Russia and Ukraine Border Tensions
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The OSCE Secretariat bears no responsibility for the content of this document PC.DEL/185/21 and circulates it without altering its content. The distribution by OSCE 11 February 2021 Conference Services of this document is without prejudice to OSCE decisions, as set out in documents agreed by OSCE participating States. ENGLISH only Statement in response to the issue raised by the Russian delegation “On violations of freedom of the media in the OSCE Area” As delivered by Ambassador Yevhenii Tsymbaliuk, Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the International Organizations in Vienna, to the 1302nd meeting of the Permanent Council, 11 January 2021 Madam Chairperson, As Ukraine was mentioned in the statement of the Russian Federation I feel myself compelled to exercise the right of reply. Ukraine recognizes the fundamental importance of the freedom of expression, and free, independent and pluralistic media as a core element of democracy. We believe that the free media and the professional journalism play a decisive role in the processes of democratic transformation in Ukraine. At the same time the continued Russian armed aggression remains the biggest challenge to the media freedom and the security in Ukraine, as the Russian Federation exploits the media as an instrument of its hybrid warfare. Disinformation is an important part of this warfare. It should be remined that immediately after Russia occupied Crimea, it prohibited the Ukrainian television broadcasts. Later, it did the same in the temporarily occupied regions of the eastern Ukraine. Ukraine has undertaken various measures to protect itself, which included establishing a number of fact-checking initiatives since 2014. -
Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: an Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data
IZA DP No. 1958 Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: An Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data Elizabeth Brainerd DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES DISCUSSION PAPER January 2006 Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: An Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data Elizabeth Brainerd Williams College, CEPR, WDI and IZA Bonn Discussion Paper No. 1958 January 2006 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 Email: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the institute. Research disseminated by IZA may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit company supported by Deutsche Post World Net. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its research networks, research support, and visitors and doctoral programs. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA Discussion Paper No. -
Ukrainian Armed Forces
June 23, 2021 Ukrainian Armed Forces In 2014, the Ukrainian military, which observers noted had lower (around 2.5% of GDP). Ukraine’s 2021 defense been weakened by years of neglect and underfunding, faced budget is 117.6 billion hryvnia ($4.2 billion), 127 million Russia’s occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and hryvnia ($4.6 million) less than 2020’s budget. invasion of eastern Ukraine. Since that time, the Ukrainian Additionally, Ukraine’s defense budget allocations are split armed forces have made considerable improvements; they between funds necessary to maintain the military and funds have undertaken efforts to adopt NATO standards and to support its ambitious reform program. received significant NATO and U.S. assistance. Many of these reforms began out of the experience of defending Ukraine inherited a sprawling defense industry from the against Russian aggression. Reforms range from the tactical Soviet Union, producing a wide range of products, to the strategic levels and include both political measures including tanks and armored vehicles, aircraft, radars and (e.g., increasing transparency, countering corruption, and electronics, missiles, and ships. Defense conglomerate ensuring civilian control over the military) and military Ukroboronprom oversees the defense industry, which reforms (e.g., modernizing equipment, reforming command comprises over 130 state-run companies. In recent years, and control, and increasing professionalization). Ukrainian officials have made reforming Ukroboronprom and increasing transparency key goals, including passing a Significant hurdles remain, however, and the reform new law, On Defense Procurement, in July 2020 to process is complicated by Ukraine’s Soviet legacy, the implement NATO standards in defense procurement. -
The Challenges of the "Now" and Their Implications for the U.S. Army
Perspective C O R P O R A T I O N Expert insights on a timely policy issue The Challenges of the “Now” and Their Implications for the U.S. Army David E. Johnson he U.S. Army has been at war in Afghanistan and Iraq underscored how far potential enemies had advanced in terms almost continuously for more than a decade—an experi- of weapons and tactics. This war vividly illustrated the lethality ence that has, over time, honed the Army’s ability to fight of modern weapons, the high value of crew proficiency, and the irregular adversaries. Ironically, in the aftermath of these skill of tactical commanders (Herbert, 1988, pp. 29–36; Scales, Twars and despite such capabilities, the Army finds itself in a crisis Johnson, and Odom, 1993, pp. 9–10; Romjue and Mullen, of relevance, with the national strategy having changed with the undated, pp. 190–191). “rebalance” to the Pacific, with end strength and budgets shrink- The Army responded with a renewed focus on major combat ing, and with U.S. policymakers averse to putting “boots on the operations. It developed, procured, and fielded the “Big 5” weapon ground” even as the Islamic State has again thrown Iraq into war systems—Abrams main battle tank, Bradley fighting vehicle, (Johnson, 2015b, pp. 109–113). Apache helicopter, Black Hawk helicopter, and Patriot air defense This crisis of relevance reflects a somewhat understandable missile system—as well as other effective weapons, such as the but recurring Army pattern of focusing intently on a current Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS) and the Army Tactical conflict while ignoring potential ones. -
Russia's Boreal Forests
Forest Area Key Facts & Carbon Emissions Russia’s Boreal Forests from Deforestation Forest location and brief description Russia is home to more than one-fifth of the world’s forest areas (approximately 763.5 million hectares). The Russian landscape is highly diverse, including polar deserts, arctic and sub-arctic tundra, boreal and semi-tundra larch forests, boreal and temperate coniferous forests, temperate broadleaf and mixed forests, forest-steppe and steppe (temperate grasslands, savannahs, and shrub-lands), semi-deserts and deserts. Russian boreal forests (known in Russia as the taiga) represent the largest forested region on Earth (approximately 12 million km2), larger than the Amazon. These forests have relatively few tree species, and are composed mainly of birch, pine, spruce, fir, with some deciduous species. Mixed in among the forests are bogs, fens, marshes, shallow lakes, rivers and wetlands, which hold vast amounts of water. They contain more than 55 per cent of the world’s conifers, and 11 per cent of the world’s biomass. Unique qualities of forest area Russia’s boreal region includes several important Global 200 ecoregions - a science-based global ranking of the Earth’s most biologically outstanding habitats. Among these is the Eastern-Siberian Taiga, which contains the largest expanse of untouched boreal forest in the world. Russia’s largest populations of brown bear, moose, wolf, red fox, reindeer, and wolverine can be found in this region. Bird species include: the Golden eagle, Black- billed capercaillie, Siberian Spruce grouse, Siberian accentor, Great gray owl, and Naumann’s thrush. Russia’s forests are also home to the Siberian tiger and Far Eastern leopard. -
Changes in Status of Soil Salinity in North Crimea Since 2013, As Detected by Landsat 8 OLI Data
E3S Web of Conferences 265, 03001 (2021) https://doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202126503001 APEEM 2021 Changes in status of soil salinity in North Crimea since 2013, as detected by Landsat 8 OLI data Igor Savin1,2*, Elena Prudnikova1,3 1Peoples Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Faculty of Ecology, 6 Miklukho- Maklaya Street, Moscow, 117198, Russian Federation 2Belgorod State University, Federal-regional centre for aerospace and ground monitoring of objects and natural resources, 308015 Belgorod, Russia 3V.V. Dokuchaev Soil Science Institute, 119017 Moscow, Russia Abstract. The purpose of this article is to analyze the changes in salinity of arable soils in the north of Crimea peninsula from 2013 to 2019 using Landsat 8 OLI satellite data in order to obtain additional and objective information about the modern state of soil secondary salinization processes. Comparison of the satellite data of 2013 and 2019 showed that in the area of the North-Crimean Canal there is both a slight expansion of the areas of saline soils and their reduction. The expansion of areas is observed mainly in the coastal zones of lakes and estuaries, and the reduction of areas in the fields, irrigation of which in the analyzed period did not stop. Both expansion and reduction of areas with saline soils did not exceed 10% of the study area. There is no evidence that the expansion of areas of saline soils during the analyzed period was due to the cessation of water supply to the North-Crimean canal. 1 Introduction Salinity is one of the most significant properties of soils that limit their use in agriculture. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Ukrainian Armed Forces
June 23, 2021 Ukrainian Armed Forces In 2014, the Ukrainian military, which observers noted had lower (around 2.5% of GDP). Ukraine’s 2021 defense been weakened by years of neglect and underfunding, faced budget is 117.6 billion hryvnia ($4.2 billion), 127 million Russia’s occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and hryvnia ($4.6 million) less than 2020’s budget. invasion of eastern Ukraine. Since that time, the Ukrainian Additionally, Ukraine’s defense budget allocations are split armed forces have made considerable improvements; they between funds necessary to maintain the military and funds have undertaken efforts to adopt NATO standards and to support its ambitious reform program. received significant NATO and U.S. assistance. Many of these reforms began out of the experience of defending Ukraine inherited a sprawling defense industry from the against Russian aggression. Reforms range from the tactical Soviet Union, producing a wide range of products, to the strategic levels and include both political measures including tanks and armored vehicles, aircraft, radars and (e.g., increasing transparency, countering corruption, and electronics, missiles, and ships. Defense conglomerate ensuring civilian control over the military) and military Ukroboronprom oversees the defense industry, which reforms (e.g., modernizing equipment, reforming command comprises over 130 state-run companies. In recent years, and control, and increasing professionalization). Ukrainian officials have made reforming Ukroboronprom and increasing transparency key goals, including passing a Significant hurdles remain, however, and the reform new law, On Defense Procurement, in July 2020 to process is complicated by Ukraine’s Soviet legacy, the implement NATO standards in defense procurement. -
The History of Ukraine Advisory Board
THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE ADVISORY BOARD John T. Alexander Professor of History and Russian and European Studies, University of Kansas Robert A. Divine George W. Littlefield Professor in American History Emeritus, University of Texas at Austin John V. Lombardi Professor of History, University of Florida THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE Paul Kubicek The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut • London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kubicek, Paul. The history of Ukraine / Paul Kubicek. p. cm. — (The Greenwood histories of the modern nations, ISSN 1096 –2095) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978 – 0 –313 – 34920 –1 (alk. paper) 1. Ukraine —History. I. Title. DK508.51.K825 2008 947.7— dc22 2008026717 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2008 by Paul Kubicek All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008026717 ISBN: 978– 0– 313 – 34920 –1 ISSN: 1096 –2905 First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48 –1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Every reasonable effort has been made to trace the owners of copyright materials in this book, but in some instances this has proven impossible. -
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. -
One Ukraine Or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2004 One Ukraine or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences Lowell W. Barrington & Erik S. Herron Intra-state regional differences are a central topic in the study of European and Eurasian politics. In Ukraine, regional differences have proven to be powerful predictors of mass attitudes and political behavior. But what does the “regional factor” in Ukrainian politics represent? Is it simply the result of compositional effects, or are the regional differences more than just a sum of other demographic factors correlated with geographic divisions? When analyzing regional divisions as an explanatory variable, what are the implications of employing different regional frameworks? In this article, we demonstrate how geographic divisions in the country hold up even when others factors—such as ethnicity and language use—are con- trolled for. As part of this inquiry, we compare the results of three competing regional frameworks for Ukraine: one with two regions, one with four regions and one with eight regions. While the eight-region framework is uncommon in studies of Ukraine, the decision to examine eight regions is supported by historical, economic and demographic arguments, as well as by the results of the statistical analyses presented in this article. Scholars who have focused on fewer regions in Ukraine may have underestimated the effects of regional differences and missed interesting stories about intra-state variation in Ukrainian attitudes and voting behavior. The results of this study carry important implications not only for the study of Ukraine but also for those interested in intra-state regional divisions across Europe and Eurasia. -
A Study on the Scythian Torque
IJCC, Vol, 6, No. 2, 69〜82(2003) A Study on the Scythian Torque Moon-Ja Kim Professor, Dept, of Clothing & Textiles, Suwon University (Received May 2, 2003) Abstract The Scythians had a veritable passion for adornment, delighting in decorating themselves no less than their horses and belongings. Their love of jewellery was expressed at every turn. The most magnificent pieces naturally come from the royal tombs. In the area of the neck and chest the Scythian had a massive gold Torques, a symbol of power, made of gold, turquoise, cornelian coral and even amber. The entire surface of the torque, like that of many of the other artefacts, is decorated with depictions of animals. Scythian Torques are worn with the decorative terminals to the front. It was put a Torque on, grasped both terminals and placed the opening at the back of the neck. It is possible the Torque signified its wearer's religious leadership responsibilities. Scythian Torques were divided into several types according to the shape, Torque with Terminal style, Spiral style, Layers style, Crown style, Crescent-shaped pectoral style. Key words : Crescent-shaped pectoral style, Layers style, Scythian Torque, Spiral style, Terminal style role in the Scythian kingdom belonged to no I • Introduction mads and it conformed to nomadic life. A vivid description of the burial of the Scythian kings The Scythians originated in the central Asian and of ordinary members of the Scythian co steppes sometime in the early first millennium, mmunity is contained in Herodotus' History. The BC. After migrating into what is present-day basic characteristics of the Scythian funeral Ukraine, they flourished, from the seventh to the ritual (burials beneath Kurgans according to a third centuries, BC, over a vast expanse of the rite for lating body in its grave) remained un steppe that stretched from the Danube, east changed throughout the entire Scythian period.^ across what is modem Ukraine and east of the No less remarkable are the articles from the Black Sea into Russia.