Pakistani-Afghan Relations After Karzai
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Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
Aasen -- Constructing Narcoterrorism As Danger.Pdf
WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/westminsterresearch Constructing Narcoterrorism as Danger: Afghanistan and the Politics of Security and Representation Aasen, D. This is an electronic version of a PhD thesis awarded by the University of Westminster. © Mr Donald Aasen, 2019. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: ((http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] Constructing Narcoterrorism as Danger: Afghanistan and the Politics of Security and Representation Greg Aasen A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Westminster for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2019 1 Abstract Afghanistan has become a country synonymous with danger. Discourses of narcotics, terrorism, and narcoterrorism have come to define the country and the current conflict. However, despite the prevalence of these dangers globally, they are seldom treated as political representations. This project theorizes danger as a political representation by deconstructing and problematizing contemporary discourses of (narco)terrorism in Afghanistan. Despite the globalisation of these two discourses of danger, (narco)terrorism remains largely under-theorised, with the focus placed on how to overcome this problem rather than critically analysing it as a representation. The argument being made here is that (narco)terrorism is not some ‘new’ existential danger, but rather reflects the hegemonic and counterhegemonic use of danger to establish authority over the collective identity. -
Conflict and Peacebuilding Observatory Nº 35 – November 2015
Conflict and Peacebuilding Observatory Nº 35 – November 2015 WORSENING AFGHANISTAN: As the conflict rages, the Taliban split and Islamic State acquires new prominence US military sources announced the dismantling of what was probably al-Qaeda’s largest training camp. Located in the district of Shorabak in Kandahar province, the camp covered 77.7 km2. Losses of territory to the Taliban in some districts have been offset by gains in others. In Helmand, an offensive lasting several months pitted Afghan forces against the Taliban for control of the districts of Marjah and Nad-e-Ali, where over 200 Taliban and 85 soldiers were killed, according to the provincial government. In Kunduz, Afghan forces recovered a base in the district of Dasht-e-Archi, but lost a district in the province of Badakhshan. Government forces confirmed that alongside the Taliban, over 1,300 foreign insurgents (Pakistanis, Tajiks, Uyghurs and others) participated in the battle of Kunduz. Furthermore, in Nangarhar, where there is a group loyal to Islamic State, over 30 insurgents were killed in drone strikes. The local provincial government has stated that around 200 university students there are linked to Islamist groups. In fact, Islamic State banners were waved during an anti-government demonstration. In Zabul, Islamic State executed seven members of the Hazara (Shia) ethnic group that it abducted in September. Among them were three women, the first to be victims of beheading. Their families carried their bodies to Kabul, where they were joined by thousands of people (20,000 according to some media outlets) in one of the largest protests ever seen in the capital. -
The Afghan Conundrum Taliban’S Takeover and the Way Forward
COMMENTARY: FALL OF AFGHANISTAN The Afghan Conundrum Taliban’s Takeover and the Way Forward FURQAN KHAN abul Fell—the headlines of the week shocked many, for the greatest war machine in history failed to take note of the Taliban’s decisive onslaught, and yet again, another experiment of democratic engineering bit the dust Kin Kabul. Some call it “Saigon 2.0,” while others attribute the Taliban’s swift vic- tory to the lack of resistance by Ashraf Ghani’s government. To some, the situa- tion is a deliberate attempt by the United States to leave instability to China and Russia, while others call it the “biggest intelligence failure” in American history. Whatever the reasons, the Taliban has taken over Kabul, and the world must embrace and deal with an insurgent group holding power in the “Heart of Asia.” With the declaration of the establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghani- stan, regional countries are debating their way forward to either recognizing the Taliban- led government or not. For the United States, the situation is rather chal- lenging, as aside from the tough questions over the rationality of the “Forever War” and poorly managed withdrawal strategy by the Biden administration, Washington confronts a harder choice about the Taliban as well as how to man- age the evacuation of American citizens and allies from Kabul. The Takeover: As it Happened! Days before Kabul fell, the US intelligence assessment suggested that the city could fall within 90 days, but to the surprise of many, it look less than ten.1 The intelligence failure, collapse in the will to fight, rampant corruption in the govern- ment forces, and withdrawal of US close air support and logistics are among ma- jor reasons for the swift collapse of the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) and for the fall of Afghanistan. -
President Ashraf Ghani Keynote Address
President Ashraf Ghani’s Keynote Address at the 2020 Afghanistan Conference 24 November 2020, Kabul Excellencies, Ladies and Gentleman, Colleagues, It is an honor to be here, virtually, with all of you. Let me start with words of heartfelt thanks. Thanks firstly to the government of Finland for your exceptional stewardship of this process. Let me thank the United Nations, His Excellency Gutteres for joining us today, Ambassador Lyons for co-chairing and Madam Valovaya for making the conference facilities available. Let me thank the government of Switzerland, Minister. Cassis, you’re your historic and ex- ceptional hospitality. Mr. Borrell, thank you for honoring us for your presence and for the principled support of the European Union. A series of principles and values that will guide the world and ensure Afghanistan’s stability and prosperity through the peace process. Thank you Vice-President Saleh, Thank you Vice-President Danish, members of the cabinet, the Supreme Court, Parliament, and Minister Arghandiwal and Minister Atmar for your and your colleagues at the two ministries for preparing the work of this conference to which all Af- ghan officials and stakeholders have been involved. On behalf of the Afghan people, I would like to thank the international organizations who have worked with us over the years to advance our development agenda, including the Asian Development Bank, the European Union, the IMF, and the World Bank, and all of the bilat- eral donors for whom Afghanistan has consistently been among their top priorities, including our foundational partner, the United States, as well as Australia, Canada, Denmark, The Eu- ropean Union, Finland, Germany, Japan, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. -
Strategic Insight
Strategic Insight The Loya Jirga, Ethnic Rivalries and Future Afghan Stability by Thomas H. Johnson Strategic Insights are authored monthly by analysts with the Center for Contemporary Conflict (CCC). The CCC is the research arm of the National Security Affairs Department at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Naval Postgraduate School, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. August 6, 2002 On June 24 the Afghan transitional government and administration of Hamid Karzai was installed during formal ceremonies in Kabul. Karzai had easily won the June 13 election at a national political assembly, or loya jirga. The loya jirga consisted of 1500 representatives, elected or appointed from 32 provinces, and debated the political future of Afghanistan over a seven-day period. The Karzai government is supposed to rule Afghanistan through 2003. During the ceremony, Karzai and his new cabinet took an oath in both major Afghan languages (Pashtu and Dari), vowing to "follow the basic teachings of Islam" and the laws of the land, to renounce corruption, and to "safeguard the honor and integrity of Afghanistan."[1] How successful they are in achieving these vows will be critical to the near term future of Afghanistan, its reconstruction, and possibly the stability of the entire region of Central Asia. This transitional government was the result of an Emergency Loya Jirga and part of the Bonn Agreement (of November-December 2001). While not explicitly stating so in the Bonn Agreement, Lakhdar Brahimi, the Special Representative of the U.N. -
Water Dispute Escalating Between Iran and Afghanistan
Atlantic Council SOUTH ASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Water Dispute Escalating between Iran and Afghanistan AUGUST 2016 FATEMEH AMAN Iran and Afghanistan have no major territorial disputes, unlike Afghanistan and Pakistan or Pakistan and India. However, a festering disagreement over allocation of water from the Helmand River is threatening their relationship as each side suffers from droughts, climate change, and the lack of proper water management. Both countries have continued to build dams and dig wells without environmental surveys, diverted the flow of water, and planted crops not suitable for the changing climate. Without better management and international help, there are likely to be escalating crises. Improving and clarifying existing agreements is also vital. The United States once played a critical role in mediating water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan. It is in the interest of the United States, which is striving to shore up the Afghan government and the region at large, to help resolve disagreements between Iran and Afghanistan over the Helmand and other shared rivers. The Atlantic Council Future Historical context of Iran Initiative aims to Disputes over water between Iran and Afghanistan date to the 1870s galvanize the international when Afghanistan was under British control. A British officer drew community—led by the United States with its global allies the Iran-Afghan border along the main branch of the Helmand River. and partners—to increase the In 1939, the Iranian government of Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mohammad Joint Comprehensive Plan of Zahir Shah’s Afghanistan government signed a treaty on sharing the Action’s chances for success and river’s waters, but the Afghans failed to ratify it. -
The Evolution of the Taliban
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2008-06 The evolution of the Taliban Samples, Christopher A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4101 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE EVOLUTION OF THE TALIBAN by Shahid A. Afsar Christopher A. Samples June 2008 Thesis Advisor: Thomas H. Johnson Second Reader: Heather S. Gregg Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2008 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE The Evolution of the Taliban 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHORS Shahid A. Afsar and Christopher A. Samples 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Loya Jirgas and Political Crisis Management in Afghanistan: Drawing on the Bank of Tradition by Scott S
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 457 | SEPTEMBER 2019 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Loya Jirgas and Political Crisis Management in Afghanistan: Drawing on the Bank of Tradition By Scott S. Smith Contents The Modernity of a Tradition ......3 History and Paradoxes of Loya Jirgas ....................................4 Decisions and Modalities ........... 6 The Present Era of Consultative Loya Jirgas ........... 13 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 15 Delegates assemble at the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga in Kabul on April 29, 2019, to discuss an approach for achieving peace with the Taliban. (Photo by Omar Sobhani/Reuters) Summary • Loya jirgas, though rooted in tra- • The post-2001 political order is • Since 2010, three “traditional” ditional Afghan practices, are es- founded on two loya jirgas: the or “consultative” loya jirgas—so sentially modern political institu- 2002 Emergency Loya Jirga, called because of the inability to tions that are convened to address which legitimized the post–Bonn call together loya jirgas in accord- problems of great national impor- Agreement interim government; ance with the strict provisions set tance. Loya jirgas have almost al- and the 2004 Constitutional Loya out in the 2004 constitution—have ways endorsed the decisions of Jirga, which ratified Afghanistan’s been convened on an ad hoc ba- the national leader. current constitution. sis by Presidents Hamid Karzai and • Since 1915, no loya jirga has been • The 2004 constitution included Ashraf Ghani. convened under the same mo- specific provisions for convening • Should a loya jirga be required to dalities, yet they have in common future loya jirgas: the majority of resolve an electoral crisis or ratify their national composition, their delegates are to be selected from a new political order following a attempts to demonstrate broad in- among district councils. -
NATO-Afghanistan Relations
North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Media Backgrounder June 2021 NATO-Afghanistan relations Opening of a new-chapter NATO and Afghanistan will now open a new chapter in their relations, as the process of withdrawing international troops contributed to the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission to train, advise, and assist the Afghan security forces and institutions is ongoing. NATO Allies are committed to continue to stand with Afghanistan, its people and its institutions in promoting security and upholding the hard-won gains of the last NATO Secretary General Jens 20 years. Stoltenberg and President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan NATO will continue to provide training, as well as financial support to the Afghan National Defence and Ashraf Ghani in Kabul, Security Forces, including through the Afghan National Army Trust Fund. November 2018. It will retain a Senior Civilian Representative’s Office in Kabul to continue diplomatic engagement and enhance our partnership with Afghanistan. The Office of the Senior Civilian Representative will engage with a range of actors, including from Afghanistan, countries in the region, the International Community and NGOs representatives. Also, in light of the importance of an enduring diplomatic and international presence, NATO will provide funding to ensure continued functioning of Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul. Furthermore, NATO will step up dialogue on Afghanistan with relevant international and regional partners; and all NATO Allies will continue to support the ongoing Afghan-owned and Afghan-led peace process towards a lasting, inclusive political settlement that puts and end to violence, safeguards the human rights of Afghans – particularly women, children and minorities – upholds the rule of law, and ensures that Afghanistan never again serves as a safe haven for terrorists. -
The Strategic Value of Proxies and Auxiliaries in Wars Amongst the People
Conceptualising the regular-irregular engagement: the strategic value of proxies and auxiliaries in wars amongst the people Book or Report Section Accepted Version Rauta, V. (2019) Conceptualising the regular-irregular engagement: the strategic value of proxies and auxiliaries in wars amongst the people. In: Brown, D., Murray, D., Riemann, M., Rossi, N. and Smith, M. (eds.) War Amongst the People. Howgate Publishing Limited, Havant. Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/81725/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Publisher: Howgate Publishing Limited All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online 1 Chapter 5: Conceptualising the Regular-Irregular Engagement: The Strategic Value of Proxies and Auxiliaries in Wars amongst the People Vladimir Rauta Introduction The notion of ‘war amongst the people’ is a central feature of the twenty-first century security environment. Introduced by Rupert Smith in his ground-breaking The Utility of Force,1 ‘war amongst the people’ captured a reality long in the making, whose historical lineage could partly be traced back to the origins of war itself. The appeal of the concept came from combining the simplicity -
Afghanistan and Central Asia in 2015 an Overview of Actors, Interests, and Relationships
PRIF Report No. 132 Afghanistan and Central Asia in 2015 An Overview of Actors, Interests, and Relationships Arvid Bell the Special thanks are extended to Arundhati Bose, Botakoz Iliyas, and Kyara Klausmann for the contributions they made to this report. © Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2015 Contact: PRIF Baseler Str. 27–31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Phone: +49 69 959104-0 Fax: +49 69 558481 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-87-7 Euro 10,-- Summary This report assesses the interests of the most relevant state and non-state actors in Afghanistan and Central Asia in the aftermath of the 2014 Afghan presidential election. It is guided by the premise that the armed conflict in Afghanistan should be understood as being heavily inter- twined with regional politics. Its purpose is to serve as an overview of the negotiation environ- ment in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It identifies actors, interests, and relationships that are helpful to take into consideration when sequencing and orchestrating a peace process that could de-escalate the war in Afghanistan and help build a more stable and cooperative region. The ma- jority of the report focuses on relevant actors and their network of relationships, and the conclu- sion details three future scenarios and a set of recommendations that could facilitate a coordinat- ed negotiation process. The new Afghan Government of National Unity, led by President Ashraf Ghani and Chief Executive Officer Abdullah Abdullah, includes politicians with a broad range of ideological back- grounds and interests. While Ghani has spoken out in favor of peace negotiations with the Af- ghan insurgency, it is so far unclear if his efforts will be more successful than those of his prede- cessor.