist Unity Party of Germany

y s t e m S (SED) regime, which led to an After the military coup extraordinary presence in the GDR against the democratically elected media. This article analyses the socialist government of Salvador dominant discourses used to present Allende in 1973, up to one million the GDR’s solidarity work with Chile Chileans fled the country. About by examining the media coverage of t u r m | S o l i d a y 2000 Chileans sought refuge in the official party newspaper of the Eastern Germany during Pinochet’s SED. We demonstrate the reasons 17 year rule.3 Solidarity with the other than humanist solidarity “antifascist resistance of the Chilean that might have led to the GDR’s people”4 against the internationally admission of Chileans fleeing from criticized authoritarian military the military junta. We argue that dictatorship, and with the supporters although the solidarity was real, the D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S of the Chilean Way to Socialism5 main purpose was to highlight the played an important role for the moral justification of the GDR’s own German Democratic Republic (GDR), system, and their usage of narratives whose national identity was based such as antifascism, class struggle on antifascism and international and opposition to unjust government. This instrumentalization had the objective of stabilizing the GDR 1 Erich Honecker cited in “Brüderliche regime by gaining legitimation among Begegnung mit Kämpfern der Unidad their own population. Popular,” Neues Deutschland, The case of Chile September 12, 1974, 1-2. demonstrates the global dimension 2 All citations are translated from German to English. of the Cold War, and how domestic 3 Jost Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politics affected by international politisches Instrument – Chilenische system conflict developed their own Emigranten in der DDR 1973–1989,” dynamics. By attempting to establish Totalitarismus und Demokratie, no. 2 socialism via democratic elections (2005): 346. 4 “Alle Völker der Erde sind an as a “third way” between capitalism unserer Seite,” Neues Deutschland, and communism, the political project September 12, 1974, 5. of Salvador Allende was drawn into 5 Salvador Allende coined the term these dynamics and found its sudden “the Chilean Way to Socialism” (Also: end in the 1973 coup. This paper The Chilean Road to Socialism) as a metaphor for the proper ideas follows the conceptual frameworks and implementation of socialism in in the field of international history, Chile. Sometimes it is also referred analyzing the Cold War as a global as “third way” between the two phenomenon transcending its predominant ideologies capitalism simplistic characterization as a and communism.

74 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S bipolar conflict of two superpowers.6 such as economic interests.8 Referring to the military This speech also illustrates overthrow, the General Secretary of the rather rationalist reasons the SED, Erich Honecker highlighted of self-interest that might have the extraordinary importance of driven the GDR to grant asylum solidarity with Chile to his country to Chilean refugees: the military in his speech during a meeting with coup of Pinochet had been widely t u r m

leaders of the Popular Unity (UP) rejected by many countries all | published by Neues Deutschland over the world. Since one of S o l i d a r t y (ND). He emphasized that the the main purposes of Eastern “Chilean people are certainly not German foreign policy was to alone”, since “all progressive, gain international appreciation, democratic, humane, upright the SED-government tried to y s t e m S people all over the world” were place itself at the head of the supporting them. As citizens of the international solidarity movement t a b i l z o n “first German workers’ and peasants’ with Chile.9 Moreover, many East state” Honecker considered their German citizens—including those “internationalist class obligation […] in opposition to the SED-regime— ? to do everything in order to help the supported the government of Chilean people to free themselves Salvador Allende, since it was from the scourge of fascism.”7 taken as evidence that a socialist While the SED presented transformation via democratic their support for the opposition elections was possible.10 in Chile as an act of humane and Therefore, the harsh criticism of selfless solidarity, this was not Pinochet’s military coup and the self-evident, as the handling of following dictatorship, and the the Argentine military dictatorship politics of solidarity with Chilean shows. Human rights violations opposition served the purpose of the military junta were not of gaining support among the publicly rejected, as in the case of Pinochet’s dictatorship. This demonstrates how the GDR dealt 8 Sebastian Koch, Zufluchtsort DDR?: with similar regimes selectively Chilenische Flüchtlinge und die Ausländerpolitik der SED (Sammlung depending on different factors, Schöningh zur Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2016), 111. 9 Patrice G. Poutrus, “Zuflucht im 6 For more information see: Richard H. Nachkriegsdeutschland. Politik und Immerman and Petra Goedde, The Praxis der Flüchtlingsaufnahme in Oxford Handbook of the Cold War Bundesrepublik und DDR von den (Oxford: Oxford University Press, späten 1940er bis zu den 1970er 2013). Jahren,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft. 7 Erich Honecker cited in “Brüderliche Zeitschrift für Historische Begegnung mit Kämpfern der Unidad Sozialwissenschaft, no. 35 (2009): Popular,” Neues Deutschland, 135–175. September 12, 1974, 1-2. 10 Koch, Zufluchtsort DDR, 113.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 75 ? population by depicting a common asylum: “The GDR can grant enemy and referring to the asylum to citizens of other states

t a b i l z o n antifascist founding myth of the (…) if they have been persecuted GDR. As the term “solidarity” is of for political (…) activities in

y s t e m S central importance for this paper, defense of peace, democracy, a brief theoretical embedding the interests of the working is reasonable. Considering the people (…).”14 Interpreting who political dimensions and our fulfills these criteria and receives argumentative approach, the the opportunity of asylum was most appropriate definition seems incumbent upon the political t u r m | S o l i d a y to be a “relation that unites a agenda. SED meeting minutes collective of individuals who indicate that granting asylum are collectively responding to a should be limited to members and situation of injustice, oppression, supporters of the UP.15 Besides social vulnerability or tyranny.”11 their designation as exiles and This definition displays clearly the refugees, Chileans were mostly two components relevant for the called political emigrants. D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S consideration of Chilean exile in Research dealing with the GDR: first, the “commitment to political emigrants in the GDR collective action”12 resulting from focuses on the right of asylum the common perspective of the and the political dimension of the events in Chile, and second, the admission practice. By analyzing the opposition to these “oppressive protocols and reports of the SED social structures.”13 and the Ministry for State Security (MfS) Patrice Poutrus argues that, even though presented differently in POLITICAL DIMENSION OF public, political emigrants “were not CHILEAN EXILE equal members of a transnational socialist collective but tolerated The implementation of this guests of a nationally defined solidarity was the acceptance German community.”16 Poutrus also of Chileans escaping after highlights the differences between September 11th, 1973. The political the official presentation of political elite of the SED had free leeway as paragraph 23 of the GDR constitution of 1968 sets a “can” regulation for the granting of 14 Verfassung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik vom 6. April 1968, in der Fassung vom 7. Oktober 1974, (Berlin: 1974), Abschnitt 11 Sally J. Scholz, Political Solidarity (The II, Kapitel 1, Artikel 23 Absatz 3. Pennsylvania State University Press, 15 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches 2008), 197-199. Instrument,” 347. 12 Scholz, Political Solidarity, 480. 16 Poutrus, “Zuflucht im 13 Scholz, Political Solidarity, 480. Nachkriegsdeutschland,” 160.

76 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S emigrants.17 Although the total Jost Maurin examines numbers of political emigrants were the political dimension of the rather low, especially compared admission of Chilean emigrants by to other groups such as immigrant depicting the admission process workers, in the official propaganda and the composition of the group of they played a highlighted role. The emigrants, the majority of who were goal of their public description was active members of the Communist t u r m

to generate the picture of “good and the Socialist Party of Chile. | immigrants”, “freedom fighters” Maurin describes the manifold S o l i d a r t y and “antifascists.”18 According to problems of integration, such as the Poutrus, these descriptions of the “proletarianization” of the Chilean Chilean immigrants were used to emigrants, who, even though mostly reach skeptical citizens that might academics, were forced to do manual y s t e m S have rejected the ideas of the GDR, labor.20 Moreover, he analyses in order to prove the humanist how SED officials tried to shape t a b i l z o n mission of the socialist state and the political work of the Chilean regain legitimization. Even though opposition by financing their foreign he highlights the propagandistic office and work in the GDR, and by ? dimension of asylum and outlines pushing the Socialist Party and the how migrants suffered from the Communist Party of Chile to merge lack of legal guarantees, Poutrus into a Communist Unity Party.21 concludes that the GDR sometimes The most extensive work on granted asylum and economic Chilean emigrants and the solidarity support for migrants generously.19 work of the GDR is by Sebastian Koch, who focuses on the tension between publicly represented claims on asylum policy and actual motives 17 Patrice G. Poutrus, “Mit strengem of the state by presenting in detail Blick. Die sogenannten Polit. Emigranten in den Berichten des the situation of exiled Chileans amidst MfS,” in Fremde und Fremd-Sein in the reactions of the population and der DDR. Zu historischen Ursachen their interactions. Unlike Poutrus and der Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Maurin, whose work is mainly based Ostdeutschland, ed. Jan C. Behrends, on GDR files, Koch also compares Thomas Lindenberger, Patrice G. Poutrus (Metropol Verlag Berlin, these insights with narratives of 2003), 231-250. contemporary witnesses. 18 Olaf Groehler, “Antifaschismus - Vom Umgang mit einem Begriff,” in Zweierlei Bewältigung. Vier Beiträge über den Umgang mit der 20 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches NS-Vergangenheit in den beiden Instrument,” 353. deutschen Staaten, ed. Ulrich Herbert 21 Jost Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als and Olaf Groehle (Hamburg, 1992), politisches Instrument: chilenische 29-40. Emigranten in der DDR 1973-1989,” 19 Poutrus, “Zuflucht im Totalitarismus und Demokratie, 2 Nachkriegsdeutschland,” 161. (2005): 356-358.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 77 ? Except for the work of and foreigners. Using interpretative Poutrus22 and Maurin,23 who qualitative content analysis we aim

t a b i l z o n used media reports exclusively to to deconstruct the media coverage accentuate the research results of to identify the dominant discourses

y s t e m S the investigation of official files, there used to present the GDR’s solidarity is little to no systematic research work with Chile. We argue that there on how Chilean emigrants and the were different frames (international solidarity work of the GDR were class struggle, opposition to presented by the state-owned illegitimate state, antifascist myth) media. Historical research on political that were used to present the t u r m | S o l i d a y emigrants in the GDR, even taking resistance against the dictatorship in into account the propagandistic Chile and the solidarity with Chilean function of asylum and solidarity, opposition to gain legitimization disregards the importance of media among the GDR’s own population and propaganda during the Cold as well as international appreciation. War, which was mainly constituted by In addition to our main method, the an ideological conflict and can also content analysis of ND, we conducted D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S be understood as a “battle for the two interviews with contemporary conquest of human minds.”24 witnesses in order to take the By examining the reporting of personal perception of Chilean exiles Neues Deutschland this article aims into account. to interpret how the media coverage This article is structured of the official party newspaper into three sections. First, a brief reflects the intentions and functions quantitative overview of the media of SED’s solidarity with Chile. This coverage of Neues Deutschland from study addresses the tension between 1969 to 1989 in order to display the solidarity and system stabilization. representativeness of the findings Being the official party newspaper of the qualitative content analysis, of the SED with a circulation of a as well as to show the extraordinary million copies, and being regarded importance for the SED. Second, by foreign countries as the regime’s a qualitative interpretation of the diplomatic voice, ND was the SED’s framing, answering the question of main way to communicate to citizens how the SED presented its solidarity work and the GDR’s role in the opposition to Pinochet’s dictatorship. 22 Poutrus, “Mit strengem Blick,” 231- Finally, a contextualization of our 250. findings regarding the ideological 23 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches dimensions of the Global Cold War Instrument,” 345-374. 24 Benedetta Calandra and Marina and the propagandistic and system Franco, La guerra fría cultural en stabilizing function of solidarity. América Latina. Desafíos y límites para una nueva mirada de las relaciones interamericanas (Buenos Aires: Editorial Biblos, 2012).

78 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S THE CHILEAN WAY TO the intervention of the United SOCIALISM States. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) played an especially Placing the Chilean important role in destabilizing the happenings into the framework Allende administration. Besides the of the Global Cold War is rather boycott of the economy resulting convincing. The signed copy of Che in an economic depression, the t u r m

Guevara’s book, The Guerrilla War, CIA took measures to subsidize | which reads “To Salvador Allende, the Chilean Newspaper El Mercurio S o l i d a r t y who is trying to obtain the same and infiltrate the Chilean military result by other means. Affectionately, and political parties.26 The final Che”25 illustrates perfectly how the result was a military coup led by political project of Unidad Popular the general of the armed forces, y s t e m S was seen as part of the communist Augusto Pinochet, which brought the camp, while being different in some attempt of establishing democratic t a b i l z o n ways. The main difference was socialism to a sudden end on the 11th the attempt at a peaceful system of September, 1973. The military junta transition via democratic elections immediately started to arrest and in ? and later an office administration numerous cases torture and murder without repressive instruments. The political activists and sympathizers of election campaigns and political work the UP. of Allende and the UP represented Consequently, the GDR the perfect international class granted asylum to about 2000 struggle that the SED regime invoked Chileans fleeing persecution.27 constantly. Compared to the estimated one This struggle applies million Chilean refugees28 this even more for Salvador Allende’s number remains low, but played three-year presidency, which an important role in the public was characterized by an incisive presentation of the extraordinary process of reforming the social case of Chile for the GDR. The and economic policy of Chile. overwhelming majority were The main fields of action were the members or supporters of the nationalization of natural resources, socialist or communist party that especially of copper; and an were able to leave the country agrarian reform at the expense of large landowners. The success of Allende and with it the related 26 The Church Committee - The fear of a “second Cuba” provoked Church Report (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1975). 27 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches Instrument,” 345-374. 25 Regis Debray. The Chilean Revolution: 28 Inga Emmerling, Die DDR und Conversations with Allende (New Chile (1960-1989): Aussenpolitik, York: Pantheon Books/Random Aussenhandel und Solidarität (Berlin: House, 1971), 74. Ch. Links Verlag, 2013), 393.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 79 ? in different ways and at varying those of Cuba between 1973 and moments of time, mostly supported 1977, in some cases by almost 500. At

t a b i l z o n by the “Actions of Solidarity” its peak, the number of articles about (Solidaritätsmaßnahmen) the Central Chile reached a total number of 1519

y s t e m S Committee agreed on fourteen in 1974, one year after the military days after the coup.29 According to coup, which makes an average of reports by contemporary witnesses, nearly four articles per day. This was the reception of the Chilean exiles also the year that most Chileans proceeded mostly unbureaucratically, arrived in the GDR and many and the provision of housing, clothing solidarity events took place. t u r m | S o l i d a y and temporary financial support was The cases of Greece and given generously.30,31 Argentina were selected due to comparable events, as both suffered a military overthrow of a ABSOLUTE NUMBERS AND THE democratically elected government IMPORTANCE OF CHILE FOR THE and, consequently massive human GDR rights violations.32 Although both D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S countries, especially Argentina, Although the military coup showed numerous parallels with the in Chile was not unique and the developments in Chile, this is not total number of Chileans seeking reflected in the media coverage as asylum in the GDR remained low the numbers of related articles in compared to other immigrant Neues Deutschland remained almost groups, Chile represented a case of always below those about Chile. This exceptional importance for the public is also true for 1976 when the military media coverage. Starting with the overthrew president Isabel Perón quantitative analysis of the media in Argentina, and for 1967 when the coverage of Neues Deutschland same occurred to prime minister that is summed up in Figure 1, the Georgios Papandreou of Greece33. outstanding importance of Chile is Additionally to the visualized. While Cuba as a country comparisons to other countries, of importance for the Warsaw Pact Figure 1 also shows the number of was regularly represented in the articles about Chile that are related media coverage, the number of articles regarding Chile exceeded 32 Nicos Mouzelis, “On the Rise of Postwar Military Dictatorships: Argentina, Chile, Greece,” 29 Katrin Neubauer, “Exilchilenen: Comparative Studies in Society and Leben in der DDR,” Lateinamerika History 28 (2009): 55-80. Nachrichten 287, (1998). 33 The numbers for Greece remain on 30 See: Interviews conducted by a low level with the only exception Sebastian Koch, Zufluchtsort DDR, 111. during 1968, the year of the military 31 Self-conducted interviews with two overthrow (1966: 140 articles, 1967: Chilean exiles. 604 articles, 1968: 278 articles).

80 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S to the keywords (anti)fascism, (anti-) for class struggle, opposition to imperialism and solidarity. These illegitimate states, and the antifascist keywords are characteristic of the myth, solidarity played an even GDR’s discourse, showing how more important role in the official the previously displayed frames media coverage of the ND. Being a can also be found quantitatively. combination of all three frameworks,

The keywords are the linguistic this keyword explains the frequency t u r m

expressions for these frames: of the articles regarding Chile, almost | solidarity to a nation that is struggling, half of which published between S o l i d a r t y and fascist overthrow supported by 1973 and 1978 dealt with solidarity. By the American imperialists against 1973, the number of solidarity related the working class. The terms fascism articles about Chile already added up and imperialism were often used to the amount of 576, rising to 710 in y s t e m S to describe the military dictatorship 1974. References to (anti)fascism and

in Chile, and antifascism and anti- (anti-)imperialism also remained high: t a b i l z o n imperialism were essential ideals of 193 articles on Chile were related the GDR’s socialist ideology. Besides to (anti)fascism and 220 to (anti)

the importance of (anti)fascism imperialism. The concept of solidarity ? and (anti-)imperialism as narratives was even more important considering

FIGURE 1: Frequency of selected keywords in the newspaper Neues Deutschland.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 81 ? the total number of related articles analyze which reasons might have in the media coverage dealing with led the GDR to frame some issues

t a b i l z o n Chile. in a certain manner. We therefore examined a total of 41 exemplary

y s t e m S articles, which were published in CONTENT ANALYSIS: 27 different editions between 1973 DISASSEMBLING SOLIDARITY (the year of the coup) and 1988 (the beginning of democratic transition in As the quantitative approach Chile). Most of them were published draws attention to solidarity, a closer on the anniversary of the military t u r m | S o l i d a y look at this concept on a qualitative coup or the day after, since during level is required. By applying a frame these dates most solidarity events analysis, we aim to examine how took place and Chile was the focus of the GDR used solidarity regarding reporting. the military dictatorship and Chilean There can be identified three exile. Political actors used frames main frames used in the articles to describe issues in a certain way dealing with the GDR’s solidarity D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S and thus construct them in this work with Chile. In dealing with manner. This analysis departs from Pinochet’s dictatorship, the authors the understanding of frames as of Neues Deutschland use and “interpretation scheme that structures refer to the antifascist myth as a key the meaning of reality.”34 Frames element for eastern German identity influence social reality by creating and the international class struggle different social realities and leading as a humanist duty of socialist to different receptions of the world. countries. The resistance against the They always rely on certain values, military dictatorship is framed as the norms and ideas, which Geoffrey opposition to an illegitimate state Vickers describes with the term (“Unrechtsstaat”) in order to create a “appreciative system.”35 This study common enemy and strengthen the aims to identify way in which the GDR’s identity as a community. discourse of Neues Deutschland regarding the solidarity work with Chile refers to these apparently ANTIFASCIST MYTH obvious assumptions. Moreover, by contextualizing these findings we In the reporting of Neues Deutschland the solidarity work with Chile is almost always framed as part of an antifascist fight against a fascist 34 Erving Goffman, Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of regime. Erich Honecker assures in a experience (Harvard: Harvard speech published in the newspaper University Press., 1974). that the GDR would do what it needed 35 Geoffrey Vickers, “Science and to get rid of “fascism, the spawn of the Appreciative System,” Human Relations 21, no. 2, (1968): 99–119.

82 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S international finance capital, in Chile.”36 arrested in Chile for three years.38 Various articles In a report about a solidarity compare the dictatorship in Chile event in the Friedrichstadtpalast with National Socialism and Germany in Berlin one year after the under Hitler. By referring to an military coup, the author refers interview with Carlos Contreras to a speech of Orlando Millas,

Labarca, General Secretary of member of the political commission t u r m

the Communist Party of Chile and of the Communist Party of Chile | director of the “Office Antifascist and former minister in Allende’s S o l i d a r t y Chile” in the GDR, the author of the government. “Orlando Millas article relates the solidarity work with combined the gratitude for solidarity Chile to the antifascist resistance of with a congratulation on the 25th the Soviet Union against National anniversary of the GDR, where— y s t e m S Socialism. He argues that “thirty as he emphasized—fascism was years ago, fascism was smashed, exterminated.”39 In 1977, Neues t a b i l z o n mainly thanks to the heroic struggle Deutschland published a speech of the Soviet Union”. Comparing by Erich Mückenberger, member National Socialism with Chilean of the Politburo of the SED, at a ? military dictatorship he states that commemoration act of the antifascist fascism “should never be tolerated in resistance against National Socialism. any country in the world.”37 In this speech Mückenberger also In a speech published in refers to the military coup that Neues Deutschland, Jorge Montes, had happened four years before member of the Communist Party of in Chile. He sees Chile as a proof Chile, also explicitly draws parallels that “fascism is still a real danger.” between the Chilean dictatorship Mückenberger appeals to the and former fascist movements. public, saying that the GDR needs Montes speaks of Chile as “a tragic to “fulfil the legacy of the antifascist example of the dangers that threaten resistance fighters” and therefore humanity” and names Pinochet as should “strengthen and protect our “a somber symbol of the past that socialist fatherland.”40 has tried in vain to resist the course These speeches and articles of history.” He also thanks the GDR for their “antifascist solidarity,” which helped to free him after being 38 Jorge Montes cited in “Solidarität — wir werden siegen!,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1977, 3. 36 Erich Honecker cited in “Brüderliche 39 Orlando Millas cited in “ DDR steht Begegnung mit Kämpfern der Unidad fester denn je an der Seite der Popular,” Neues Deutschland, Patrioten Chiles,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 1-2. September 12, 1974, 1-5. 37 Carlos Contreras Labarca cited in 40 Erich Mückenberger cited in “Alles “Solidarität wird weiter wachsen,” für die Stärkung des sozialistischen Neues Deutschland, February 13, Vaterlandes,” Neues Deutschland, 1975, 7. September 12, 1977, 3.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 83 ? each framed the military dictatorship their opposing humanist ideals. of Pinochet as “fascist” and therefore In a speech published in “Neues

t a b i l z o n the solidarity work of the GDR as Deutschland” Paul Verner, member “antifascist.” They highlighted the of the politburo of the SED, claimed

y s t e m S historical duty to resist a dictatorial that the “active solidarity of our party, regime, which they compared with the government and our people are German fascism under Hitler. By expressions of the deeply humanist referring to this appreciative system, character of our socialist state.” which consists of the commonly Furthermore, he argued that the shared rejection of the barbaric GDR’s “most immediate contribution t u r m | S o l i d a y crimes of the regime, these speeches to international solidarity” consisted emphasize the need to “restore of their high economic output. Thus, freedom” in Chile. While highlighting Verner claimed: “Let us therefore the cruelty and the fascist character do everything we can to fulfil of the military dictatorship in Chile, and deliberately exceed the 1974 the articles framed the GDR as a economic plan being part of the haven of freedom and the successful socialist competition.”41 In his speech D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S overcoming of fascism. Verner addressed the appreciative The statements of a system of the people of the GDR contemporary witness, a Chilean by referring to the shared ideals political emigrant who we interviewed of humanist values to transmit the in addition to the frame analysis, appeal to the citizens to work harder. illustrate these findings: After the Nadja and Erich Bunke, fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 she prized42 GDR citizens, argued even was worried about “neo-Nazis that more explicitly in a guest commentary might enter the GDR,” which can be published a few weeks after the seen as a sign that she internalized military coup. Firstly, they expressed the antifascist narrative, which was their empathy with Chile in an predominant in the GDR. emotional way. “The support of the Chilean people is in our country not just a formal issue, but an affair of the OPPOSITION TO heart.” Then, they asked everyone ILLEGITIMATE STATE “whose heart beats for our brothers in Chile” to “now do even better in This argumentative strategy his work place to strengthen our of creating a common enemy is also reflected in how the GDR presented their own values in contrast to the 41 Paul Verner cited in “Chile Antifascista kämpft und wird siegreich sein!” Chilean dictatorship to strengthen Neues Deutschland, September 12, its raison d’être. By describing the 1974, 3. dictatorship in Chile as the epitome 42 Parents of Tamara Bunke who fought of an illegitimate state, the GDR in Che Guevera’s guerrilla group framed their solidarity as proof of in Bolivia; awarded with the GDR Patriotic Order of Merit.

84 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S homeland, the German Democratic INTERNATIONAL CLASS Republic, and the socialist STRUGGLE community.”43 By appealing to the citizens’ support of Chile, they called By embedding the GDR´s on them to exert more effort and to solidarity with Chile into a global act in a more patriotic way. context, the authors of ND drew

In a speech directed to the focus towards an existing t u r m

Erich Honecker, Carlos Contreras common ground, framing the | Labarca expressed his gratitude opposition to the military regime S o l i d a r t y with the GDR. He called solidarity as part of the international class an “immanent duty of a socialist struggle. Chilean opposition worker and peasant state.” 44 At members were framed as the same event the present worker “fighting class comrades”46 y s t e m S representatives adopted a resolution and the solidarity with Chilean that guarantees “our passionate resistance as “manifestation of t a b i l z o n political, moral and material solidarity, proletarian internationalism.”47 help and support.” “Together with The international dimension is millions of peace-loving people all also reflected in a speech of ? over the world”45 they demanded that Hortensia Bussi de Allende, the Chilean government guaranteed wife of Salvador Allende, who the fulfilment of democratic and expressed her appreciation for the human rights. Thereby, they created GDR’s “fraternal solidarity.” She a community that stood on the right praised the GDR as a “progressive side of history forming part of an nation that works successfully for international solidarity movement. the comprehensive construction of socialism, that fights for peace in the world and for the rapid development and growth and prosperity of all brother countries.”48 This aspect is even more important since ND was considered the main diplomatic voice of the GDR in foreign

43 Nadja and Erich Bunke cited in “Hilfe für Chiles Volk - eine Herzenssache,” Neues Deutschland, September 26, 46 “An der Seite der Patrioten Chiles,” 1973, 2. Neues Deutschland, September 11, 44 Carlos Contreras Labarca cited 1974, 1. in “ Brüderliche Begegnung mit 47 “DDR steht fester denn je an der Kämpfern der Unidad Popular,” Neues Seite der Patrioten Chiles,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 2. Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 1. 45 “Resolution der Teilnehmer an 48 Hortensia Bussi de Allende cited der Solidaritätsveranstaltung im in “Alle Völker der Erde sind an Berliner Friedrichstadtpalast,” Neues unserer Seite,” Neues Deutschland, Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 2. September 12, 1974, 2-3.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 85 ? countries. Thus, these articles not for the GDR’s “great international only addressed GDR’s citizens, but concept” and “revolutionary socialist 51 t a b i l z o n also an international audience. solidarity.” In an article about the The categorization of

y s t e m S matriculation of fifty Chilean students solidarity with Chile as part of at the Karl-Marx-Universität in the international class struggle Leipzig, Minister Böhme highlighted not only expressed the historic the anti-imperialist character of the materialistic understanding of global GDR’s solidarity. He described the developments but also framed the admission of the Chilean students important role the GDR played within t u r m | S o l i d a y as an “expression of the global this process. This reflected the GDR’s anti-imperialist alliance and part convictions and at the same time of the comprehensive solidarity aimed to gain legitimacy for their movement for the Chilean people”. political project. Also, Böhme highlighted the need The different frames of to train revolutionaries as part of solidarity resembled one another the international class struggle through their emotional discourse D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S to overcome the Chilean military and class-militant vocabulary. There dictatorship: Böhme stated that is not a single negative article dealing “free Chile would need teachers, with Chilean opposition members agronomists, doctors and many or political emigrants. Moreover, the other university cadres who are also speeches by and interviews with revolutionaries.”49 Chileans only focused on positive Furthermore, in a resolution aspects of the GDR and its solidarity adopted during a solidarity event work. The GDR is described as by workers representatives and “second homeland” by functionaries published in Neues Deutschland, of the Chilean Communist and they assured both their “passionate Socialist Parties.52 Incidentally, political-moral and material solidarity” one article mentions the language and their “fraternal support [...] barriers between Chilean emigrants under the banner of proletarian and the German population.53 As internationalism.”50 During a film one of the interviewed temporary screening Oswaldo Puccion, vice witnesses confirms, many Chileans president of the “Bureau antifascist did not manage to learn German. Chile”, expressed his gratitude This indicates that even though the

49 Hans-Joachim Böhme cited in “Junge 51 Oswaldo Puccion cited in “Solidarität Chilenen nehmen Studium in der DDR mit Chiles Volk,” Neues Deutschland, auf,” Neues Deutschland, September April 18, 1978, 2-4. 11, 1974, 6-7. 52 “Solidaritätsmeetings in vielen 50 “Resolution der Teilnehmer an Betrieben,” Neues Deutschland, der Solidaritätsveranstaltung im February 13, 1975, 1. Berliner Friedrichstadtpalast,” Neues 53 “Lieder, die uns einen,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 2. Deutschland, February 13, 1975, 1.

86 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S material solidarity was extensive, Global Cold War is mainly qualitative. the political asylum was limited in The quantitative analysis underlines time. The description of the GDR as the conclusions derived from the “temporary refuge”54 is an indicator qualitative analysis and strengthens that the Chileans were perceived its representativity. as guests, who were tolerated for a By applying a frame analysis limited time. on the GDR’s discourse regarding t u r m

the military dictatorship and Chilean | exile, we showed how by referring S o l i d a r t y CONCLUSION to socialist and humanist values the concept of solidarity was used The media coverage of to gain support among the Eastern Chilean political emigrants and German population. We identified y s t e m S the GDR’s solidarity work in three main frames that structured

Neues Deutschland had a clear the GDR’s discourse on Chile: by t a b i l z o n propagandistic function. Firstly, framing their solidarity work as the quantitative content analysis part of an antifascist fight against a demonstrated the extraordinary fascist regime, SED referred to the ? presence of Chile in Neues antifascist founding myth of the GDR. Deutschland being the official Since Pinochet’s dictatorship served party newspaper of the SED, even as a perfect example of a barbaric though the total number of Chileans and antidemocratic regime, the GDR seeking exile in the GDR remained depicted the military dictatorship in low compared to other immigration Chile as a common enemy and tried groups. While (anti)fascism and (anti) to strengthen the Eastern German imperialism were main keywords identity, based on antifascist and in the GDR’s discourse on Chile antiimperialist values. and the military dictatorship of Moreover, the GDR presented Pinochet, solidarity plays an even its solidarity with Chilean political more extraordinary role in the official emigrants as an opposition to an media coverage of ND. Even though illegitimate state to prove their own our main focus is on the qualitative humanist ideals. Many articles on analysis of exemplary articles, this the GDR’s solidarity with Chilean quantitative approach allows us also opposition aimed at putting the GDR to draw general conclusions on the on the right side of history by taking role of Chile in the GDR’s media a leading role in the international coverage on a macro level. This solidarity movement with Chile. mixed method analysis is an unusual The GDR’s opposition to approach, since most research on the the military regime was not only framed as the leading role of the international solidarity movement 54 “An der Seite der Patrioten Chiles,” but also as part of the international Neues Deutschland, September 11, class struggle. The official discourse 1974, 1-4.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 87 ? was characterized by a historic materialistic understanding of global

t a b i l z o n developments, in which the GDR’s role was presented as crucial. By

y s t e m S doing so the SED aimed to gain legitimacy for its political project. The study shows how the GDR framed the situation in Chile and its solidarity with Chilean opposition in a certain way to call for more effort t u r m | S o l i d a y among the population, urging them to act in a more patriotic way. Thus, the framing of the GDR’s solidarity work and Chilean exile not only aimed at legitimizing the Eastern German state, but also influencing the population in line with the SED’s D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S political goals. Furthermore, this analysis demonstrates the important role of media and propaganda during the Cold War, being mainly constituted by an ideological conflict. The importance of Chile for the GDR and the extraordinary presence in the SED’s party newspaper is an example of how global developments were entangled with political developments in other countries. One could say that the GDR’s solidarity work and its representation in the state-owned media were part of the ideological “battle for the conquest of human minds” being constituent of the Global Cold War.

88 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020

V. PARAGUAY

Third World Intervention in the Global Cold War: The German Federal Republic in Paraguay

by VINCENT KAMMER AND CARLA VENNERI

90 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K ABSTRACT a m e r n d C l V The following paper aims to contribute to the study of the Global Cold War and western interventionism in the so- called Third-World countries. Specifically, it explores the role of the Federal Republic of Germany, as a Western Bloc actor, in its bilateral relations with Paraguay under the

Stroessner dictatorship (1954-1989), one of the longest and e n r i most repressive regimes in Latin America. Moreover, this

| study analyses the impact of the Global Cold War in the T h i r d W contemporary system of global governance and international order. The ideological and political dimensions of the Cold War, compounded with its military, economic and cultural o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W confrontations, opened a window onto the rise of West- Germany as a prominent actor in international relations. An exploration of the case of its relations with Paraguay helps to achieve a broader understanding of how Third-World actors increased the spectrum of the conflict to a global level. By engaging in the study of this case within a historical perspective, this article aspires to stimulate a new analysis of the Federal Republic (FRG) interventions within the binarism of the Global Cold War. This study focuses on how bilateral relations between the FRG and Paraguay, inserted into the arena of a global iron curtain, were shaped by anti-communist a r discourses and oriented towards economic goals. The latter were pursued through development projects and strategies to achieve industrialization in Third-World countries. In this context, this paper explores the technical and financial aid provided to support development and modernization in several economic sectors.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 91 a r 1. INTRODUCTION Nobel Peace Prize and the investiture as the main spokesman of the so- The following article explores called “third way” between capitalism the role of the Federal Republic and communism. However, the of Germany (FRG) in the Global focus of this study will neither be Cold War and its bilateral relation on the head of the CDU/CSU-SPD with Paraguay. It focuses on the coalition Kurt Georg Kiesinger, nor time frame encompassing the big Brandt, but on the elements of their coalition CDU/CSU-SPD (1966- governments that tightened the 1969), during which Willy Brandt bilateral relationship between the o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W was simultaneously Minister for FRG and Paraguay. Foreign Affairs and Vice-Chancellor The main goal of this study is in the cabinet, and his subsequent to achieve a deeper understanding chancellery (1969-1974). In a speech of the political and economic e n r i | T h d W given by Willy Brandt on June 26, components that were shaping the 1963, in the occasion of the US bilateral relation between Paraguay president John F. Kennedy visit to and the FRG. Simultaneously, it Berlin, the mayor of the divided city attempts to highlight the points renewed the German’s gratitude of rupture and continuity in the a m e r n d C l V to Americans for their commitment foreign policy related to Paraguay against national socialism and implemented by the Kiesinger fascism in Europe, while also coalition and subsequently by the V i n c e t K underlining the commonality of Social Democratic Party (SPD) led by interests, ideals, and objectives Brandt. By analyzing the ideological linking West-Germany and the USA.1 and political dimensions from this In the forthcoming years, Brandt period, this research also explores became one of the most prominent the economic patterns that shaped and accredited German politicians the “third-way” in-between the two at the international level due to hegemonic superpowers. his Ostpolitik and his presidency This analysis acknowledges of the Socialist International. The the events and development engagement demonstrated by Brandt of the Third World as a central as a president in the North-South- concern during the Cold War and Commission led him to receive the considers this conflict a continuum of the European colonial project, although driven by the paradigm of 1 “Rede Willy Brandts am Rathaus “control and improvement,” rather Schöneberg zum Berlin-Besuch than “exploitation or subjection.”2 von US-Präsident John F. Kennedy, 26. Juni, 1963,” (Deutschlandfunk) Willy Brandt Online Biografie: Bundeskanzler Willy Brandt Stiftung, 2 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold audio, 3:22, https://www.willy- War. Third World Intervention and brandt-biografie.de/quellen/audios/ the Making of Our Times (Cambridge kennedy-1963/. University Press, 2005), 1-10.

92 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K According to some scholars, the the operating principles of what origins and global evolution of the Patrick Iber calls “anti-communist conflict are deeply embedded in entrepreneurs.”7 Furthermore, it a m e r n d C l V western conceptions of development suggests an affinity to a mentality and progress, modernization, that preferred “developmental and Americanism.3 Historian Odd dictatorship, rather than vulnerable Arne Westad underlines that democracies.”8 these ideas were expressed in Some scholars of that time e n r i the full acceptance of free-market enshrined progress and modernity

| economies as the “logical extension as the most desirable objective T h i r d W of the virtues of capitalism and for every state. Within this context, 4 universal liberty.” The FRG’s foreign undemocratic behavior was o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W policies related to Latin America justified and legitimated.9 The case and in particular to Paraguay of Paraguay and the overthrow should be understood within this in Guatemala (1954) represent framework. This should not be solely the emblematic beginning of a conceived as a result of the so- series of military dictatorships in called “Americanization of Europe,” Latin American directly supported but also as the continuation of the through soft or hard intervention; European colonialist project.5 The orchestrated with the collaboration of relationship built by the FRG and Paraguay during the expansion phase a r of the Stroessner regime6 shows also described as the “Paraguayan Miracle” will be analyzed in this article. The third phase (1982-1989) 3 Nils Gilman, Mandarin of the Future. represents the crisis and the end of Modernization Theory in Cold War Stroessner’s regime; Kevin Chambers, America (Baltimore and London: The “Paraguay” in The South America Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972), Handbook. Regional Handbooks 1-9. of Economic Development, eds. 4 Westad, The Global Cold War, 12. Monique Lamontagne and Patrick 5 See Alexander Stephan, The Heenan (London: Routledge, 2002): Americanization of Europe: Culture, 135-38; Andrew R. Nickson, El Diplomacy, and Antiamericanism after regimen de Stroessner (1954-1989) 1945 (Berghahn Book, 2008). (University of Birmingham, 2010). 6 Some scholars like Nickson and 7 Patrick Iber, “Anti-communist Chambers recognized 3 phases entrepreneurs and the origins of the of Stroessner´s Dictatorship. The cultural Cold War in Latin America,” in first phase, the “consolidation” De-centering Cold War History Local decade (1955-1967), is characterized and Global Change, ed. Jadwiga by the suppression of political Pieper Mooney and Fabio Lanza (New opponents, the centralization of York: Routledge, 2013), 167. power in Stroessner’s figure, and 8 Gilman, Mandarin of the Future, 11. the successive adoption of the first 9 Edward Shils, “Political Development International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the New States,” Comparative program for economic stabilization. Studies in Society and History 2, no.3 The expansion Phase (1968-1981) (April 1960): 265.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 93 a r the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), both nations, to the economic aspect they converted the region into one of of the bilateral relationship. The the most unequal and insecure areas FRG’s financial and technical aid to of the globe.10 Paraguay was directed to several To reach a wider sectors of production to support understanding of the economic and development, industrialization, political relationship between the and modernization, which was FRG and Paraguay in the Global Cold considered necessary to acquire a War, it might be useful to place the more prominent position in the global two countries in the orbit of American stage. o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W hegemony, while also considering the colonial era history and the period of German immigration 2. NEW FORMS OF and colonization. This analysis COLONIZATION e n r i | T h d W is mainly based on a qualitative approach compounded by historical, The political and economic sociological, and political reviews. affairs between the Kingdom of The core of its data is composed Prussia and the Independent by the diplomatic correspondence Republic of Paraguay officially began a m e r n d C l V between the FRG Embassy in in 1860 with an agreement on trade Asuncion and the Paraguayan and navigation that ended a long Embassy in Bonn, but also between period of economic isolation.11 The V i n c e t K other FRG ministries and Paraguayan main purpose of the agreement institutions ranging from 1964 to 1974. was the sale of weapons to the The first part of this work Paraguayan market. The agreement addresses the history of European also paved the way for a future settlers who arrived in Paraguay German market of Yerba mate. The before the First World War (WWI), export of this herb remained under as well as the spread of German the monopolized administration of National Socialism in Paraguay the state and was a primary source of during the Second World War (WWII). profit for the economy.12 The end of The second section examines the the Paraguayan War (1864-1870) and beginning of the Cold War, the strengthening of relations between the FRG and Paraguay under the anti- 11 Heinz Schneppen “Deutschland communist flag, and their affiliation und Paraguay von der ersten bis zur to the Western Bloc. Here a review letzten Diktatur, 1816-1989“ Jahrbuch of the role played by the USA is für Geschichte Lateinamerika 37, no. 1 (December 2000): 296. essential. Finally, the article moves 12 Barbara Potthast, „Die historische from the ideological links between Entwicklung Paraguay‘s,“ Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, January 8, 2008, https:// 10 Joseph S. Nye, “Soft Power,” Foreign www.bpb.de/internationales/amerika/ Policy no.8 (Autumn, 1990): 166. lateinamerika/44844/geschichte.

94 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K the catastrophic consequences for scholars, like Benjamin W. Redekop the population led the government to and Frank Henry Epp, underlined the approve a law aimed at encouraging cultural, racial, and political ties of a m e r n d C l V foreign immigration through land Mennonites to Germanism.15 concession and financial aid, a step With Law 514 from July 26, toward officially legitimating a new 1926, the Paraguayan government phase of colonization.13 entitled rights and ensured The first legitimate colony privileges to the new colonies. For e n r i for German migrants was founded instance, Mennonites obtained the

| in 1881 by the Swiss immigrant autonomy to establish their own T h i r d W Jakob Schärer under the name institutions and create an education

San Bernardino, in the Cordillera system where pupils were taught o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W department. In 1887, Bernhardt in their own language. Moreover, Förster, Richard Wagner, and other they were exempted from paying anti-Semitic fanatics celebrated importation duties and national/ the foundation of New Germany municipal taxes for a decade.16 in the department of San Pedro. As Kleinpenning shows, the land At the turn of the century, German assigned for Mennonite settlements migrants founded yet another was purchased through the direct successful settlement, currently financial aid of an intercontinental known as Hohenau, and established company, La Corporación an agriculture-based economy. The Paraguaya, which was officially a r most conspicuous project was held recognized by the government as a by Mennonites, who established colonization company.17 numerous settlements in the Chaco Mennonite colonies region based on the agricultural established in the Chaco area were sector too. The German historian a successful form of legitimized and diplomat Heinz Schneppen colonization based on cooperatives highlighted how the Mennonites devoted to agriculture and breeding. sympathized with Hitler’s politics without identifying themselves within the national socialist ideology.14 Other 15 Frank H. Epp. “An analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the immigrant newspaper of a Canadian minority,” (PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 13 Rudolf Plett, El protestantismo en 1965), 19-74; Benjamin W. Redekop, el Paraguay: su aporte cultural, “German Identity of Mennonite económico y espiritual (Asunción: Brethren Immigrant in Canada, 1930- Fac. Latinoamericana de Estudios 1960.” (PhD diss., University of British Teológico, 1988): 48; Ralph Rotte, Columbia, 1985), 61- 101. “Paraguays ‘Großer Krieg’ gegen 16 Jan M.G. Kleinpenning, The Mennonite die Tripel-Allianz, 1864-187” ÖMZ Colonies in Paraguay. Origin Österreichische Militärische Zeitschrift and Development, (Berlin: Ibero- (February 2011): 6. Amerikanisches Institut, 2009), 5. 14 Schneppen “Deutschland und 17 Kleinpenning, The Mennonite Colonies Paraguay,” 305. in Paraguay, 5.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 95 a r With the support of the Paraguayan 2.2. US INTERFERENCE IN THE government and incentives POLITICAL INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF (technological and economic) from PARAGUAY La Corporación Paraguaya, the colonization of Chaco became an Despite the German- achieved goal. By the end of the Paraguayan history of colonization, 1950s, the activity of the colonies Paraguay did not play any relevant was extended to the production of role in the USA foreign policy towards cotton, the extraction of Palo Santo Latin America until the beginning of oil, and other activities related to WWII. As the Paraguayan historian o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W seeds and new strains of plants.18 Alfredo Seiferheld underlines, in 1929 The case of Chaco is crucial for Paraguay faced the foundation of the present analysis, due to the the first Nazi party recognized and strategic importance acquired by the directly supported by Germany.20 e n r i | T h d W area in the forthcoming years. The The penetration of German National war between Bolivia and Paraguay Socialism in Latin America and the (1932-1935) for the control over the constant growth of trade between Gran Chaco region was marked Germany and Paraguay alarmed the by a strong presence of Germans US, which then regarded National a m e r n d C l V in the ranks of the Paraguayan Socialism as a global threat to the military. Amongst them was Alfredo idea of a free market economy and Stroessner, who would later rule thus, deemed necessary an American V i n c e t K Paraguay during the years of the intervention in the Southern Cone.21 Cold War. At the end of the 1920s The American interest in German immigration to Latin America expanding their sphere of influence was conspicuous and, as Schneppen to Paraguay was not just moved by underlines, Paraguay was for them the fear of Nazism, but mainly by “das Land der Verheißung,” the economic interests. At the dawn of Promised Land.19 WWII, two conspicuous rounds of financial aid amounting to 3.5 and 11 million USD were allocated to Paraguay in military equipment, in

20 Alfredo M. Seiferheld, Nazismo y fascismo en el Paraguay. Víspera de la II guerra mundial. Gobierno de Rafael Franco y Felix Paiva (1936/1939) (Asunción: Editorial 18 Kleinpenning, The Mennonite Histórica, 1985), 70. Colonies in Paraguay, 8-10. 21 Frank O.Mora, “The Forgotten 19 Schneppen “Deutschland und Relationship: United States-Paraguay Paraguay,” 303. All citations have Relations, 1937-89,” Journal of been translated from German or Contemporary History, no. 33 (July Spanish to English by the authors. 1998): 452-454.

96 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K exchange for the concession over 3. FRG, THE USA, AND the port of Asunción in 1940 to an PARAGUAY AFTER WWII American corporation, which officially a m e r n d C l V formalized the start of the era of The USA imperialist strategy American financial aid to Paraguay.22 of intervention in Third-World From this time until 1980, the US countries had begun before and financial aid provided by the USA to during WWII, as a reaction to the Paraguay increased continuously. military confrontation with Bolsheviks e n r i Through this strategy, the Americans during WWI and a “response to

| foreign policy toward Paraguay was the Great Depression.”24 At the T h i r d W able to reach two significant results: beginning of the 1950s, the Cold War first, these commercial, financial was already global and Third-World o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W and diplomatic ties led Paraguay to interventions became one of its become economically dependent important characteristics. According on foreign assistance, opening to Nicolas Guilhot, at the end of WWII, new perspectives of profit for the development aid to the Third World US investment market and, more provided by the USA concealed generally, for the private sector. the intention to enlarge the Second, the dependency—enhanced international circuits of capital and through soft intervention—-enabled the appropriation of new territories the USA to exercise influence and to be exploited.25 The US strategy control, forcing Paraguay to break of backing the rise of nationalism a r its alliance with German National in Third-World countries, as Guilhot Socialists. During WWII and in the continues to explain, was aimed at forthcoming decades, foreign capital preventing these countries from aid became essential for Paraguay. ending up under Soviet influence and According to statistics, the end jeopardizing the American dream of 1939 was characterized by the of world leadership.26 In that sense, presence of 93 million USD in foreign Stroessner’s dictatorship was part of capital, 20 percent of which was the US strategy for political stability in provided by the United States, and 15 the Southern Cone. percent by Germany.23 In 1954, the year of the Paraguayan military coup, the Cold War had reached its peak. The small 22 Michael Grow, The Good Neighbor Policy and Authoritarianism in Paraguay: U.S. Economic Expansion (1987): 13. and the Great-Power Rivalry in Latin 24 Westad, The Global Cold War, 19, 20, America during World War II (Lawrenz: 24. Regents Press of Kansas, 1981), 50. 25 Nicolas Guilhot, The Democracy 23 Naciones Unidas: Comisión Makers: Human Rights and Económica Para América Latina y el International Order (New York: Caribe, “Las empresas transnacional Columbia University Press, 2005), en la economía del Paraguay,” in 104. Estudios e informe de la Cepal, no. 61 26 Guilhot, The Democracy Makers, 104.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 97 a r country in the southern cone was cotton, hides, and lumber.29 From strategically located. By the end of September 15 to 20, 1964, Berlin the 1950s, the FRG completed the hosted the first post-war Industry integration process in the Western Forum under Brandt’s leadership Bloc through its official entrance titled “Foreign Trade and Private in the North Atlantic Pact (NATO) Investment.” The forum involved and the unification of West Berlin. Latin American countries that were These events signalized the return part of the Alliance for Progress, an of the FRG as a power actor on the organization engaged in avoiding international stage. According to the spread of the Cuban Revolution. o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W historian William Gray, the FRG’s The central theme of this forum concerns at that time were directed focused on exports enhancement towards affirming its monopoly on through economic planning and new the international scenario as the cooperation between public and e n r i | T h d W only legally recognized German private companies. Another topic State.27 In the first half of the Global of the forum concerned the World Cold War, the foreign policy towards Bank’s project in Latin America. In Latin America complied with the this context, the presence of the Hellerstein Doctrine, an effort Paraguayan Minister of Industry and a m e r n d C l V to undermine the international Trade José Moreno Gonzales, as legitimacy of East-Germany.28 well as the participation of prominent The first trade agreement members of new regional institutions V i n c e t K between the FRG and Paraguay such as the Economic Commission after WWII is reported by the weekly for Latin America and the Caribbean magazine Die Zeit on March 2, (CEPAL), the Latin American Free 1950. With a trade exchange of Trade Association (LAFTA), the 5.2 million USD, the deal aimed to Secretary of Economic Integration of provide new machinery and metals, Central America (SIECA) signalized but also equipment for industrial the beginning of a new globalized and domestic use. At the top of era.30 the list of the most exported goods from Paraguay to the FRG were 3.2. GLOBAL COLD WAR IN TIMES OF THE 1968 UPRISING

27 William G. Gray, “Cold War The beginning of the Hinterland: West Germany Kiesinger-Brandt era in the FRG and the Establishment of coincides with the collapse of the the Brazilian Dictatorship,” in German Yearbook of Contemporary History (Berlin/ Boston: De Gruyter, 2017), 120. 28 Cornelia Navari, 29 “Paraguay-Baumwolle” Die Zeit, Internationalism and the Nr.09/1950, March 2, 1950. State in the Twenty Century 30 “Latin American Countries at the (New York: Routledge Taylor & Industry Forum, Berlin 1964 in LAB, B Francis Groups, 2000), 172. Rep. 002, Nr. 5479.

98 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K Hallerstein doctrine. The German exception in the provinces of Itapúa Democratic Republic (GDR) had and Alto Paraná was enforced under obtained its legitimacy as an the excuse of the increasing activities a m e r n d C l V independent state in other Third of the Organización Latinoamericana World countries. This period remains de Solidaridad.34 This report displays characterized by a strong anti- the German diplomat’s distorted communism agenda, which was, view of the situation in the area. Such as Thomas Banchoff points out, an a perspective seems to be driven e n r i overlapping priority for Kiesinger and by the classic fear of a possible

| Brandt´s foreign policies.31 revolutionary influence in the region, T h i r d W In 1967 the Stroessner rather than an objective observation regime started a period of economic of the events. o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W growth that some scholars defined Stroessner positioned himself as “the Paraguayan Miracle.”32 In as a bitter anti-communist enemy. the political report of the same He supported “Unser Wunsch,” year, the German Embassy in the FRG’s desire to recognize the Asunción reported a situation of exclusion of the GDR from the United “Innenpolitischer Stabilität” (internal Nations.35 The loyalty to the Western political stability) in contrast to the Bloc was functional to legitimize his revolutionary movements active power and to justify the corrupted throughout the Southern Cone. This system of bureaucratic clientelism was a crucial year for Paraguay, he created. The third re-election a r due to the introduction of a new of Strossner in 1968—carried out constitution which increased the under conditions imposed by president’s political power. The the new constitution, approved ambassador Hubert Krier considered despite the massive protests of the the constitution as a “milestone” three opposition parties and the for the beginnings of a democratic Paraguayan episcopate—plunged the process. 33 The declared state of country into a spiral of violence and repression.36 This was recognized by the Comisión de Verdad y 31 Thomas Banchoff, The German Justicia as the “consolidación de la Problem Transformed: Institution, dictadura con rostro democratico,”37 politics, and Foreign Policy 1945- 1955 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999), 76. 32 Kevin Chambers, “Paraguay,” in 520. Regional Handbook of Economic 34 “Annual Political Report Paraguay Development. The South America 1967, PA AA B.33, Bd. 520; 3, 4. Handbook, ed. by Rory Miller and 35 “Annual Political Report Paraguay David Roch (New York: Routledge 1970”, from German Embassy in Taylor&Francis Group, 2013), 136. Asunción to Federal Foreign office 33 “Annual Political Report Paraguay Bonn, 1.04.1971, PA AA, B 33, Bd. 559. 1967,” from German Embassy in 36 “Annual Political Report Paraguay Asunción to Federal Foreign Office 1967,” PA AA, B 33, Bd. 520. Bonn 12.02.1968, PA AA, B 33, Bd. 37 Mario Melanio Medina, “Informe

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 99 a r as the consolidation of a dictatorship took advantage of the dictatorship’s disguised as democracy. It was position to enlarge its imperialistic also the year Paraguay obtained influence over Latin America. membership at the United Nations as a non-permanent member. The 3.3. FRG AS AN EXPERT OF GLOBAL alleged conspiracy to kidnap the DEVELOPMENT Paraguayan Foreign minister Raúl Sapena Pastor to Cuba functioned as According to Fernando an excuse to increase the repression Pedrosa, the FRG’s politics towards against any kind of dissent.38 The Latin America were not a projection o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W opponents of the Colorado Party, of the US policy in the continent, but Stroessner’s party, had to seek exile the affirmation of its own interests.40 in Uruguay and could not take part The global 1968 uprising overlap in the internal political life of the with the formalization of the FRG’s e n r i | T h d W country. Any attempt at communist interests in Latin America and the propaganda failed in the face of official new strategy of “elastic the effectiveness of the repressive cooperation” pursued by the apparatus put in place by the German Social Democracy Party.41 regime.39 For David Rockefeller’s While Brandt was visiting Chile, a m e r n d C l V visit to Paraguay on June 19, 1969, Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil, Stroessner prohibited all forms of the two state secretaries Rolf Lahr propaganda and opposition through and George Ferdinand Duckwitz V i n c e t K the so-called “Decreto N.5904.” were sent to Mexico, Colombia, The loyalty of Stroessner Peru, and Paraguay. The report of to anti-communism was used the visits makes the main purpose domestically to pursue the economic of the mission clear: it was time to and political interest of its corporative increase the economic and political apparatus, and to justify the spread interventionism in Latin America. of state violence. Externally, the FRG A central point of the Global Cold War from the American perspective—and consequently Comisión Verdad y Justicia Paraguay for its allies—was “to ensure that Conclusiones y Recomendaciones” developing countries (…) reach 2008, accessed November 18, 2019, http://www.derechoshumanos.net/ modernity and statehood without lesahumanidad/informes/paraguay/ triggering more social upheavals,” Informe_Comision_Verdad_y_ Justicia_Paraguay_Conclusiones_y_ Recomendaciones.pdf 40 Fernando Pedrosa, “Elastic 38 “Conspiracy about the abduction Cooperation” in Willy Brandt and of the foreign Paraguayan Minister International Relations: Europe, the to Cuba”, from German Embassy in USA, and Latin America, 1974 – 1992 Asuncion to Federal Foreign Office eds. Bernd Rother and Klaus Larres Bonn, 28.11.1968, PA AA, B33, Bd.520. (Bloomsbury, 2019), 176. 39 “Annual Political Report Paraguay 41 Pedrosa, “Elastic Cooperation” 163, 1967”, PA AA, B 33, Bd. 520; 4, 5. 164.

100 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K which had the potential to destroy diversification of the Paraguayan the geopolitical balance of the Global production with an export-oriented Cold War. From this perspective, vision.44 a m e r n d C l V argues Guilhot, modernity could be The capital aid that the achieved through a rigorous path FRG provided in those years (1966- of scientific knowledge, conceived 1974) for development in Paraguay in the civilized Global North, and coincided with the capital provided exported to developing Third World by other international organizations e n r i countries.42 Therefore, the mission such as the World Bank or the Inter-

| of the industrialized nations was American Development Bank (BID). T h i r d W to provide both capital aid and The numerous and meticulous specialists. On the strict basis of exchanges of information between o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W their scientific knowledge, they were the German embassy in Asunción supposed to support development, and the foreign relations office preparing Third World countries to in Bonn seems to indicate a independently pursue their way to synchronized developmental policy: progress. In the context of the FGR, For the construction of the the term “modern” had already hydroelectric power plant Acaray become a central political concept by (Alto Paraná), the 58% of the financial 1967. capital is provided by the BID, the The period between 1967 21% comes from the state electricity and 1974 saw the proliferation of authority ANDE […]. The second major a r trade agreements that triggered infrastructure project, regarding an development aid in the form of asphalt road from Encarnacion to capital and technical support. The Asunción, is held by the German development and implementation company Hochtief.45 of new private projects reflected In a similar gesture of the commitment of the FRG to cooperation, Brandt’s report expand its already considerable as chairman of the Nord-Süd- technical assistance to Paraguay. Kommission in 1980 recommended The amount of capital aid in the the use of the World Bank guarantee 1960s was conspicuous and directed authority to improve access of to small and middle industries, developing countries to the capital divided into two tranches, each one market, and a common international amounted to 12 million DM.43 Capital presence in the global project of aid was mainly directed to specific companies in the timber processing industry, aiming to contribute to the 44 “Paraguay Economic Development Report 1967,” from German mbassy in Asuncion to Foreign Office Bonn 42 Nicolas Guilhot, The Democracy 31.5.1968, PA AA, B 58, Bd. 1020; 21, Makers, 105, 111, 113. 22. 43 “Annual Political Report 1967,”13, 14, 45 “Paraguay Economic Development PA AA, B 33, Bd. 520. 1967”, 22,23.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 101 a r development. for a two-year mission to advise While the public funding by the Secretary for Development, the FGR to the industrial progress in Economy, and Social Order to set Paraguay was significant, the private up regional and macroeconomic interests of certain German industry development programs, and to train giants were not an exception. the local professionals in these fields. Thyssen Krupp company began 187,000 DM were provided just to to build a cement factory in Valley begin. The project completed the with a capacity of 100,000 tons of goal in a meaningful way, sending cement46. Siemens was responsible another industrial-engineering o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W for building the telephone advisor, who had been employed at infrastructure in Paraguay. The city the Paraguayan Development Bank network of Asunción was extended under German Technical Assistance.49 to six central offices.47 The technical FRG’s development aid to e n r i | T h d W support for development that Paraguay went hand in hand with was not sent through capital aid the regime’s rise in the international entailed the dispatch of qualified arena. In 1968, during his visit to advisers. The involvement of the United State, Stroessner made German scientists covered almost a short speech to the members of a m e r n d C l V every segment of production the council of the Organization of identified by Bonn as strategic for American States (OAS). Paraguay’s future profits. From agriculture foreign policy focused on efforts to V i n c e t K to animal breeding, including promote regional alliances within the chemical and metallurgical the Latin American Free Trade Area industries, the interference of the (ALALC). The dictator considered FGR extended into key institutions the implementation of a selective, for the future planning of Paraguayan duty-free regime, to be an improper development. One of the crucial measure for the Paraguayan economy. Paraguayan institutions responsible In contrast, he promoted a tight for the planning of development regional integration policy within the programs, Banco del Fomento, ALALC, which was crucial for building employed a German industrial a common development policy.50 expert in 1967.48 By the end of 1969, an expert was sent to Paraguay 49 “Expert for the Secretary for Development, Economy, and Social 46 “Paraguay Economic Development Order” IRA Technical Aid 2.9.1969, Report 1968” from German Embassy PA AA, B 58, Bd.1257. “Presentation in Asunción to Foreign Office Bonn to the Interministerial Committee 24.4.1969, 23,24 PA AA, Bd.1095. for Technical Aid” from the Federal 47 “Paraguay Economic Development Minister for Economic Cooperation 1967” 24, 25; PA AA B 58, Bd. 1020. Bonn 31.07.1969 , PA AA, B 58, Bd. 48 “Capital Aid for Paraguay; Second 1257. Tranche of 12 Million DM” PA AA, B 50 “Annual Political Report Paraguay 58, Bd. 1257. 1968”, from Germany Embassy in

102 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K In the era of Social For the Chaco region, the Democracy, the transfer of aid in the FRG’s plans were ambitious. In 1968, form of capital or through technical in response to a request submitted a m e r n d C l V experts continued. On April 12, by some colonies of this region 1972, the FRG granted Paraguay (Menno Neuland and Fernheim), another capital aid of 7.5 million DM the FRG undertook a significant to complete its telecommunications development project designed to be network, an amount further increased a guide for improving the selective e n r i by 4.6 million in May 1973.51 These breeding of cattle, sheep, pigs,

| loans were accompanied by and poultry. The project set up a T h i r d W the deployment of five German study about the market possibilities, telecommunications experts and the preparation, preservation and o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W by the granting of scholarships for construction of slaughterhouses, cold Paraguayan telecommunications stores, and cooperatives.53 German technicians. The financial and support of the great plan to tame the technical aid provided by the FRG “green hell,”54 wanted by Stroessner and the participation of private giants in the modernization of the country underlines how ambitious Gesprächsinfortmation in PA AA, B 58, and competitive this development- Bd. 1257. imperialist project was. 53 “Support for the Technical Aid to Menno, Fernheim and Neueland,” From German Mennonites Council to a r 3.4. DEVELOPMENT PLANS FOR THE German Embassy, Asuncion 10.10.1967, CHACO REGION PA AA, B58, Bd. 1257. “Technical Aid for Paraguay; support for the The example of the Gran Mennonites Colonies in Gran Chaco; Chaco region, and the interest Resolution of the water´s issued”, displayed for the other colonies from German Embassy in Asuncion to Foreign Office Bonn 23.9.1970, PA distributed all over the Paraguayan AA, B.58 Bd.1257. “Slaughterhouse territory, illustrate the way European for Mennonites Colonies in Chaco, colonialism and imperialism have Church Aid, Capital Aid for the never waned. The 14,000 German improvement of cattle industry”, Mennonites who moved to Paraguay from German Embassy in Asuncion 15.7.1970, PA AA B.58, Bd. 1257. after WWII gained considerable 54 Green Hell is used by different recognition from the Paraguayan scholars, writers, and also by the government and were subsidized by Mennonites to describe the harsh the Federal Government.52 climate conditions in the Chaco region, rendering human settlements and life difficult. Temperature is daily reaching 45ºC and arid zones are Asunción 28.2.1969, PA AA , B. 58, Bd. covering the entire territory. Adrian G. 559. (zwischenarkiv) English, “The Green Hell: A Concise 51 “Foreign Economy Circular No. 21, History of the Chaco War between 1972,” in PA AA, B 58, Bd. 1257. Bolivia and Paraguay 1932- 1935” 52 Deutsche Kolonie (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Spellmount,

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 103 a r himself, continued in the Brandt 3.5. POWER TO THE MILITARY AND era. The project was made possible TECHNOLOGY only through the agrarian reform of 1962. The reform’s intention was to In 1955 the FRG became create a property-owning class of a member of NATO, restarting its farmers able to be part of the national military production. According to economy and enable Paraguay to the historian Dimitrios Gounaris, join the international competition every Latin American country was on an equal level with Argentina a customer of the FRG military and Brazil. Through public financial industry.58 Diplomats ensured that o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W support, the dictatorship assigned military aid or sell reached the lands to colonists and eliminated governments that maintained the the old peasant’s practice of “political stability” of the Southern spontaneously occupy vacant lands.55 Cone. In 1972 the FRG Office for e n r i | T h d W The capital aid to produce crops was Foreign Affairs, in cooperation provided by the Banco Nacional de with the FRG Ministry for Economic Fomento and the Crédito Agricultura Development, supplied the de Habilitación. The technical and Paraguayan police with radio financial aid aimed at boosting the transmitters. They included training a m e r n d C l V industrialization in Chaco continued in how to use the technology. to increase in the Brandt era. The equipment was offered to After a long history which the Paraguayan forces at no cost V i n c e t K included Mennonite efforts and and the German side was even the support of the FRG and other willing to organize shipping and foreign capital aid, Chaco has been distribution.59 In 1968 the FRG transformed into the sixth larger Office for Foreign Affairs allowed exporter of beef worldwide.56 Despite the company Rheinmetall to export this “success,” since the colonists started to settle in Chaco, the indigenous peoples have been colonias Mennonitas. Analisi de un dispossessed from their land, excluded, enclave agro-industrial en el Chaco and exploited as cheap worker force.57 paraguayo,” in Capitalismo en la selvas. Enclave industrial en el Chaco y Amazonia, ed. Cordoba, Bossert, and Richard (San Pedro de Atacama: 2007). Edicciones del desierto, 2015), 271- 55 Michael Albertus, “Political Regimes 279. and distribution” (PhD diss., Standford 58 Dimitrios Gounaris, Die University, 2011), 147. Geschichte des Sozialliberalen 56 Joel Correia “Mennonites helped turn Rüstungsexportpolitik: Ein Instrument Paraguay into a mega beef producer- der deutschen Außenpolitik 1969– indigenous people maybe pay the 1982 (Nürnberg, 2019). price,” Center for Latin America 59 “Response by German Minister Studies University of Florida, March of Defense to Paraguayan 10, 2020. Ministry of Defense”, Juli 21st 57 Paola Canova, “Los Ayoreos en las 1966, PA AA, B 57, Bd. 173.

104 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 V i n c e t K 10,000 rifles and 200 automatic accompanied by discourses about rifles to Paraguay.60 The approval civil society and development aid as regulating the export of war weapons a road to democracy. However, it was a m e r n d C l V was accompanied by the note the stable modernization of Paraguay about the importance of the military and thereby the strengthening of an for the Paraguayan state. As per economic partner of the FRG, with usual in a military dictatorship, the whom they also shared a long history, Paraguayan forces oversaw many that was the decisive argument in the e n r i tasks that were technically the realm negotiations.

| of civil society. This situation led Correspondence between T h i r d W the FRG administration to promote the ministries of defense of Paraguay the support of the Paraguayan (General Leodegar Cabello) and the o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W armed forces as a supposedly civil FRG (Kai-Uwe von Hassel) appears and peacefully operating actor. For in 1966 documents of the successful example, the military organized most negotiations for the sale of military of the civil air traffic in Paraguay. equipment from the FRG army (trucks The airline Transporte Aéreo Militar and radios) to the Paraguayan state. (TAM) was responsible also for The trade was approved even though most of the civil air traffic. The FRG it remains unclear if Paraguay was state was willing to go to unusual at that time involved in an armed lengths when the possible sale of conflict with Argentina. The crucial planes to the Paraguayan air force role that the military played in a r was being negotiated in 1970. Even Stroessner’s presidency, argued the though the volume of the transaction Ministry of Defense, implied that the was much higher than the officially FRG’s support should increase in estimated recommendation for the military sector, especially with business with Paraguay, and there regard to the increasing activity were disagreements about the of communist guerrilla.62 This last condition of the Dornier company, example further shows that the the FRG government approved a FRG repeatedly used the threat of federal guarantee for the trade.61 a potential rise of communism to The considerations enabling these legitimize dangerous transactions to aid and trade agreements were Paraguay that did not contribute at all to peace and democracy. This is also closely linked to the long history 60 Response by German Minister of of German settlements in Paraguay. Defense to the German Ministry of The companies Dornier, Krupp, and th Economy, January 11 1968, PA AA, B Rheinmetall for example were already 57, Bd. 117. 61 “Sell of military aircrafts by Dornier AG,” Letter from German Embassy in Asuncion 62 “Response by German Minister to the German Foreign Ministry of Defence to the German in Bonn, 13.10.1970 PA AA, B 57, Ministry of Economy, 1.11.1968 Bd. 173. PA AA, B 57, Bd. 117.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 105 a r making business in the region for a the FRG to approve developmental long time.63 However, despite this dictatorships rather than real trade, Paraguay received less military democracies. The implementation in equipment from the FRG than other the Third World of an interventionist- Latin American countries.64 developmental approach was fuelled by a concept of modernity that originated in the colonial history of 4. CONCLUSION German/European expansion and was heavily influenced by American The analysis of the diplomatic imperialism. o r l d I n t e v i h G b a C W correspondence and the historical The analysis of the bilateral literatures revisited by this paper relations between Paraguay and the have provided insights into the global FRG contributes to a re-evaluation geopolitical setup that framed the of the Cold War as a global conflict, e n r i | T h d W political decisions of those times. It underlining its ideological origins also sheds light on the ideologic and and its long effects on Third World economic interests that motivated countries. This era began much officials in their respective national earlier and extended its effect lasted administrations when negotiating longer than thought. For this reason, a m e r n d C l V international affairs. we hope to stimulate new research Since the end of the WWII, about the context of a Global Cold the FRG’s ties to Latin American War as a preparatory historical, V i n c e t K countries have been shaped by its political, and economic frame for the close alliance with and dependence current globalization. on the USA. The FRG foreign policy towards Paraguay combined the intention to re-establish the FRG as global power into the global free- market economy with a strong anti- communist stance. This encouraged

63 Christian Leitzbach, “Stories from 125 years of Rheinmetall,” Rhein etall AG, accessed March 24, 2020, https:// www.rheinmetall.com/de/rheinmetall_ ag/group/corporate_history/index. php. Hans Michael Kloth, “Als die Wale fliegen lernten,” Der Spiegel, 2009, accessed March 24, 2020, https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/ luftfahrt-legende-a-948446.html. 64 Gounaris, Die Geschichte des Sozialliberalen Rüstungsexportpolitik, 446.

106 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020

108 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020