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Global histories a student journal

Solidarity or System Stabilization? Chilean Exile in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) – An Analysis of the Media Coverage of Neues Deutschland Authors: David Kristen and Georg Sturm

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17169/GHSJ.2020.366

Source: Global Histories, Vol. 6, No. 1 (December 2020), pp. 72-88. ISSN: 2366-780X

Copyright © 2020 David Kristen and Georg Sturm

License URL: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

Publisher information: ‘Global Histories: A Student Journal’ is an open-access bi-annual journal founded in 2015 by students of the M.A. program Global History at Freie Universität and Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. ‘Global Histories’ is published by an editorial board of Global History students in association with the Freie Universität Berlin.

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IV.

Solidarity or System Stabilization? Chilean Exile in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) – An Analysis of the Media Coverage of Neues Deutschland

by DAVID KRISTEN AND GEORG STURM

72 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S ABSTRACT

This paper examines the instrumentalization by the SED (Socialist Unity Party of ) of granting asylum to Chileans in the GDR after the military coup in 1973. By conducting both quantitative and qualitative content analysis

of Neues Deutschland media coverage, the outstanding t u r m importance of Chile to the GDR is shown. This study is based

| on the post-positivist understanding of frames as interpretation S o l i d a r t y schemes that structure and create different social realities. Based on three main repetitive frames: international class struggle, opposition to illegitimate state and antifascist myth, this article argues that the displayed resistance against the y s t e m S dictatorship in Chile and the solidarity with Chilean opposition and exiles aimed to justify and stabilize the GDR state system. The solidarity with Chile and the admission of refugees was t a b i l z o n stylized in order to underline the moral superiority of the GDR’s ideological framework in the context of . The high number of related articles and the multitude of analyzed ? articles support the theoretical assumptions and highlights the instrumentalization of Chilean Exile to the GDR. The findings indicate that the media coverage can be understood as a tool for system stabilization while the solidarity seemed to be existent in a variety of actions.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

David Kristen and Georg Sturm are both completing the International Relations masters program at Freie Universität Berlin, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and Universität Potsdam. David Kristen´s main areas of interest are the fields of political economy and security policy. He gained professional experience working for the German Chamber of Commerce in Chile and the German Corporation for International Cooperation (giz). Georg Sturm focuses his academic research on Latin America, Peace and Conflict Studies and political theory. He currently works as a freelance journalist for Neues Deutschland and die tageszeitung (taz).

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 73 ? INTRODUCTION class struggle. The Chilean case was of special importance to both

t a b i l z o n The Chilean Cause is our Cause. supporters and opponents of the , 12.09.19741,2 Socialist Unity Party of Germany

y s t e m S (SED) regime, which led to an After the military coup extraordinary presence in the GDR against the democratically elected media. This article analyses the socialist government of Salvador dominant discourses used to present Allende in 1973, up to one million the GDR’s solidarity work with Chile Chileans fled the country. About by examining the media coverage of t u r m | S o l i d a y 2000 Chileans sought refuge in the official party of the Eastern Germany during Pinochet’s SED. We demonstrate the reasons 17 year rule.3 Solidarity with the other than humanist solidarity “antifascist resistance of the Chilean that might have led to the GDR’s people”4 against the internationally admission of Chileans fleeing from criticized authoritarian military the military junta. We argue that dictatorship, and with the supporters although the solidarity was real, the D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S of the Chilean Way to Socialism5 main purpose was to highlight the played an important role for the moral justification of the GDR’s own German Democratic Republic (GDR), system, and their usage of narratives whose national identity was based such as antifascism, class struggle on antifascism and international and opposition to unjust government. This instrumentalization had the objective of stabilizing the GDR 1 Erich Honecker cited in “Brüderliche regime by gaining legitimation among Begegnung mit Kämpfern der Unidad their own population. Popular,” Neues Deutschland, The case of Chile September 12, 1974, 1-2. demonstrates the global dimension 2 All citations are translated from German to English. of the Cold War, and how domestic 3 Jost Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politics affected by international politisches Instrument – Chilenische system conflict developed their own Emigranten in der DDR 1973–1989,” dynamics. By attempting to establish Totalitarismus und Demokratie, no. 2 via democratic elections (2005): 346. 4 “Alle Völker der Erde sind an as a “third way” between capitalism unserer Seite,” Neues Deutschland, and communism, the political project September 12, 1974, 5. of was drawn into 5 Salvador Allende coined the term these dynamics and found its sudden “the Chilean Way to Socialism” (Also: end in the 1973 coup. This paper The Chilean Road to Socialism) as a metaphor for the proper ideas follows the conceptual frameworks and implementation of socialism in in the field of international history, Chile. Sometimes it is also referred analyzing the Cold War as a global as “third way” between the two phenomenon transcending its predominant ideologies capitalism simplistic characterization as a and communism.

74 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S bipolar conflict of two superpowers.6 such as economic interests.8 Referring to the military This speech also illustrates overthrow, the General Secretary of the rather rationalist reasons the SED, Erich Honecker highlighted of self-interest that might have the extraordinary importance of driven the GDR to grant asylum solidarity with Chile to his country to Chilean refugees: the military in his speech during a meeting with coup of Pinochet had been widely t u r m

leaders of the (UP) rejected by many countries all | published by Neues Deutschland over the world. Since one of S o l i d a r t y (ND). He emphasized that the the main purposes of Eastern “Chilean people are certainly not German foreign policy was to alone”, since “all progressive, gain international appreciation, democratic, humane, upright the SED-government tried to y s t e m S people all over the world” were place itself at the head of the supporting them. As citizens of the international solidarity movement t a b i l z o n “first German workers’ and peasants’ with Chile.9 Moreover, many East state” Honecker considered their German citizens—including those “internationalist class obligation […] in opposition to the SED-regime— ? to do everything in order to help the supported the government of Chilean people to free themselves Salvador Allende, since it was from the scourge of fascism.”7 taken as evidence that a socialist While the SED presented transformation via democratic their support for the opposition elections was possible.10 in Chile as an act of humane and Therefore, the harsh criticism of selfless solidarity, this was not Pinochet’s military coup and the self-evident, as the handling of following dictatorship, and the the Argentine military dictatorship politics of solidarity with Chilean shows. Human rights violations opposition served the purpose of the military junta were not of gaining support among the publicly rejected, as in the case of Pinochet’s dictatorship. This demonstrates how the GDR dealt 8 Sebastian Koch, Zufluchtsort DDR?: with similar regimes selectively Chilenische Flüchtlinge und die Ausländerpolitik der SED (Sammlung depending on different factors, Schöningh zur Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2016), 111. 9 Patrice G. Poutrus, “Zuflucht im 6 For more information see: Richard H. Nachkriegsdeutschland. Politik und Immerman and Petra Goedde, The Praxis der Flüchtlingsaufnahme in Oxford Handbook of the Cold War Bundesrepublik und DDR von den (Oxford: Oxford University Press, späten 1940er bis zu den 1970er 2013). Jahren,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft. 7 Erich Honecker cited in “Brüderliche Zeitschrift für Historische Begegnung mit Kämpfern der Unidad Sozialwissenschaft, no. 35 (2009): Popular,” Neues Deutschland, 135–175. September 12, 1974, 1-2. 10 Koch, Zufluchtsort DDR, 113.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 75 ? population by depicting a common asylum: “The GDR can grant enemy and referring to the asylum to citizens of other states

t a b i l z o n antifascist founding myth of the (…) if they have been persecuted GDR. As the term “solidarity” is of for political (…) activities in

y s t e m S central importance for this paper, defense of peace, democracy, a brief theoretical embedding the interests of the working is reasonable. Considering the people (…).”14 Interpreting who political dimensions and our fulfills these criteria and receives argumentative approach, the the opportunity of asylum was most appropriate definition seems incumbent upon the political t u r m | S o l i d a y to be a “relation that unites a agenda. SED meeting minutes collective of individuals who indicate that granting asylum are collectively responding to a should be limited to members and situation of injustice, oppression, supporters of the UP.15 Besides social vulnerability or tyranny.”11 their designation as exiles and This definition displays clearly the refugees, Chileans were mostly two components relevant for the called political emigrants. D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S consideration of Chilean exile in Research dealing with the GDR: first, the “commitment to political emigrants in the GDR collective action”12 resulting from focuses on the right of asylum the common perspective of the and the political dimension of the events in Chile, and second, the admission practice. By analyzing the opposition to these “oppressive protocols and reports of the SED social structures.”13 and the Ministry for State Security (MfS) Patrice Poutrus argues that, even though presented differently in POLITICAL DIMENSION OF public, political emigrants “were not CHILEAN EXILE equal members of a transnational socialist collective but tolerated The implementation of this guests of a nationally defined solidarity was the acceptance German community.”16 Poutrus also of Chileans escaping after highlights the differences between September 11th, 1973. The political the official presentation of political elite of the SED had free leeway as paragraph 23 of the GDR constitution of 1968 sets a “can” regulation for the granting of 14 Verfassung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik vom 6. April 1968, in der Fassung vom 7. Oktober 1974, (Berlin: 1974), Abschnitt 11 Sally J. Scholz, Political Solidarity (The II, Kapitel 1, Artikel 23 Absatz 3. Pennsylvania State University Press, 15 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches 2008), 197-199. Instrument,” 347. 12 Scholz, Political Solidarity, 480. 16 Poutrus, “Zuflucht im 13 Scholz, Political Solidarity, 480. Nachkriegsdeutschland,” 160.

76 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S emigrants.17 Although the total Jost Maurin examines numbers of political emigrants were the political dimension of the rather low, especially compared admission of Chilean emigrants by to other groups such as immigrant depicting the admission process workers, in the official propaganda and the composition of the group of they played a highlighted role. The emigrants, the majority of who were goal of their public description was active members of the Communist t u r m

to generate the picture of “good and the of Chile. | immigrants”, “freedom fighters” Maurin describes the manifold S o l i d a r t y and “antifascists.”18 According to problems of integration, such as the Poutrus, these descriptions of the “proletarianization” of the Chilean Chilean immigrants were used to emigrants, who, even though mostly reach skeptical citizens that might academics, were forced to do manual y s t e m S have rejected the ideas of the GDR, labor.20 Moreover, he analyses in order to prove the humanist how SED officials tried to shape t a b i l z o n mission of the and the political work of the Chilean regain legitimization. Even though opposition by financing their foreign he highlights the propagandistic office and work in the GDR, and by ? dimension of asylum and outlines pushing the Socialist Party and the how migrants suffered from the to merge lack of legal guarantees, Poutrus into a Communist Unity Party.21 concludes that the GDR sometimes The most extensive work on granted asylum and economic Chilean emigrants and the solidarity support for migrants generously.19 work of the GDR is by Sebastian Koch, who focuses on the tension between publicly represented claims on asylum policy and actual motives 17 Patrice G. Poutrus, “Mit strengem of the state by presenting in detail Blick. Die sogenannten Polit. Emigranten in den Berichten des the situation of exiled Chileans amidst MfS,” in Fremde und Fremd-Sein in the reactions of the population and der DDR. Zu historischen Ursachen their interactions. Unlike Poutrus and der Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Maurin, whose work is mainly based Ostdeutschland, ed. Jan C. Behrends, on GDR files, Koch also compares Thomas Lindenberger, Patrice G. Poutrus (Metropol Verlag Berlin, these insights with narratives of 2003), 231-250. contemporary witnesses. 18 Olaf Groehler, “Antifaschismus - Vom Umgang mit einem Begriff,” in Zweierlei Bewältigung. Vier Beiträge über den Umgang mit der 20 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches NS-Vergangenheit in den beiden Instrument,” 353. deutschen Staaten, ed. Ulrich Herbert 21 Jost Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als and Olaf Groehle (Hamburg, 1992), politisches Instrument: chilenische 29-40. Emigranten in der DDR 1973-1989,” 19 Poutrus, “Zuflucht im Totalitarismus und Demokratie, 2 Nachkriegsdeutschland,” 161. (2005): 356-358.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 77 ? Except for the work of and foreigners. Using interpretative Poutrus22 and Maurin,23 who qualitative content analysis we aim

t a b i l z o n used media reports exclusively to to deconstruct the media coverage accentuate the research results of to identify the dominant discourses

y s t e m S the investigation of official files, there used to present the GDR’s solidarity is little to no systematic research work with Chile. We argue that there on how Chilean emigrants and the were different frames (international solidarity work of the GDR were class struggle, opposition to presented by the state-owned illegitimate state, antifascist myth) media. Historical research on political that were used to present the t u r m | S o l i d a y emigrants in the GDR, even taking resistance against the dictatorship in into account the propagandistic Chile and the solidarity with Chilean function of asylum and solidarity, opposition to gain legitimization disregards the importance of media among the GDR’s own population and propaganda during the Cold as well as international appreciation. War, which was mainly constituted by In addition to our main method, the an ideological conflict and can also content analysis of ND, we conducted D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S be understood as a “battle for the two interviews with contemporary conquest of human minds.”24 witnesses in order to take the By examining the reporting of personal perception of Chilean exiles Neues Deutschland this article aims into account. to interpret how the media coverage This article is structured of the official party newspaper into three sections. First, a brief reflects the intentions and functions quantitative overview of the media of SED’s solidarity with Chile. This coverage of Neues Deutschland from study addresses the tension between 1969 to 1989 in order to display the solidarity and system stabilization. representativeness of the findings Being the official party newspaper of the qualitative content analysis, of the SED with a circulation of a as well as to show the extraordinary million copies, and being regarded importance for the SED. Second, by foreign countries as the regime’s a qualitative interpretation of the diplomatic voice, ND was the SED’s framing, answering the question of main way to communicate to citizens how the SED presented its solidarity work and the GDR’s role in the opposition to Pinochet’s dictatorship. 22 Poutrus, “Mit strengem Blick,” 231- Finally, a contextualization of our 250. findings regarding the ideological 23 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches dimensions of the Global Cold War Instrument,” 345-374. 24 Benedetta Calandra and Marina and the propagandistic and system Franco, La guerra fría cultural en stabilizing function of solidarity. América Latina. Desafíos y límites para una nueva mirada de las relaciones interamericanas (Buenos Aires: Editorial Biblos, 2012).

78 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S THE CHILEAN WAY TO the intervention of the United SOCIALISM States. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) played an especially Placing the Chilean important role in destabilizing the happenings into the framework Allende administration. Besides the of the Global Cold War is rather boycott of the economy resulting convincing. The signed copy of Che in an economic depression, the t u r m

Guevara’s book, The Guerrilla War, CIA took measures to subsidize | which reads “To Salvador Allende, the Chilean Newspaper El Mercurio S o l i d a r t y who is trying to obtain the same and infiltrate the Chilean military result by other means. Affectionately, and political parties.26 The final Che”25 illustrates perfectly how the result was a military coup led by political project of Unidad Popular the general of the armed forces, y s t e m S was seen as part of the communist , which brought the camp, while being different in some attempt of establishing democratic t a b i l z o n ways. The main difference was socialism to a sudden end on the 11th the attempt at a peaceful system of September, 1973. The military junta transition via democratic elections immediately started to arrest and in ? and later an office administration numerous cases torture and murder without repressive instruments. The political activists and sympathizers of election campaigns and political work the UP. of Allende and the UP represented Consequently, the GDR the perfect international class granted asylum to about 2000 struggle that the SED regime invoked Chileans fleeing persecution.27 constantly. Compared to the estimated one This struggle applies million Chilean refugees28 this even more for Salvador Allende’s number remains low, but played three-year presidency, which an important role in the public was characterized by an incisive presentation of the extraordinary process of reforming the social case of Chile for the GDR. The and economic policy of Chile. overwhelming majority were The main fields of action were the members or supporters of the nationalization of natural resources, socialist or communist party that especially of copper; and an were able to leave the country agrarian reform at the expense of large landowners. The success of Allende and with it the related 26 The Church Committee - The fear of a “second Cuba” provoked Church Report (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1975). 27 Maurin, “Flüchtlinge als politisches Instrument,” 345-374. 25 Regis Debray. The Chilean Revolution: 28 Inga Emmerling, Die DDR und Conversations with Allende (New Chile (1960-1989): Aussenpolitik, York: Pantheon Books/Random Aussenhandel und Solidarität (Berlin: House, 1971), 74. Ch. Links Verlag, 2013), 393.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 79 ? in different ways and at varying those of Cuba between 1973 and moments of time, mostly supported 1977, in some cases by almost 500. At

t a b i l z o n by the “Actions of Solidarity” its peak, the number of articles about (Solidaritätsmaßnahmen) the Central Chile reached a total number of 1519

y s t e m S Committee agreed on fourteen in 1974, one year after the military days after the coup.29 According to coup, which makes an average of reports by contemporary witnesses, nearly four articles per day. This was the reception of the Chilean exiles also the year that most Chileans proceeded mostly unbureaucratically, arrived in the GDR and many and the provision of housing, clothing solidarity events took place. t u r m | S o l i d a y and temporary financial support was The cases of Greece and given generously.30,31 Argentina were selected due to comparable events, as both suffered a military overthrow of a ABSOLUTE NUMBERS AND THE democratically elected government IMPORTANCE OF CHILE FOR THE and, consequently massive human GDR rights violations.32 Although both D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S countries, especially Argentina, Although the military coup showed numerous parallels with the in Chile was not unique and the developments in Chile, this is not total number of Chileans seeking reflected in the media coverage as asylum in the GDR remained low the numbers of related articles in compared to other immigrant Neues Deutschland remained almost groups, Chile represented a case of always below those about Chile. This exceptional importance for the public is also true for 1976 when the military media coverage. Starting with the overthrew president Isabel Perón quantitative analysis of the media in Argentina, and for 1967 when the coverage of Neues Deutschland same occurred to prime minister that is summed up in Figure 1, the Georgios Papandreou of Greece33. outstanding importance of Chile is Additionally to the visualized. While Cuba as a country comparisons to other countries, of importance for the Warsaw Pact Figure 1 also shows the number of was regularly represented in the articles about Chile that are related media coverage, the number of articles regarding Chile exceeded 32 Nicos Mouzelis, “On the Rise of Postwar Military Dictatorships: Argentina, Chile, Greece,” 29 Katrin Neubauer, “Exilchilenen: Comparative Studies in Society and Leben in der DDR,” Lateinamerika History 28 (2009): 55-80. Nachrichten 287, (1998). 33 The numbers for Greece remain on 30 See: Interviews conducted by a low level with the only exception Sebastian Koch, Zufluchtsort DDR, 111. during 1968, the year of the military 31 Self-conducted interviews with two overthrow (1966: 140 articles, 1967: Chilean exiles. 604 articles, 1968: 278 articles).

80 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S to the keywords (anti)fascism, (anti-) for class struggle, opposition to imperialism and solidarity. These illegitimate states, and the antifascist keywords are characteristic of the myth, solidarity played an even GDR’s discourse, showing how more important role in the official the previously displayed frames media coverage of the ND. Being a can also be found quantitatively. combination of all three frameworks,

The keywords are the linguistic this keyword explains the frequency t u r m

expressions for these frames: of the articles regarding Chile, almost | solidarity to a nation that is struggling, half of which published between S o l i d a r t y and fascist overthrow supported by 1973 and 1978 dealt with solidarity. By the American imperialists against 1973, the number of solidarity related the working class. The terms fascism articles about Chile already added up and imperialism were often used to the amount of 576, rising to 710 in y s t e m S to describe the military dictatorship 1974. References to (anti)fascism and

in Chile, and antifascism and anti- (anti-)imperialism also remained high: t a b i l z o n imperialism were essential ideals of 193 articles on Chile were related the GDR’s socialist ideology. Besides to (anti)fascism and 220 to (anti)

the importance of (anti)fascism imperialism. The concept of solidarity ? and (anti-)imperialism as narratives was even more important considering

FIGURE 1: Frequency of selected keywords in the newspaper Neues Deutschland.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 81 ? the total number of related articles analyze which reasons might have in the media coverage dealing with led the GDR to frame some issues

t a b i l z o n Chile. in a certain manner. We therefore examined a total of 41 exemplary

y s t e m S articles, which were published in CONTENT ANALYSIS: 27 different editions between 1973 DISASSEMBLING SOLIDARITY (the year of the coup) and 1988 (the beginning of democratic transition in As the quantitative approach Chile). Most of them were published draws attention to solidarity, a closer on the anniversary of the military t u r m | S o l i d a y look at this concept on a qualitative coup or the day after, since during level is required. By applying a frame these dates most solidarity events analysis, we aim to examine how took place and Chile was the focus of the GDR used solidarity regarding reporting. the military dictatorship and Chilean There can be identified three exile. Political actors used frames main frames used in the articles to describe issues in a certain way dealing with the GDR’s solidarity D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S and thus construct them in this work with Chile. In dealing with manner. This analysis departs from Pinochet’s dictatorship, the authors the understanding of frames as of Neues Deutschland use and “interpretation scheme that structures refer to the antifascist myth as a key the meaning of reality.”34 Frames element for eastern German identity influence social reality by creating and the international class struggle different social realities and leading as a humanist duty of socialist to different receptions of the world. countries. The resistance against the They always rely on certain values, military dictatorship is framed as the norms and ideas, which Geoffrey opposition to an illegitimate state Vickers describes with the term (“Unrechtsstaat”) in order to create a “appreciative system.”35 This study common enemy and strengthen the aims to identify way in which the GDR’s identity as a community. discourse of Neues Deutschland regarding the solidarity work with Chile refers to these apparently ANTIFASCIST MYTH obvious assumptions. Moreover, by contextualizing these findings we In the reporting of Neues Deutschland the solidarity work with Chile is almost always framed as part of an antifascist fight against a fascist 34 Erving Goffman, Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of regime. Erich Honecker assures in a experience (Harvard: Harvard speech published in the newspaper University Press., 1974). that the GDR would do what it needed 35 Geoffrey Vickers, “Science and to get rid of “fascism, the spawn of the Appreciative System,” Human Relations 21, no. 2, (1968): 99–119.

82 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S international finance capital, in Chile.”36 arrested in Chile for three years.38 Various articles In a report about a solidarity compare the dictatorship in Chile event in the Friedrichstadtpalast with National Socialism and Germany in Berlin one year after the under Hitler. By referring to an military coup, the author refers interview with Carlos Contreras to a speech of Orlando Millas,

Labarca, General Secretary of member of the political commission t u r m

the Communist Party of Chile and of the Communist Party of Chile | director of the “Office Antifascist and former minister in Allende’s S o l i d a r t y Chile” in the GDR, the author of the government. “Orlando Millas article relates the solidarity work with combined the gratitude for solidarity Chile to the antifascist resistance of with a congratulation on the 25th the Soviet Union against National anniversary of the GDR, where— y s t e m S Socialism. He argues that “thirty as he emphasized—fascism was years ago, fascism was smashed, exterminated.”39 In 1977, Neues t a b i l z o n mainly thanks to the heroic struggle Deutschland published a speech of the Soviet Union”. Comparing by Erich Mückenberger, member National Socialism with Chilean of the Politburo of the SED, at a ? military dictatorship he states that commemoration act of the antifascist fascism “should never be tolerated in resistance against National Socialism. any country in the world.”37 In this speech Mückenberger also In a speech published in refers to the military coup that Neues Deutschland, Jorge Montes, had happened four years before member of the Communist Party of in Chile. He sees Chile as a proof Chile, also explicitly draws parallels that “fascism is still a real danger.” between the Chilean dictatorship Mückenberger appeals to the and former fascist movements. public, saying that the GDR needs Montes speaks of Chile as “a tragic to “fulfil the legacy of the antifascist example of the dangers that threaten resistance fighters” and therefore humanity” and names Pinochet as should “strengthen and protect our “a somber symbol of the past that socialist fatherland.”40 has tried in vain to resist the course These speeches and articles of history.” He also thanks the GDR for their “antifascist solidarity,” which helped to free him after being 38 Jorge Montes cited in “Solidarität — wir werden siegen!,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1977, 3. 36 Erich Honecker cited in “Brüderliche 39 Orlando Millas cited in “ DDR steht Begegnung mit Kämpfern der Unidad fester denn je an der Seite der Popular,” Neues Deutschland, Patrioten ,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 1-2. September 12, 1974, 1-5. 37 Carlos Contreras Labarca cited in 40 Erich Mückenberger cited in “Alles “Solidarität wird weiter wachsen,” für die Stärkung des sozialistischen Neues Deutschland, February 13, Vaterlandes,” Neues Deutschland, 1975, 7. September 12, 1977, 3.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 83 ? each framed the military dictatorship their opposing humanist ideals. of Pinochet as “fascist” and therefore In a speech published in “Neues

t a b i l z o n the solidarity work of the GDR as Deutschland” Paul Verner, member “antifascist.” They highlighted the of the politburo of the SED, claimed

y s t e m S historical duty to resist a dictatorial that the “active solidarity of our party, regime, which they compared with the government and our people are German fascism under Hitler. By expressions of the deeply humanist referring to this appreciative system, character of our socialist state.” which consists of the commonly Furthermore, he argued that the shared rejection of the barbaric GDR’s “most immediate contribution t u r m | S o l i d a y crimes of the regime, these speeches to international solidarity” consisted emphasize the need to “restore of their high economic output. Thus, freedom” in Chile. While highlighting Verner claimed: “Let us therefore the cruelty and the fascist character do everything we can to fulfil of the military dictatorship in Chile, and deliberately exceed the 1974 the articles framed the GDR as a economic plan being part of the haven of freedom and the successful socialist competition.”41 In his speech D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S overcoming of fascism. Verner addressed the appreciative The statements of a system of the people of the GDR contemporary witness, a Chilean by referring to the shared ideals political emigrant who we interviewed of humanist values to transmit the in addition to the frame analysis, appeal to the citizens to work harder. illustrate these findings: After the Nadja and Erich Bunke, fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 she prized42 GDR citizens, argued even was worried about “neo-Nazis that more explicitly in a guest commentary might enter the GDR,” which can be published a few weeks after the seen as a sign that she internalized military coup. Firstly, they expressed the antifascist narrative, which was their empathy with Chile in an predominant in the GDR. emotional way. “The support of the Chilean people is in our country not just a formal issue, but an affair of the OPPOSITION TO heart.” Then, they asked everyone ILLEGITIMATE STATE “whose heart beats for our brothers in Chile” to “now do even better in This argumentative strategy his work place to strengthen our of creating a common enemy is also reflected in how the GDR presented their own values in contrast to the 41 Paul Verner cited in “Chile Antifascista kämpft und wird siegreich sein!” Chilean dictatorship to strengthen Neues Deutschland, September 12, its raison d’être. By describing the 1974, 3. dictatorship in Chile as the epitome 42 Parents of Tamara Bunke who fought of an illegitimate state, the GDR in Che Guevera’s guerrilla group framed their solidarity as proof of in Bolivia; awarded with the GDR Patriotic Order of Merit.

84 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S homeland, the German Democratic INTERNATIONAL CLASS Republic, and the socialist STRUGGLE community.”43 By appealing to the citizens’ support of Chile, they called By embedding the GDR´s on them to exert more effort and to solidarity with Chile into a global act in a more patriotic way. context, the authors of ND drew

In a speech directed to the focus towards an existing t u r m

Erich Honecker, Carlos Contreras common ground, framing the | Labarca expressed his gratitude opposition to the military regime S o l i d a r t y with the GDR. He called solidarity as part of the international class an “immanent duty of a socialist struggle. Chilean opposition worker and peasant state.” 44 At members were framed as the same event the present worker “fighting class ”46 y s t e m S representatives adopted a resolution and the solidarity with Chilean that guarantees “our passionate resistance as “manifestation of t a b i l z o n political, moral and material solidarity, proletarian internationalism.”47 help and support.” “Together with The international dimension is millions of peace-loving people all also reflected in a speech of ? over the world”45 they demanded that de Allende, the Chilean government guaranteed wife of Salvador Allende, who the fulfilment of democratic and expressed her appreciation for the human rights. Thereby, they created GDR’s “fraternal solidarity.” She a community that stood on the right praised the GDR as a “progressive side of history forming part of an nation that works successfully for international solidarity movement. the comprehensive construction of socialism, that fights for peace in the world and for the rapid development and growth and prosperity of all brother countries.”48 This aspect is even more important since ND was considered the main diplomatic voice of the GDR in foreign

43 Nadja and Erich Bunke cited in “Hilfe für Chiles Volk - eine Herzenssache,” Neues Deutschland, September 26, 46 “An der Seite der Patrioten Chiles,” 1973, 2. Neues Deutschland, September 11, 44 Carlos Contreras Labarca cited 1974, 1. in “ Brüderliche Begegnung mit 47 “DDR steht fester denn je an der Kämpfern der Unidad Popular,” Neues Seite der Patrioten Chiles,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 2. Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 1. 45 “Resolution der Teilnehmer an 48 Hortensia Bussi de Allende cited der Solidaritätsveranstaltung im in “Alle Völker der Erde sind an Berliner Friedrichstadtpalast,” Neues unserer Seite,” Neues Deutschland, Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 2. September 12, 1974, 2-3.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 85 ? countries. Thus, these articles not for the GDR’s “great international only addressed GDR’s citizens, but concept” and “revolutionary socialist 51 t a b i l z o n also an international audience. solidarity.” In an article about the The categorization of

y s t e m S matriculation of fifty Chilean students solidarity with Chile as part of at the Karl-Marx-Universität in the international class struggle Leipzig, Minister Böhme highlighted not only expressed the historic the anti-imperialist character of the materialistic understanding of global GDR’s solidarity. He described the developments but also framed the admission of the Chilean students important role the GDR played within t u r m | S o l i d a y as an “expression of the global this process. This reflected the GDR’s anti-imperialist and part convictions and at the same time of the comprehensive solidarity aimed to gain legitimacy for their movement for the Chilean people”. political project. Also, Böhme highlighted the need The different frames of to train revolutionaries as part of solidarity resembled one another the international class struggle through their emotional discourse D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S to overcome the Chilean military and class-militant vocabulary. There dictatorship: Böhme stated that is not a single negative article dealing “free Chile would need teachers, with Chilean opposition members agronomists, doctors and many or political emigrants. Moreover, the other university cadres who are also speeches by and interviews with revolutionaries.”49 Chileans only focused on positive Furthermore, in a resolution aspects of the GDR and its solidarity adopted during a solidarity event work. The GDR is described as by workers representatives and “second homeland” by functionaries published in Neues Deutschland, of the Chilean Communist and they assured both their “passionate Socialist Parties.52 Incidentally, political-moral and material solidarity” one article mentions the language and their “fraternal support [...] barriers between Chilean emigrants under the banner of proletarian and the German population.53 As internationalism.”50 During a film one of the interviewed temporary screening Oswaldo Puccion, vice witnesses confirms, many Chileans president of the “Bureau antifascist did not manage to learn German. Chile”, expressed his gratitude This indicates that even though the

49 Hans-Joachim Böhme cited in “Junge 51 Oswaldo Puccion cited in “Solidarität Chilenen nehmen Studium in der DDR mit Chiles Volk,” Neues Deutschland, auf,” Neues Deutschland, September April 18, 1978, 2-4. 11, 1974, 6-7. 52 “Solidaritätsmeetings in vielen 50 “Resolution der Teilnehmer an Betrieben,” Neues Deutschland, der Solidaritätsveranstaltung im February 13, 1975, 1. Berliner Friedrichstadtpalast,” Neues 53 “Lieder, die uns einen,” Neues Deutschland, September 12, 1974, 2. Deutschland, February 13, 1975, 1.

86 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S material solidarity was extensive, Global Cold War is mainly qualitative. the political asylum was limited in The quantitative analysis underlines time. The description of the GDR as the conclusions derived from the “temporary refuge”54 is an indicator qualitative analysis and strengthens that the Chileans were perceived its representativity. as guests, who were tolerated for a By applying a frame analysis limited time. on the GDR’s discourse regarding t u r m

the military dictatorship and Chilean | exile, we showed how by referring S o l i d a r t y CONCLUSION to socialist and humanist values the concept of solidarity was used The media coverage of to gain support among the Eastern Chilean political emigrants and German population. We identified y s t e m S the GDR’s solidarity work in three main frames that structured

Neues Deutschland had a clear the GDR’s discourse on Chile: by t a b i l z o n propagandistic function. Firstly, framing their solidarity work as the quantitative content analysis part of an antifascist fight against a demonstrated the extraordinary fascist regime, SED referred to the ? presence of Chile in Neues antifascist founding myth of the GDR. Deutschland being the official Since Pinochet’s dictatorship served party newspaper of the SED, even as a perfect example of a barbaric though the total number of Chileans and antidemocratic regime, the GDR seeking exile in the GDR remained depicted the military dictatorship in low compared to other immigration Chile as a common enemy and tried groups. While (anti)fascism and (anti) to strengthen the Eastern German imperialism were main keywords identity, based on antifascist and in the GDR’s discourse on Chile antiimperialist values. and the military dictatorship of Moreover, the GDR presented Pinochet, solidarity plays an even its solidarity with Chilean political more extraordinary role in the official emigrants as an opposition to an media coverage of ND. Even though illegitimate state to prove their own our main focus is on the qualitative humanist ideals. Many articles on analysis of exemplary articles, this the GDR’s solidarity with Chilean quantitative approach allows us also opposition aimed at putting the GDR to draw general conclusions on the on the right side of history by taking role of Chile in the GDR’s media a leading role in the international coverage on a macro level. This solidarity movement with Chile. mixed method analysis is an unusual The GDR’s opposition to approach, since most research on the the military regime was not only framed as the leading role of the international solidarity movement 54 “An der Seite der Patrioten Chiles,” but also as part of the international Neues Deutschland, September 11, class struggle. The official discourse 1974, 1-4.

Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020 87 ? was characterized by a historic materialistic understanding of global

t a b i l z o n developments, in which the GDR’s role was presented as crucial. By

y s t e m S doing so the SED aimed to gain legitimacy for its political project. The study shows how the GDR framed the situation in Chile and its solidarity with Chilean opposition in a certain way to call for more effort t u r m | S o l i d a y among the population, urging them to act in a more patriotic way. Thus, the framing of the GDR’s solidarity work and Chilean exile not only aimed at legitimizing the Eastern German state, but also influencing the population in line with the SED’s D a v i d K r s t e n G o g S political goals. Furthermore, this analysis demonstrates the important role of media and propaganda during the Cold War, being mainly constituted by an ideological conflict. The importance of Chile for the GDR and the extraordinary presence in the SED’s party newspaper is an example of how global developments were entangled with political developments in other countries. One could say that the GDR’s solidarity work and its representation in the state-owned media were part of the ideological “battle for the conquest of human minds” being constituent of the Global Cold War.

88 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 1 - 2020