The Site of Adam's Tomb

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Site of Adam's Tomb chapter 1 The Site of Adam’s Tomb Although the major ancient Jewish Bible translations, the Septuagint and the Targumim, render Joshua 14:15 relatively literally, at least without major devia- tions from the Hebrew text, the Christian translation made by Jerome around 400 ce, the Vulgate, does deviate from the biblical text at a major point. In this modest contribution, I will argue that it is precisely this Christian translation that incorporated Jewish exegetical traditions. In the Masoretic text of Joshua 14:14–15 we read that Hebron became the portion of Caleb because he was loyal to the Lord. ‘The name of Hebron was formerly Kiriath-Arba; he [Arba] was the great man among the Anakites’ (v.15, JPS). Targum Jonathan has: ‘The name of Hebron formerly was “the city of Arba;” he was a great man among the giants.’1 We see in this translation that Kiriath-Arba, originally ‘town/city of the four (clans),’ was taken to mean ‘city of (a man called) Arba’ because the immediately following phrase ha ʾadam hagadol baʿenaqim huʾ seemed to require that ‘the great man’ refers back to an immediately afore-mentioned person, who must be Arba. This interpreta- tion of the Hebrew original seems to make sense, but the LXX translator has a different view. His rendering is: ‘The name of Hebron was formerly “city of Arbok;”2 it was the metropolis of the Enakim.’3 So this translator changed ‘the great man’ into ‘the metropolis’ because, taking Kiriath-Arba to be a toponym, he had to do away with the great man – a great city fitted the context much better. So far so good. But now Jerome’s Vulgate: nomen Hebron antea vocabatur Cariatarbe; Adam maximus ibi inter Enacim situs est4 (‘Hebron was formerly called Kiriath- Arba; Adam, the very big one (or: the greatest), lies buried here among the Enakim’). That Jerome took the Hebrew ʾadam to mean not ‘man’ but Adam here is evident also from some passages in his other works: In his Quaestiones 1 Text in A. Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic II: The Former Prophets, Leiden: Brill, 1992, 26. Translation by D.J. Harrington & A.J. Saldarini, Targum Jonathan of the Former Prophets (The Aramaic Bible 10), Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1987, 40. 2 Varia lectio: Arbo. The letter k in Arbok renders the Hebrew ʿayin. 3 On this translation see J. Moatti-Fine, La Bible d’Alexandrie 6: Jésus (Josué), Paris: Éd. du Cerf, 1996, 176. 4 Text according to R. Weber (ed.), Biblia sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem, vol. 1, Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1969, 306. Several manuscripts have instead of inter Enacim the reading in terra Enacim (he lies buried in the land of the Enakim). © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi ��.��63/9789004�7����_00� 2 chapter 1 Hebraicae in Genesim, he remarks on Gen. 22:3 (‘Sarah died in Kiriath-Arba’) that the LXX with its ‘city of Arbog’ makes nonsense of the text (Arboc enim nihil omnino significat, ‘Arboc actually signifies nothing at all’), It is called Arba, Jerome says, because four great figures from the past lie buried there, namely, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob ‘and the head of the human race itself, Adam (et ipse princeps humani generis, Adam).5 He adds that ‘this will be shown more clearly in the book of Joshua’ (14:15, of course). The other passage is in his famous Epistula 108, where in 11.3 he tells how his rich Roman lady friend, Paula, in the course of her long pilgrimage through Palestine, also visited Hebron, haec est Cariatharbe, id est ‘oppidum virorum quattuor,’ Abraham et Isaac et Jacob et Adam magni quem ibi conditum iuxta librum Hiesu Hebraei autumant, licet plerique Chaleb quartum putent, cuius ex latere memoria demonstratur (‘This is Kiriath-Arba, that is “the city of the four men,” Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Adam the Great, who was buried there according to the book of Joshua, as the Hebrews say, although there are many who think that the fourth man is Caleb, whose tomb is shown nearby’).6 And there it is: Hebraei autumant, ‘the Jews assert so.’ Here Jerome makes clear what is behind his translation and interpre- tation of this biblical text – it is Jewish exegesis.7 5 Text in P. Antin, S. Hieronymi presbyteri opera I/1 (CCSL 72), Turnhout: Brepols, 1959, 28. Translation by C.T.R. Hayward, Saint Jerome’s Hebrew Questions on Genesis, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995, 56–57. 6 Latin text (with Dutch translation) in P.W. van der Horst, Paula in Palestina. Hieronymus’ biografie van een rijke Romeinse christin, Zoetermeer: Meinema, 2006, 60–61. Translation (slightly corrected) by J. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims Before the Crusades, Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 2002, 85. See also H. Donner, Pilgerfahrt ins Heilie Land. Die ältesten Berichte christ- licher Palästinapilger (4.–7. Jahrhundert), Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1980, 159–160. 7 In his translation of Eusebius’ Onomastikon, Jerome gives similar information (which is not in Eusebius’ text): ‘Arboc: In our codices it is written corruptly Arboc, but in the Hebrew codices it is Arbe, that is, four, because there the three Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob are buried, and Adam the Great, as it is written in the book of Joshua.’ For text and transla- tion see R.S. Notley & Z. Safrai, Eusebius, Onomasticon: The Place Names of Divine Scripture, Leiden: Brill, 2005, 7, and G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, R.L. Chapman III, J.E. Taylor, Palestine in the Fourth Century A.D. The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea, Jerusalem: Carta, 2003, 13. For other passages in Jerome about Adam’s tomb see see J. Dochhorn, Die Apokalypse des Mose. Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar (TSAJ 106), Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005, 171 note 36, and R. Ginzberg, ‘Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvätern und in der apokryphischen Literatur,’ MGWJ n.s. 7 (1899) 69–72. It would seem that in this respect Jerome had altered his earlier belief that Adam’s tomb was at Golgotha; see his Epistula 46.3 and the comments in Hayward, Saint Jerome’s Hebrew Questions on Genesis 183. .
Recommended publications
  • Eusebius and His Ecclesiastical History
    1 Eusebius and His Ecclesiastical History Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History (HE) is the most important of his many books. It created a new literary genre that would have a long and influential history. In an often-quoted statement, F. C. Baur called Eusebius the father of ecclesiastical his- tory, just as Herodotus was the father of historical writing in general.1 The Ecclesi- astical History is our single most important source for recovering the history of the first three centuries of Christianity. And it is the centerpiece of a corpus of writings in which Eusebius created a distinctive vision of the place of the Christian church in world history and God’s providential plan. A book of such significance has attracted an enormous body of commentary and analysis driven by two rather different motives. One was the value of the HE as a documentary treasure trove of partially or completely lost works. For a long time, that was the primary driver of scholarly interest. The past two generations have seen the emergence of a second trend that focuses on Eusebius as a figure in his own right, a writer of exceptional range, creativity, and productivity, and an actor on the ecclesiastical and political stage.2 How, for example, did current events shape the way Eusebius thought and wrote about the church’s past? And what can his con- struction of the past tell us in turn about Christian consciousness and ambition during a time of enormous transition? Seen from that angle, the HE becomes not a source for history but itself an artifact of history, a hermeneutical redirection that will be applied to other works of Christian historiography in this book.3 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Conquests of Canaan
    ÅA Wars in the Middle East are almost an every day part of Eero Junkkaala:of Three Canaan Conquests our lives, and undeniably the history of war in this area is very long indeed. This study examines three such wars, all of which were directed against the Land of Canaan. Two campaigns were conducted by Egyptian Pharaohs and one by the Israelites. The question considered being Eero Junkkaala whether or not these wars really took place. This study gives one methodological viewpoint to answer this ques- tion. The author studies the archaeology of all the geo- Three Conquests of Canaan graphical sites mentioned in the lists of Thutmosis III and A Comparative Study of Two Egyptian Military Campaigns and Shishak and compares them with the cities mentioned in Joshua 10-12 in the Light of Recent Archaeological Evidence the Conquest stories in the Book of Joshua. Altogether 116 sites were studied, and the com- parison between the texts and the archaeological results offered a possibility of establishing whether the cities mentioned, in the sources in question, were inhabited, and, furthermore, might have been destroyed during the time of the Pharaohs and the biblical settlement pe- riod. Despite the nature of the two written sources being so very different it was possible to make a comparative study. This study gives a fresh view on the fierce discus- sion concerning the emergence of the Israelites. It also challenges both Egyptological and biblical studies to use the written texts and the archaeological material togeth- er so that they are not so separated from each other, as is often the case.
    [Show full text]
  • 229 the Onomasticon
    229 THE ONOMASTICON. By Lieut.-Colonel CONDER, R.E., D.C.L. AMONG the more important authorities on Palestine geography is the Onomasticon of Eusebius, translated into Latin by Jerome. It has been used by me in the Memoirs of the Survey, but no continuous account of its contents, as illustrated by the Survey discoveries, has been publisheo by the Palestine Exploration Fund. The following notes may be useful as indicating its peculiar value. Jerome speaks of the nomenclature of the country in words which still apply sixteen centuries later: "Vocabnla qure vel eadem manent, vel immutata sunt postea, vel aliqua ex parte corrupta." His own acquaintance with Palestine was wide aud minute, and he often adds new details of interest to the Greek text of Eusebius which he renders. It is only necessary here to notice tile places which are fixed by the authors, and not those which were (and usually still are) unknown. The order of the names which follow is that of the Onomas­ ticon text, following the spelling of the Greek of Eusebius and the Gree],_ alphabet. Abarim, the Moab Mountains. Jerome says : "The name is still pointed out to those ascending from Livias (Tell er Rumeh) to Heshbon, near Mount Peor-retaining the original uame ; the region round being still called Phasga (Pisgah)." The road iu question appears to be that from Tell er Rameh to 'Aytln Mttsa (Ashdoth Pisgah), and thence to Heshbon, passing under N ebo on the north. Jerome calls Abarim "the mountain where Moses died," evidently N ebo itself ; but Peor (Phogor) seems to have been further south.
    [Show full text]
  • The Philistines Were Among the Sea Peoples, Probably of Aegean Origin, Who First Appeared in the E Mediterranean at the End of the 13Th Century B.C
    The Philistines were among the Sea Peoples, probably of Aegean origin, who first appeared in the E Mediterranean at the end of the 13th century B.C. These peoples were displaced from their original homelands as part of the extensive population movements characteristic of the end of the LB Age. During this period, the Egyptians and the Hittites ruled in the Levant, but both powers were in a general state of decline. The Sea Peoples exploited this power vacuum by invading areas previously subject to Egyptian and Hittite control, launching land and sea attacks on Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, to which various Egyptian sources attest. The various translations of the name Philistine in the different versions of the Bible reveal that even in early times translators and exegetes were unsure of their identity. In the LXX, for example, the name is usually translated as allopsyloi ("strangers"), but it occurs also as phylistieim in the Pentateuch and Joshua. In the Hebrew Bible, the Philistines are called Pelishtim, a term defining them as the inhabitants ofPeleshet, i.e., the coastal plain of S Palestine. Assyrian sources call them both Pilisti and Palastu. The Philistines appear as prst in Egyptian sources. Encountering the descendants of the Philistines on the coast of S Palestine, the historian Herodotus, along with sailors and travelers from the Persian period onward called them palastinoi and their countrypalastium. The use of these names in the works of Josephus, where they are common translations forPhilistines and Philistia and, in some cases, for the entire land of Palestine, indicates the extent to which the names had gained acceptance by Roman times.
    [Show full text]
  • What Temples Stood For
    WHAT TEMPLES STOOD FOR: CONSTANTINE, EUSEBIUS, AND ROMAN IMPERIAL PRACTICE BY STEVEN J. LARSON B.S., PURDUE UNIVERSITY, 1987 B.A., UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA, 1992 M.T.S., HARVARD UNIVERSITY DIVINITY SCHOOL, 1997 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES AT BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND MAY 2008 © Copyright 2008 by Steven J. Larson VITA !"#$%"&'()"*)"!)+*$)$,'-*%."!)+*$)$"')"/$)0$(1"23."24567"!"8'9,-:;:+"$"&$8<:-'(=%" degree in Industrial Engineering at Purdue University in 1987. Following this, I worked as an engineer at Cardiac Pacemaker, Inc. in St. Paul, Minnesota. I left this position to pursue studies in the Humanities at the University of Minnesota. There I studied modern $(;"$)+">'+:()"?(::@"80-;0(:"$)+"-$)A0$A:"$)+"A($+0$;:+"#*;<"$"&$8<:-'(=%"+:A(::"*)"B(;" History from the Minneapolis campus in 1992. During this period I spent two summers studying in Greece. I stayed on in Minneapolis to begin coursework in ancient Latin and Greek and the major world religions. Moving to Somerville, Massachusetts I completed a 9$%;:(=%"+:A(::"$;"C$(D$(+"E)*D:(%*;1"F*D*)*;1"G8<''-"*)"244H"0)+:r the direction of Helmut Koester. My focus was on the history of early Christianity. While there I worked $%"$)":+*;'(*$-"$%%*%;$);"I'(";<:"%8<''-=%"$8$+:9*8"J'0()$-."Harvard Theological Review, as well as Archaeological Resources for New Testament Studies. In addition, I ,$(;*8*,$;:+"*)"K('I:%%'(%"L':%;:("$)+"F$D*+">*;;:)=%"MB(8<$:'-'A1"$)+";<:"N:#" O:%;$9:);P"8'0(%:.";($D:--*)A";'"%*;:%";<('0A<'0;"?(::8:"$)+"O0(@:17"O<$;"I$--."!"&:A$)" doctoral studies at Brown University in the Religious Studies departmen;"$%"$"F:$)=%" Fellow.
    [Show full text]
  • Proceedings of the United States National Museum
    . A COLORED DRAWING OF THE MEDEBA MOSAIC MAP OF PALESTINE IN THE UNITED STATES NATIONAL MU- SEUM. By I. M. Casanowicz, Assistant Curator, Division of Old World Archeology, United States National Museum. INTRODUCTION. A colored drawing of the Medeba mosaic map of Palestine was acquired by Mr. S. W. Woodward, of Washington City, from a book dealer in Jerusalem, while on a tour around the world in 1899 in the interest of Christian missions, and by him presented to the United States National Museum. A comparison of the drawing with other reproductions of the original, which have been prepared by compe- tent archeologists and Biblical scholars, shows that, with the excep- tion of a few omissions and transpositions, it affords a fairly adequate view of the original. It has therefore been deemed worth while to describe this highly interesting and important monument for the readers of the pubhcations of the United States National Museum, the more so as a comprehensive and detailed discussion of the subject has hitherto not been pubUshed in the English language. LITERATURE CONSULTED. C. Raymond Beazley, the Madeba Mosaic Map (The Geographic Journal, vol. 17, 1901, London, pp. 516-520). Clermont-Gaimeau, The Madeba Mosaic (Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement (quoted PEFQS), 1897, pp. 213-225; 1901, pp. 235-246). A. Jacoby, Das geographische Mosaik von Madaba (Leipzig, 1905). Wilhelm Kubitschek, Die Mosaikkarte Palastinas (Mittheilungen der Kaiser- lich-Koniglichen Geographischen GeseUschaft in Wien, vol. 43, 1900, Vienna, pp. 335-380). Adolf Schulten, Die Mosaikkarte von Madaba und ihr Verhaltniss zu den altesten Karten und Beschi'eibungen des heiligen Landes.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Maresha and Eleutheropolis (City of the Free)”
    “Ancient Maresha and Eleutheropolis (City of the Free)” The Impact of Change and of Roman Occupation On The Cities, The Hinterland and The People By Jean Margaret Swanson Bachelor of Arts (Honours), UWA This thesis is presented for the degree of Master of Arts of the University of Western Australia School of Humanities (Discipline of Classics and Ancient History), Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences Year of Submission: 2012 1 THE ELEUTHEROPOLIS MOSAIC AT CHURCH OF ST. STEPHEN UMM-ER-RASAS, JORDAN (See Ch. 4: 62) 2 ABSTRACT In this thesis I have explored a particular section of the history of Israel – the period from 500 BCE to 650 CE (which encompasses the periods of sovereignty of the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman authorities), and a particular section of the land – the ancient Biblical Tel Maresha and the nearby town of Beit Guvrin, which became the Roman city of Eleutheropolis. The evidence consists of literary records and archaeological exploration reports together with first-hand research, combined to provide insights on the lives of the people of this time, both urban and rural, their homes, foods, customs, beliefs, and if/how these changed as one conqueror succeeded another. Whilst the background to the thesis necessarily includes more ancient historical data, the emphasis is on the late Hellenistic and the Roman periods – 1st c BCE to 7th c CE – taking into account the various influences already present and the way in which these were affected by new ideas. Maresha was of significant importance in the early history of Judaea. It was located at the junction of a number of major roads, close to the main trade route which led from the north all the way to Egypt and less than a day’s journey from the major Mediterranean ports of Gaza and Ascalon.
    [Show full text]
  • Publications of Lee I. Levine
    Publications of Lee I. Levine Books 1. Caesarea under Roman Rule. Leiden: Brill, 1975. 2. Roman Caesarea: An Archaeological-Topographical Study. Qedem 2. Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University, 1975. 3. The Rabbinic Class in Palestine in the Talmudic Period. Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 1985. [Hebrew] 4. Excavations at Caesarea—1975, 1976, 1979: Final Report. Qedem 21. Jeru- salem: Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University, 1986. [co authored with Ehud Netzer] 5. The Rabbinic Class of Roman Palestine in Late Antiquity. Jerusalem: Yad Ben- Zvi and Jewish Theological Seminary, 1989. [revised and expanded from Hebrew] 6. Jerusalem in Its Splendor: A History of the City in the Second Temple Period. Jerusalem: Ariel, 1996. [Hebrew] 7. Jerusalem in Its Splendor: A History of the City in the Second Temple Period. Rev., expanded ed. Tel-Aviv: Modan, 1997. [Hebrew] 8a. Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity: Conflict or Confluence? Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1998. b. Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity: Conflict or Confluence? Jerusalem: Shazar Center, 1999. [Hebrew] 9a. The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. New Haven, CT: Yale Uni- versity Press, 2000. b. La sinagoga antica. 2 vols. Brescia: Paideia, 2005. 10a. The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. 2nd rev., expanded ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005. b. The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. Hebrew trans. of 2nd ed. Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, in preparation. 11. Jerusalem: A Portrait of the City in the Second Temple Period (538 B.C.E.– 70 C.E.). Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2002. 12. Visual Judaism in Late Antiquity: Historical Contexts of Jewish Art.
    [Show full text]
  • Um Er-Rasas (Kastrom Mefa'a)
    World Heritage Scanned Nomination File Name: 1093.pdf UNESCO Region: ARAB STATES __________________________________________________________________________________________________ SITE NAME: Um er-Rasas (Kastrom Mefa'a) DATE OF INSCRIPTION: 7th July 2004 STATE PARTY: JORDAN CRITERIA: C (i) (iv) (vi) DECISION OF THE WORLD HERITAGE COMMITTEE: Excerpt from the Report of the 28th Session of the World Heritage Committee Criterion (i): Um er-Rasas is a masterpiece of human creative genius given the artistic and technical qualities of the mosaic floor of St. Stephen's church. Criterion (iv): Um er-Rasas presents a unique and complete (therefore outstanding) example of stylite towers. Criterion (vi): Umm er-Rasas is strongly associated with monasticism and with the spread of monotheism in the whole region, including Islam BRIEF DESCRIPTIONS Most of the Um er-Rasas archaeological site has not been excavated. Containing remains from the Roman, Byzantine and Early Moslem periods (end of 3rd to 9th century AD), the site started as a Roman military camp and grew to become a town as of the 5th century. There has been little excavation of the ca 150-m by 150-m fortified military camp. The site also has several churches, some with well preserved mosaic floors. Particularly noteworthy is the mosaic floor of the Church of Saint Stephen with its representation of towns in the region. Two square towers are probably the only remains of the practice, well known in this part of the world, of the stylite monks (i.e. ascetic monks who spent time in isolation
    [Show full text]
  • Endnotes for Locating Bethel: What Does the Evidence Tell Us?
    Endnotes for Locating Bethel: What Does the Evidence Tell Us? Winter 2019 Bible and Spade Notes 1 See http://www.biblearchaeology.org/post/2009/07/12/A-History-of-ABR-Its- Founders-and-Associates-(1969–1994).aspx . 2 Elliott, Charles B., Travels in the Three Great Empires of Austria, Russia, and Turkey 2 (London: Richard Bentley, 1838), 411–12. 3 Robinson, Edward, Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai and Arabia Petrea: A Journal of Travels in the Year 1838 2 (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, 1841), 125–27, 130. 4 Robinson, Biblical Researches , 128. 5 Robinson, Biblical Researches , 127. The identification of Beitin as Bethel is accepted by nearly all scholars, to the point that if one wishes to look up Beitin in an archaeological dictionary or encyclopedia, one must look under “Bethel,” with the exception of The Anchor Bible Dictionary . See William G. Dever, “Beitin, Tell” in The Anchor Bible Dictionary 1, ed. David N. Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 651–52. 6 Miller, J. Maxwell, “Site Identification: A Problem Area in Contemporary Biblical Scholarship,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 99 (1983), 119–20; idem. “Biblical Maps: How Reliable are They?” Bible Review 3.4 (1987), 32–41 (34); Rainey, Anson F., “Looking for Bethel: An Exercise in Historical Geography” in Confronting the Past: Archaeological and Historical Essays on Ancient Israel in Honor of William G. Dever , eds. Seymour Gitin, J. Edward Wright and J.P. Dessel (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006), 270–73. 7 Robinson, Biblical Researches , 127–28. 8 The Roman road system in Judaea was maintained from the first century until the mid-eighth century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tomb of Nabi Yahia/St. John the Baptist in Sabastiya: Documentation and Historical Analysis
    The Tomb of Nabi Yahia/St. John the Baptist in Sabastiya: Documentation and Historical Analysis Carla Benelli Associazione Pro Terra Sancta Sabastiya Conference 14/4/2011 Bir Zeit University In the middle of the present village, in the area that was probably just outside the wall in the eastern side of the Roman city, a maqam (sanctuary) built inside the shell of a Crusader cathedral recalls the place where Muslims and Christians honoured the tomb of Saidna Yahia/St. John the Baptist. But why Sabastiya? From Christian sources, we learn that during 4th century AD, the tradition began about the remains of John the Baptist being buried in Sebaste, next to prophets Elisha and Obadiah’s tombs. We do not know how and when St. John’s body arrived in Sebaste. According to the Gospels and the Koran, the Roman ruler Herod Antipas (the son of Herod the Great) had imprisoned the prophet Yahya/St. John because he was reproaching him for the adulterous relations with Herodias, the wife of his brother Herod Philip I. At a party for Herod’s birthday, Herodias’s daughter Salome danced before the king and his guests. Her dancing pleased Herod so much that he promised to give her anything she desired. Herodias suggested Salome to ask for the head of the prophet. The Gospels continue the narration, writing that after his death his disciples took the Baptist’s body and buried it, but they did not explain where. According to the historian Flavius Josephus, John had been beheaded in Machaerus fortress, in Transjordan (Antiquities, XVIII, 5, 2).
    [Show full text]
  • Eusebius and Legio
    Eusebius and Legio Timothy D. Barnes Eusebius’ Onomasticon is not merely a gazetteer of the places named in the Old and New Testaments, but also, as the authors of the more recent of two recently published English translations emphasise, ‘the most important book for the study of the Land of Israel in the Roman period’.1 Several entries in the work refer to a place named Λεγἐων where a new city of Maximianopolis was founded during the reign of Diocletian: hence it might seem a priori that these entries should in some way be relevant to when and how Eusebius composed the Onomasticon and to the question of what sources he used. However, as strictly a gazetteer of place names which occur in the Bible, the Onomasticon does not allot Legio any entry of its own. As a result there is also no entry for Legio in the site index of the more recent of the two recent English translations, which regrettably fails to compensate for its omission there (or to fulfill the normal expectations of those who consult such a work) by providing a complete index of places named by Eusebius.·2 It may be helpftil, therefore, to collect together the various passages of the Onomasticon where Eusebius had occasion to mention Legio when fixing the precise geographical location of places which are named in the Bible for a contemporary audience: Another Arbela is located on the great plain nine milestones3 distant from Legio (3 7/14.20-21)4 R.S. Notley and Z. Safrai, Eusebius ’ Onomasticon: The Place Names o f Divine Scripture, Jewish and Christian Perspectives 9 (Boston and Leiden, 2005), xi.
    [Show full text]