Further Observations on the Expedition of the Emperor Augustus Into Britain

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Further Observations on the Expedition of the Emperor Augustus Into Britain VI.—Further Observations on the Expedition of the Emperor Augustus into Britain. By WILLIAM HENRY BLACK, Esq., F.8.A. Read March 16th, 1871. THE evidence of an important fact which. I have lately made known to the Society of Antiquaries, bridging over (as it does) a whole century of our unwritten history, consists principally in the direct and positive assertion of it by the ancient commentator and critic, Servius; and the only objection that I have heard, publicly or privately, against the veracity of his statement, and the consequent view that I have taken of those passages in the Augustan Poets which relate to Britain, amounts to this, that we are required thereby to impugn or reject the opinions of two respectable historians more ancient than the com- mentator, namely, Cornelius Tacitus and Suetonius Tranquillus. I have thought proper therefore to vindicate in this second paper the authority of SERVIUS, against the negative opinions of those other Roman writers, and their numerous followers. First then, with respect to Cornelius Tacitus, I have already shown, by the constant and emphatic evidence of the Augustan Poets, that his idea of " a long oblivion of Britain" between the Emperors Julius and Claudius was a mistake. But this is not his only error, for he has erred in other material respects concern- ing Britain, so that his opinions may be impugned, without calling in question any of his statements of facts, which were strictly within the compass of his knowledge or the scope of his narrative, in dealing with the life of his father-in- law, Julius Agricola, whose daughter was married to the biographer (then a young man) just before her father's appointment to the command of military affairs in Britain in the reign of Nero." After the mention of this autobiographic fact, the biographer proceeds briefly to describe Britain, not in derogation of those authors whose care and abilities had been employed in writing of it, but (as he says) because " then first it was perdomita, fully subdued," he intended to make a credible relation " rerum fide tradentur." Having described the shape of Britain, which Livius and Fabius Rusticus had compared to "an oblong shield (scutula) or to a two-edged a Vita Agricolce, c. 9. VOL. XLIV. M 82 Expedition of the Emperor Augustus into Britain. axe-head," a he says that the northern shore or coast of Caledonia was sailed around by the Roman fleet, which none would be disposed to deny; but he adds an opinion. The exact words are, " Hanc oram novissimi maris tune primum Romana classis circumvecta insulam esse Britanniam adfirmavit." This shore of the last-mentioned sea (which he had called the vasto atque aperto mari bounding the northern parts of Britain,) the Roman fleet, having then first been carried around, affirmed Britain to be an island." Thus he ascribes the first ascertaining of this geographical fact to the time of the administration of Agri- cola, whereas Aristotle and all classic antiquity had well known that Britain was an island long before. Strabo and the writers quoted by him in the reign of Augustus had largely treated of its insular nature. Julius Osesar had described our island in exact and very ample terms, of which the principal are these: " The island is by nature three-sided (triquetra), of which one side is against Gaul. Of this side the one angle which is toward Cantium, whither almost all ships from Gaul go, is toward the rising sun: the lower [angle] looks to the south. This side contains about 500 miles. The other trends toward Spain and the setting sun : its length, in the opinion of certain persons, is 700 miles. * * * * The third is against the north, to which no land is opposite, but the angle of that side looks most toward Germany, and it is thought to be 800 miles in length. So all the island is in circuit 2,000 miles."b In the same breath the biographer of Agricola makes a second mistake by adding that the Roman fleet " likewise found and subdued the islands unknown to that time, which they call the Orcades." But Eutropius, Orosius, Eusebius, Cassiodorus, Nennius, Beda, and others declare that the Emperor Claudius conquered the Orkneys soon after his own expedition and triumph, but long before the time of Agricola.0 The biographer goes on to make a third and most glaring blunder when he says, " Dispecta est et Thule, quam hactenus nix et Menus abdebat. Thule was looked at (or discovered), which hitherto snow and winter had hidden." He says also that the sea was slow and difficult for rowers, and there were no winds to carry them, and the want of wind he ascribes to the rarity of land and of mountains in those parts. Hence it is probable that some of the flat and sandy parts of the Shetland isles may have been seen beyond the Orkneys, and mistaken a See the explanation of bipennis, by Servius, p. 677. b Caesar de Bell. Gall. lib. v. c. 13. c See the authorities referred to in Sir Thomas Hardy's Chronological Abstract, prefixed to the Monu- menta, p. 135. Expedition of the Emperor Augustus into Britain. 83 for Thule: for, if tbe Thule of the Greek geographers, through which they assert that the arctic circle passes, had been seen, what could they have perceived more remarkable than the snowy mountains and smoking volcano of Iceland ? Prom these passages I infer that the worthy and excellent Roman historian, whose general truthfulness cannot be too much commended, was deficient in historical geography, and so we may say of him "aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus." When therefore he tells us that Britain had been forgotten between Julius and Claudius, and that Claudius was "the author of the work" of mastering Britain, I answer that it had been as entirely subdued by the Romans before the time of Claudius as it had been found and known to be an island before the time of Agricola. The next author, Suetonius, it must be remembered, was a personal bio- grapher of emperors and learned men, not a regular historian. For who can make out the series of public events which constitutes regular history from his pages ? As he is silent about Britain under Augustus, so is he silent about many other great events of his reign, especially his foreign wars. Britain was diligently dragged into public notice by Claudius, whose only fame was cheaply acquired by a rapid and easy reduction of the island, such as could never have been effected without previous occupation, and the existence of Roman garrisons here, originally established by Julius Caesar himself among the Trinobantes (probably at Maldon or in London); for so I have always inferred from his own words, " Trinobantibus defensis, atque ab omni militum injuria prohibitis."a Suetonius was a contemporary and friend of Tacitus; from whom he seems to have obtained the opinion expressed in his own Life of Claudius, to which no such weight is to be ascribed as to overbalance the positive and particular testimony of historical facts to the contrary. Nevertheless, it is on the authority of the now controverted passages of these two biographers that the age of the elegant Latin geographer, Pom- ponius Mela, is commonly assigned to the reign of Claudius. Thus, by Saxius, he is placed between the years 48 and 49; by the late Mr. Petrie, and by Sir Thomas Hardy, he is said to have " flourished A.D. 45." b They and preceding critics rely on a single passage in his chapter of " Outer Spain, and the Islands of the Northern Ocean," wherein he says : " What Britain is, and what men it produceth, shall soon be told in more certain and ascertained manner. Tor, so long closed, behold! the Greatest of Princes openeth it; a Csesar de Bell. Gall. lib. v. c. 21. » Saxii Onom. Lit. i. 242—3 ; Monumenta Hist. Brit. pp. 50, vii. M 2 84s Expedition of the JEJmperor Augustas into Britain. not only the Conqueror of nations unsubdued, but also unknown, before him; the truth of -whose own actions, as he hath attempted them in war, so he, about to declare, carrieth in triumph. Quippe tamdiu clausam aperit ecce Principiim Maxvmus, nee indomitarum modo ante se, verum ignotarum quoque gentium Victor, propriarum rerum fidem ut bello affectavit, ita triumpho de- claraturus portat."* The great critic Gerard John Vossius approved the judgment of certain authors whom he names, and by whom Pomponius had been ascribed to the times of Claudius, on the credit of this passage. But Vossius also relied upon the mention of Cornelius Nepos by Pomponius, and of the citation of the latter by Pliny the Elder, in proof of that chronological position; adding that, although some thought that Pomponius alluded to the Emperor Julius, by the title of Principum Maxvmus, yet Julius never triumphed over Britain, but Claudius did. To me, however, the title " Greatest of Princes " seems utterly inapplicable to Claudius, but to be, without flattery, most applicable to Augustus, whose actual triumph over Britain is mentioned thus by Servius, " propter Britannorum triumphum." b The pageants that were in preparation when Pomponius wrote to illustrate the Emperor's conquests well agree with what Virgil mentioned and Servius his commentator afterward explained in relation to Augustus, in the passage which was unaccountably overlooked by writers and collectors on this subject, until I lately brought it to light. I have (since my former paper) care- fully reviewed the whole treatise of Pomponius, and I find his geography con- sistent with the early part of the reign of Augustus only, without allusion to any fact or mention of any name or changed name later than the year to which that Emperor's British expedition was assigned in my former paper, viz.
Recommended publications
  • TITLE: Pomponius Mela's World Map DATE: A.D. 37 AUTHOR: Pomponius Mela
    Pomponius Mela’s World View #116 TITLE: Pomponius Mela’s World Map DATE: A.D. 37 AUTHOR: Pomponius Mela DESCRIPTION: The images in this monograph show attempts at reconstruction of the world view of the earliest Roman geographer Pomponius Mela, who, although of Spanish birth, wrote a brief work which agrees in most of its views with the great Greek writers from Eratosthenes (#112) to Strabo (#115). However, Mela departs from the traditional ancient concept by asserting that in the southern temperate zone dwelt inhabitants who were inaccessible to Europeans because of the Torrid Zone that intervened. His knowledge of the characters of Western Europe and the British Isles was clearer than that of the Greek writers, and he was the first to name the Orcades [Orkney Islands]. The great Roman historian Pliny quoted Mela as an authority. The first-century author Pomponius Mela enjoyed a long- standing reputation in geographical matters, given Pliny’s praise of him in the Natural History. But no text by Mela was known until the 1330s, when Petrarch discovered his De chorographia [On Chorography, or Descriptive Geography] in Avignon. Mela did not include a map in his text, but it has been suggested that he had in mind the map of the known world that Agrippa (#118) had started and Augustus completed. Displayed in the Porticus Vipsania in Rome, this map was known as chorographia, a name possibly recalled by the title of Mela’s text. Petrarch was fascinated with Mela’s brief and engaging text and had copies made for fellow humanists, including Giovanni Boccaccio, facilitating the wide circulation of the manuscript for almost a century, until it was printed in Milan in 1471.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
    Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2017 The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula. Erin Leigh Wotring University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Wotring, Erin Leigh, "The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula." (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2691. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2691 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in History Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, KY May, 2017 Copyright 2017 by Erin Leigh Wotring All rights reserved THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Approved on April 14, 2017 by the following Thesis Committee: Dr. Jennifer Westerfeld, Director Dr. Blake Beattie Dr. Carmen Hardin ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • ROMANIZATION and SOME CILICIAN CULTS by HUGH ELTON (BIAA)
    ROMANIZATION AND SOME CILICIAN CULTS By HUGH ELTON (BIAA) This paper focuses on two sites from central Cilicia in Anatolia, the Cory­ cian Cave and Kanhdivane, to make some comments about religion and Romanization. From the Corycian Cave, a pair of early third-century AD altars are dedicated to Zeus Korykios, described as Victorious (Epinikios), Triumphant (Tropaiuchos), and the Harvester (Epikarpios), and to Hermes Korykios, also Victorious, Triumphant, and the Harvester. The altars were erected for 'the fruitfulness and brotherly love of the Augusti', suggesting they come from the period before Geta's murder, i.e. between AD 209 and 212. 1 These altars are unremarkable and similar examples are common else­ where, so these altars can be interpreted as showing the homogenising effect of the Roman Empire. But behind these dedications, however, may lie a re­ ligious tradition stretching back to the second millennium BC. At the second site, Kanhdivane, a tomb in the west necropolis was accompanied by a fu­ nerary inscription erected by Marcus Ulpius Knos for himself and his family, probably in the second century AD. Marcus then added, 'but if anyone damages or opens [the tomb] let him pay to the treasury of Zeus 1000 [de­ narii] and to the Moon (Selene) and to the Sun (Helios) above 1000 [denarii] and let him be subject to the curses also of the Underground Gods (Kata­ chthoniai Theoi). ' 2 When he wanted to threaten retribution, Knos turned to a local group of gods. As at the Corycian Cave, Knos' actions may preserve traces of pre-Roman practices, though within a Roman framework.
    [Show full text]
  • The World's Measure: Caesar's Geographies of Gallia and Britannia in Their Contexts and As Evidence of His World Map
    The World's Measure: Caesar's Geographies of Gallia and Britannia in their Contexts and as Evidence of his World Map Christopher B. Krebs American Journal of Philology, Volume 139, Number 1 (Whole Number 553), Spring 2018, pp. 93-122 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2018.0003 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/687618 Access provided at 25 Oct 2019 22:25 GMT from Stanford Libraries THE WORLD’S MEASURE: CAESAR’S GEOGRAPHIES OF GALLIA AND BRITANNIA IN THEIR CONTEXTS AND AS EVIDENCE OF HIS WORLD MAP CHRISTOPHER B. KREBS u Abstract: Caesar’s geographies of Gallia and Britannia as set out in the Bellum Gallicum differ in kind, the former being “descriptive” and much indebted to the techniques of Roman land surveying, the latter being “scientific” and informed by the methods of Greek geographers. This difference results from their different contexts: here imperialist, there “cartographic.” The geography of Britannia is ultimately part of Caesar’s (only passingly and late) attested great cartographic endeavor to measure “the world,” the beginning of which coincided with his second British expedition. To Tony Woodman, on the occasion of his retirement as Basil L. Gildersleeve Professor of Classics at the University of Virginia, in gratitude. IN ALEXANDRIA AT DINNER with Cleopatra, Caesar felt the sting of curiosity. He inquired of “the linen-wearing Acoreus” (linigerum . Acorea, Luc. 10.175), a learned priest of Isis, whether he would illuminate him on the lands and peoples, gods and customs of Egypt. Surely, Lucan has him add, there had never been “a visitor more capable of the world” than he (mundique capacior hospes, 10.183).
    [Show full text]
  • Early & Rare World Maps, Atlases & Rare Books
    19219a_cover.qxp:Layout 1 5/10/11 12:48 AM Page 1 EARLY & RARE WORLD MAPS, ATLASES & RARE BOOKS Mainly from a Private Collection MARTAYAN LAN CATALOGUE 70 EAST 55TH STREET • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 45 To Order or Inquire: Telephone: 800-423-3741 or 212-308-0018 Fax: 212-308-0074 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: www.martayanlan.com Gallery Hours: Monday through Friday 9:30 to 5:30 Saturday and Evening Hours by Appointment. We welcome any questions you might have regarding items in the catalogue. Please let us know of specific items you are seeking. We are also happy to discuss with you any aspect of map collecting. Robert Augustyn Richard Lan Seyla Martayan James Roy Terms of Sale: All items are sent subject to approval and can be returned for any reason within a week of receipt. All items are original engrav- ings, woodcuts or manuscripts and guaranteed as described. New York State residents add 8.875 % sales tax. Personal checks, Visa, MasterCard, American Express, and wire transfers are accepted. To receive periodic updates of recent acquisitions, please contact us or register on our website. Catalogue 45 Important World Maps, Atlases & Geographic Books Mainly from a Private Collection the heron tower 70 east 55th street new york, new york 10022 Contents Item 1. Isidore of Seville, 1472 p. 4 Item 2. C. Ptolemy, 1478 p. 7 Item 3. Pomponius Mela, 1482 p. 9 Item 4. Mer des hystoires, 1491 p. 11 Item 5. H. Schedel, 1493, Nuremberg Chronicle p. 14 Item 6. Bergomensis, 1502, Supplementum Chronicum p.
    [Show full text]
  • Frogs Around the Pond: Some Images of the Mediterranean Sea In
    FROGS AROUND THE POND: SOME IMAGES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA IN GREEK AND ROMAN CULTURE by SARAH JEAN CALDER TRAUT Under the Direction of Naomi Norman ABSTRACT This thesis describes some of the ways that Greek and Roman culture attempted to define the Mediterranean Sea. It surveys selected Greek and Roman authors who used the image of the Mediterranean Sea to talk about power and wealth. INDEX WORDS: Mediterranean Sea, Mediterranean Basin, Greek and Roman Culture, Mare Nostrum, Isidorus, Sallust, Julius Caesar, Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, Pomponius Mela, Pliny the Elder, Juvenal, Old Oligarch, Pseudo- Xenophon, Constitution of the Athenians, Thucydides, History, Cicero, De Provinciis Consularibus, Augustus, Res Gestae, Plutarch, Quaestiones Conviviales, Hesiod, Works and Days, Petronius, Satyricon, Lucian, The Ship or The Wishes. FROGS AROUND THE POND: SOME IMAGES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA IN GREEK AND ROMAN CULTURE by SARAH JEAN CALDER TRAUT A.B., The University of Georgia, 2001 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2004 ©2004 Sarah Jean Calder Traut All Rights Reserved. FROGS AROUND THE POND: SOME IMAGES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA IN GREEK AND ROMAN CULTURE by SARAH JEAN CALDER TRAUT Major Professor: Naomi Norman Committee: Robert Curtis Keith Dix Electronic Version Approved: Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia May 2004 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to acknowledge the guidance that Dr. Naomi Norman has given me throughout my undergraduate and graduate schooling. Without her support, I should never have completed my thesis or my undergraduate degree.
    [Show full text]
  • The Competence of Cornelius Nepos
    The Competence of Cornelius Nepos This paper focuses on contextualizing the widespread historical inaccuracies noticed in Cornelius Nepos’ Lives of the Foreign Commanders. Standard handbook assessments of this author, in particular by Jenkinson (1967, 1973) and Horsfal (1983)— see further Pryzwansky (2009)—have deprecated these biographies, and argued Nepos was not taken seriously in antiquity or should be taken seriously today. This is likely to have stemmed from the language used in Nipperdey-Witte’s (1913) commentary, the only one of any substance, which assessed the work strictly, according to modern objective historical standards. It cannot be stressed enough, however, that this concerns only the objective accuracy of the text. I argue that, though certainly marred on occasion by serious errors that could only be due to carelessness, by and large most of the so- called inaccuracies can be accounted for in ways that do not discount this author from having been taken seriously by ancient readers. This opens the door to re-assessing the possible influence of this author in his contemporary world: instead of being a mere mirror of contemporary attitudes, as Dionisotti (1988) and Millar (1988), it is possible Nepos was a cultural expert who helped craft the ideology of the principate. I will show this in two ways: first, by strengthening recent observations (e.g. Stem 2012, Dunsch 2012) regarding Nepos’ standing among contemporary luminaries, by highlighting the fragmentary evidence for his reputation and reception. To cite one example (from several), Pliny the younger mentions him twice (Ep. 4.28, 5.3) as if he were an author of erudition and cultural gravitas.
    [Show full text]
  • Assoc. Prof. John Alexander Lobur Dept. of Classical Studies University of Mississippi 30 Bryant Hall University, MS 38677 [email protected] 662-202-6118
    Assoc. Prof. John Alexander Lobur Dept. of Classical Studies University of Mississippi 30 Bryant Hall University, MS 38677 [email protected] 662-202-6118 Curriculum Vitae Currently on Sabbatical as Visiting Scholar at the University of Cambridge (Aug. 2019- Aug. 2020). Education: —Kalamazoo College 1991-95 (Trinity College, Dublin 1993-94): BA in Classics and Philosophy. — University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 1995-2004 (American School of Classical Studies in Athens 1998-99): PhD Classical Studies. Dissertation: Consensus, Concordia and the Formation of Roman Imperial Ideology — Prof. David Potter: chair — Prof. Ludwig Koenen: committee member — Prof. Arthur Verhoogt: committee member — Prof. Rudi Lindner: committee member Employment: —University of Mississippi —Assistant Professor of Classics, Aug. 17, 2004-10. —Associate Professor of Classics Aug. 23, 2010-Present. Other: —Visiting Scholar, University of Cambridge Faculty of Classics, Aug. 2019 - Aug. 2020. Publications: Books/Monographs: — (2008). Consensus, Concordia and the Formation of Roman Imperial Ideology, London; New York: Routledge, Review at Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2009.07.37: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2009/2009.07.37/). — (Forthcoming). Cornelius Nepos: A Study in Evidence and Influence. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. (Completed draft accepted for publication). In Progress/Preparation: — Consensus, Concordia and the Formation of Roman Imperial Ideology (Second Revised Edition). — Social and Cultural Evolution and the Roman World. An exploration of the way Roman culture uniquely expresses the evolutionary social and psychological foundations of human societies. Draft of ch. 1 (outlining Roman manipulations of the evolutionary foundations of hierarchy through the concept of patria postestas) complete. Articles/Chapters (peer reviewed): — (2007). "Festinatio (Haste), Brevitas (Concision) and the Genesis of Imperial Ideology in Velleius Paterculus." TAPA 137: 211-230.
    [Show full text]
  • Review–Discussion Nepos As a Political Biographer
    Histos 9 (2015) XCI–C REVIEW–DISCUSSION NEPOS AS A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHER Rex Stem, The Political Biographies of Cornelius Nepos. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2012. Pp. 304. Hardback, $70.00. ISBN 978-0-472-11838-0. early thirty years separate the publication of Geiger’s Cornelius Nepos and Ancient Political Biography and Rex Stem’s new book, The Political NBiographies of Cornelius Nepos.1 Stem’s Political Biographies represents a sig- nificant step forward in the study of Nepos’ works. Geiger established Nepos as an author worthy of study for his innovative contributions to Latin litera- ture. Now Stem, building on Geiger’s work and benefiting from the growing scholarly interest in exemplarity in Roman culture, has endeavored to read Nepos’ longest extant works, On Foreign Commanders, Cato, and Atticus, on their own terms—as exemplary biography written to offer moral models (and anti-mod- els) of political and military action to readers of the Triumviral period. Thus, whereas Geiger’s work primarily grappled with the difficult and contentious history of the biographical genre to establish Nepos’ place in it, Stem offers a lucid introduction to Nepos and a persuasive, historically informed reading of Nepos’ extant works. As such Stem’s work is indispensible reading for those interested in the intellectual history of the Late Republic, exemplarity in Ro- man literature, and the evolution of the biographical genre. Stem faced a Herculean task in overcoming the enduring, negative view of Nepos and his work. Even Geiger’s depiction of Nepos as the innovative scholar who invented the subgenre of political biography met with a fair amount of criticism.2 Modern assumptions continue to distort our expectations regarding biography, and likewise of Nepos.
    [Show full text]
  • Nero Tyrannus: the Physiological and Psychosomatic Causes of His Tyrannical Legacy
    Nero Tyrannus: The Physiological and Psychosomatic Causes of his Tyrannical Legacy Amanda Gardner Classics Departmental Thesis University of Colorado at Boulder Thesis Advisor Dr. Andrew Cain | Department of Classics Committee Members Dr. Sarah James | Department of Classics Dr. Anne Lester | Department of History 2 November 2015 2 Chapter 1: Evidence from the Rubble Tiberius Claudius Nero Caesar was born Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus in 37 AD. He was the adopted son of Claudius and biological son of Agrippina. Many Christians considered him to be the Antichrist because he persecuted and blamed them for starting the Great Fire in 64, which burned for six days in the heart of the city. The fire destroyed three districts and damaged seven more, devastating the Roman capitol. One of the most commonly recounted details of his legacy today is his asserted “fiddling” while Rome burned. Sources disagree concerning his responsibility for the fire, some claiming he was the incendiary himself, others claiming he was entirely free of blame1. (Heinz-Jurgen Beste 2013) He would ultimately rebuild the portions of Rome that were burned in the fire, increasing the buildings’ safety and provide a better quality of life for the people, thereby revolutionizing city planning and architecture. (Heinz-Jurgen Beste 2013) He reimagined the insulae by having them constructed with firebreaks between each home and running water guaranteed in each unit. During the largest scale reconstruction that Rome had undergone, Nero also insisted that the buildings be primarily concrete rather than wood to provide protection against the recurrence of such massive conflagration. In place of the ruins, he designed a new palace for himself, more elaborate and sprawling than any Roman palace previously built.
    [Show full text]
  • Mamurra, Eques Form/Anus
    MAMURRA, EQUES FORM/ANUS The recent attempt by Paul Thielscher to idendfy Mamurra with Vitruvius, author of the De architectura, has given Caesar's praefectusfabrum new interest. 1) Before thathis claim to farne (or notoriety) had been a result of Catullus' vitriolic attack. He has little deserved the attention thus paid to him. In the course of discussion of the corpus Catullianum a career has been outHned for hirn which will not bear intensive scrudny. Some elements in the poet's comments are clearly factual, and Mamurra's prodigality and wealth, his unscrupulous aetions and immoral character cannot be seriously quesdoned. However inferences, especially from the twenty-ninth poem, are so speculadve that a career rather different from the accepted version is probable2). References, other than those of Catullus, are scanty. The earliest are two in Cicero's letters to Atticus. Among other ills due to Caesar's actions in the fifdes were et Labieni divitiae et Mamurrae ... et Balbi horti et Tusculanum 3). These three men had I) Cf. RE s v. "Vitruvius," cols. 419-426; 427-489 (1961). Cited below as PT. A refutation of this posthumous article is headed "0 M Pauli Thielscher doctoris": P.Ruffel et J.Soubiran, "Vitruve ou Mamurra?" Pallas 11 (1962 [1964]) 123-179. Cited below as RS. Cf. my Supplementary Note. 2) Editors and critics dealing with Catullus have comments on Ma­ murra beyond his just due. These items, a few among many, are useful: H. A. J. Munro, CriJicisms and ElucidaJions 0/ CaJullus (Cambridge, 1878) notes on 29,57, II4f.; G.Q.Giglioli, NoJ.
    [Show full text]