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Mystery on Baker Street
MYSTERY ON BAKER STREET BRUTAL KAZAKH OFFICIAL LINKED TO £147M LONDON PROPERTY EMPIRE Big chunks of Baker Street are owned by a mysterious figure with close ties to a former Kazakh secret police chief accused of murder and money-laundering. JULY 2015 1 MYSTERY ON BAKER STREET Brutal Kazakh official linked to £147m London property empire EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The ability to hide and spend suspect cash overseas is a large part of what makes serious corruption and organised crime attractive. After all, it is difficult to stuff millions under a mattress. You need to be able to squirrel the money away in the international financial system, and then find somewhere nice to spend it. Increasingly, London’s high-end property market seems to be one of the go-to destinations to give questionable funds a veneer of respectability. It offers lawyers who sell secrecy for a living, banks who ask few questions, top private schools for your children and a glamorous lifestyle on your doorstep. Throw in easy access to anonymously-owned offshore companies to hide your identity and the source of your funds and it is easy to see why Rakhat Aliyev. (Credit: SHAMIL ZHUMATOV/X00499/Reuters/Corbis) London’s financial system is so attractive to those with something to hide. Global Witness’ investigations reveal numerous links This briefing uncovers a troubling example of how between Rakhat Aliyev, Nurali Aliyev, and high-end London can be used by anyone wanting to hide London property. The majority of this property their identity behind complex networks of companies surrounds one of the city’s most famous addresses, and properties. -
Managed Leadership Succession in Kazakhstan: a Model for Gradual
MARCH 2020 279 MANAGED LEADERSHIP SUCCESSION IN KAZAKHSTAN A MODEL FOR GRADUAL DEPARTURE? Kristiina Silvan MARCH 2020 279 MANAGED LEADERSHIP SUCCESSION IN KAZAKHSTAN A MODEL FOR GRADUAL DEPARTURE? • In March 2019, Kazakhstan’s authoritarian leader, Nursultan Nazarbayev, stepped down after three decades of rule and yielded power to his nominated successor, Kassym-Zhomart Tokayev. However, Nazarbayev has paradoxically remained the most powerful political actor in Kazakhstan. • Kazakhstan’s model of gradual leadership succession could serve as an example to authoritarian states around the world, but it is particularly significant in the post-Soviet context. • Institutional and constitutional changes that took place in the 1990s were aimed at concentrating power in the presidency. • Modifications initiated by Nazarbayev in the 2000s and 2010s sought to weaken the Kazakh presi- dency while strengthening power vested in himself personally, in order to ensure the continuation of a political status quo and his family’s well-being after the transfer of power. • Despite the careful preparation and Tokayev’s relatively smooth ascension to power, it is still too early to evaluate the success of the transfer due to the vast powers retained by Nazarbayev. The transition of power in Kazakhstan remains an ongoing process and, as such, unpredictable. KRISTIINA SILVAN Research Fellow EU's Eastern Neighbourhood and Russia research programme Finnish Institute of International Affairs ISBN 978-951-769-631-9 ISSN 1795-8059 Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen Cover photo: Wikimedia Commons/Ken and Nyett. CC BY 2.0. The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and internationally. -
Freedom in the World 2009
Freedom in the World 2009 Freedom in the World - Kazakhstan (2009) Capital: Astana Political Rights Score: 6 * Population: Civil Liberties Score: 5 * 15,700,000 Status: Not Free Overview Kazakhstan’s government failed to implement democratic reforms in 2008 despite pledges it made as part of a successful campaign for the 2010 chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Elections to the upper house of Parliament took place without any opposition candidates; the polls came a year after lower house elections left only the ruling party represented in that chamber. Meanwhile, beleaguered independent media continued to face harassment during the year. Kazakh Communist Party leader Nursultan Nazarbayev won an uncontested election that confirmed his position as president in December 1991, two weeks before Kazakhstan gained its independence from the Soviet Union. The country’s first legislative polls, in 1994, were invalidated by the Constitutional Court a year later because of numerous irregularities. Nazarbayev subsequently dissolved the legislature and in April 1995 called a referendum on extending his five-year term, due to expire in 1996, until December 2000. A reported 95 percent of voters endorsed the move. An August 1995 referendum that was boycotted by the main opposition parties approved a new constitution designed to strengthen the presidency. Nazarbayev’s supporters captured most of the seats in December 1995 elections for a new bicameral Parliament. In October 1998, Parliament amended the constitution to increase the presidential term from five to seven years and moved the presidential election forward from December 2000 to January 1999. The main challenger was disqualified on a technicality, and Nazarbayev was reelected with a reported 80 percent of the vote. -
UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/92g1h187 Author LaPorte, Jody Marie Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia By Jody Marie LaPorte A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jason Wittenberg, Co-chair Professor Michael S. Fish, Co-chair Professor David Collier Professor Victoria Bonnell Spring 2012 The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia Copyright 2012 by Jody Marie LaPorte Abstract The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia by Jody Marie LaPorte Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jason Wittenberg, co-chair Professor Michael S. Fish, co-chair This dissertation asks why some non-democratic regimes give political opponents significant leeway to organize, while others enforce strict limits on such activities. I examine this question with reference to two in-depth case studies from post-Soviet Eurasia: Georgia under President Eduard Shevardnadze and Kazakhstan under President Nursultan Nazarbayev. While a non- democratic regime was in place in both countries, opposition was highly tolerated in Georgia, but not allowed in Kazakhstan. I argue that these divergent policies can be traced to variation in the predominant source and pattern of state corruption in each country. -
Kazakhstan by Bhavna Dave
Kazakhstan by Bhavna Dave Capital: Astana Population: 15.9 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$10,320 Source: !e data above was provided by !e World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Electoral Process 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Civil Society 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 Independent Media 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.50 6.75 6.75 Governance* 5.75 6.25 6.25 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic 6.75 Governance n/a n/a n/a 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Local Democratic 6.25 Governance n/a n/a n/a 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 Judicial Framework 6.25 and Independence 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.00 6.25 Corruption 6.25 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 6.50 Democracy Score 5.96 6.17 6.25 6.29 6.39 6.39 6.39 6.32 6.43 6.43 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
The Case of Mukhtar Ablyazov the Case of Tatiana Paraskevich The
www.odfoundation.eu The case of Mukhtar Ablyazov The case of Tatiana Paraskevich The case of Alma Shalabayeva The case of Muratbek Ketebayev The case of Alexandr Pavlov www.odfoundation.eu Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… (page 3) 2. The case of Mukhtar Ablyazov……………………………………………………………………………….. (page 7) 3. The case of Tatiana Paraskevich……………………………………………………………………………… (page 14) 4. The case of Alma Shalabayeva……………………………………………………………………………….. (page 17) 5. The case of Muratbek Ketebayev…………………………………………………………………………… (page 21) 6. The case of Alexandr Pavlov…………………………………………………………………………………… (page 23) 7. The cooperation of the intelligence services of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Ukraine and the Russian Federation and the prevalence of torture in these (page 28) countries……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 8. Examples of misuse of the Interpol system by the countries in which human rights are violated………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… (page 32) 9. Conclusions and recommendations……………………………………………………………………….. (page 35) Appendix 1. Documents relating to the cooperation between Kazakh and Italian security agencies through Interpol channels on the case of Alma Shalabayeva………….. (page 39) Appendix 2. The inquiry of the members of the Polish Sejm, Marcin Święcicki and Ligia Krajewska to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, Radosław (page 43) Sikorski, regarding the deportation of activists of political opposition to Kazakhstan… Appendix 3. The response of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland to the inquiry of the members of the Polish Sejm, Marcin Święcicki and Ligia (page 45) Krajewska…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2 www.odfoundation.eu 1. INTRODUCTION During its 22nd annual meeting, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly expressed its regret that some OSCE participating states, seeking the arrest of opponents on politically motivated charges, continue to misuse the Interpol system. -
The Formal Political System in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan
Forschungsstelle Osteuropa Bremen Arbeitspapiere und Materialien No. 107 – March 2010 The Formal Political System in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. A Background Study By Andreas Heinrich Forschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universität Bremen Klagenfurter Straße 3, 28359 Bremen, Germany phone +49 421 218-69601, fax +49 421 218-69607 http://www.forschungsstelle.uni-bremen.de Arbeitspapiere und Materialien – Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen No. 107: Andreas Heinrich The Formal Political System in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. A Background Study March 2010 ISSN: 1616-7384 About the author: Andreas Heinrich is a researcher at the Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen. This working paper has been produced within the research project ‘The Energy Sector and the Political Stability of Regimes in the Caspian Area: A Comparison of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan’, which is being conducted by the Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen from April 2009 until April 2011 with financial support from the Volkswagen Foundation. Language editing: Hilary Abuhove Style editing: Judith Janiszewski Layout: Matthias Neumann Cover based on a work of art by Nicholas Bodde Opinions expressed in publications of the Research Centre for East European Studies are solely those of the authors. This publication may not be reprinted or otherwise reproduced—entirely or in part—without prior consent of the Research Centre for East European Studies or without giving credit to author and source. © 2010 by Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen Forschungsstelle Osteuropa Publikationsreferat Klagenfurter Str. 3 28359 Bremen – Germany phone: +49 421 218-69601 fax: +49 421 218-69607 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.forschungsstelle.uni-bremen.de Contents List of Tables ................................................................................................................................5 1. -
Sources of Political Cleavage and Conflict in the Post-Soviet Period Barbara Junisbai a a Kennan Institute
This article was downloaded by: [Junisbai, Barbara] On: 6 February 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 919112814] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Europe-Asia Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713414944 A Tale of Two Kazakhstans: Sources of Political Cleavage and Conflict in the Post-Soviet Period Barbara Junisbai a a Kennan Institute, Online publication date: 05 February 2010 To cite this Article Junisbai, Barbara(2010) 'A Tale of Two Kazakhstans: Sources of Political Cleavage and Conflict in the Post-Soviet Period', Europe-Asia Studies, 62: 2, 235 — 269 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09668130903506813 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130903506813 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
The Dynamics of Political Stability in Central Asian Republics – the Case of Kazakhstan Master's Thesis
T.C. TURKISH-GERMAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES MASTER OF EUROPEAN AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL STABILITY IN CENTRAL ASIAN REPUBLICS – THE CASE OF KAZAKHSTAN MASTER'S THESIS Çağla KALKAN ADVISOR Prof. Dr. Murat ERDOĞAN ISTANBUL, November 2020 i THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL STABILITY IN CENTRAL ASIAN REPUBLICS – THE CASE OF KAZAKHSTAN Çağla KALKAN Turkish – German University Institute of Social Sciences Department of European and International Affairs Master’s Thesis ISTANBUL, 2020 ii Abstract This master thesis tried to find the unique dynamics of the region in order to ensure and maintain political stability in Central Asia. In this regard, the conditions necessary for the clans and the political authority to maintain balance in the region have been examined. The change of the clans in Kazakhstan over the years and how they kept up with the Soviet system are explained. The political life and clans’ relations in Kazakhstan have been examined. The political methods followed by Nazarbayev, who served for a long time, to establish the balance between the clans are listed. The protests of Zhanaozen, one of the events that shook the authority of Nazarbayev the most, were chosen as a case study. The "Socio-political corporatism" argument of Vadim Volovoj was tested by the 2011 Zhanaozen uprising in Kazakhstan. In this event, the conflict of interest between the clans and the political authority was proved and the socio-economic level was controlled. No deterioration in the socio- economic level was detected within five years before the events. It is emphasized by a case study that the socio-economic level is an important dynamic during the conflict between clans and political authority. -
The Year 2016 Marks the 15Th Anniversary of the Establishment of the Largest Opposition Movement in the History of Kazakhstan
www.odfoundation.eu The year 2016 marks the 15th anniversary of the establishment of the largest opposition movement in the history of Kazakhstan The report was published on: 29 January 2016 www.odfoundation.eu The Open Dialog Foundation was established in Poland, in 2009, on the initiative of Lyudmyla Kozlovska (who is currently the President of the Foundation). The statutory objectives of the Foundation include the protection of human rights, democracy and rule of law in the post-Soviet area. Particular attention of the Foundation is focused on the region’s largest countries: Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine. The Foundation pursues its goals through the organisation of observation missions, including election observation and monitoring of the human rights situation in the post-Soviet area. Based on these activities, the Foundation creates its reports and distributes them among the institutions of the EU, the OSCE and other international organisations, foreign ministries and parliaments of EU countries, analytical centres and media. In addition to observational and analytical activities, the Foundation is actively engaged in cooperation with members of parliaments involved in foreign affairs, human rights and relationships with the post-Soviet countries, in order to support the process of democratisation and liberalisation of their internal policies. Significant areas of the Foundation's activities also include support programmes for political prisoners and refugees. The Foundation has its permanent representative offices in Warsaw, Kiev -
Kazakhstan: Overview of Press Articles
KAZAKHSTAN: OVERVIEW OF PRESS ARTICLES Kazakhstan Could Lead OSCE In 2009 March 27, 2006 The chairman of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) told Kazakhstan that it has a better chance of leading the organization in 2009 than any other Central Asian state. However, Belgian Foreign Minister Karel De Gucht told Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev that, for that to happen, key political reforms must be undertaken. De Gucht said he put "a lot of emphasis" on the need for far-reaching reforms during his talks with Nazarbayev. De Gucht is due to travel to the country's economic capital Almaty for talks with opposition representatives. Source: AFP Kazakh President Calls For Larger Parliament March 24, 2006 Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev suggested that the country's parliament should be expanded. At the moment, there are 116 members of parliament, 77 in the lower house, the Mazhilis, and 39 in the upper house, the Senate. Nazarbayev was speaking at the first session of a state commission convened to formulate democratic reforms. Nazarbayev called on the commission to analyse all proposed constitutional amendments closely. On March 23, Minister of Culture, Information and Sport Yermukhamet Yertysbayev suggested that the constitutional reforms would result in early parliamentary elections. Source: Interfax Central Asia: Uzbek And Kazakh Presidents Boost Cooperation March 21, 2006 Uzbek President Islam Karimov said his March 20 meeting with his Kazakh counterpart Nursultan Nazarbayev has "an unprecedented significance". Nazarbayev arrived in Tashkent on March 19 for the first state visit between these two countries. It is also the first state visit since Nazarbayev was re-elected in last December's presidential polls. -
Risky Business: the Political Economy of Chinese Investment in Kazakhstan
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Elsevier - Publisher Connector Journal of Eurasian Studies 5 (2014) 145–156 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Eurasian Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/euras Risky business: The political economy of Chinese investment in Kazakhstan Daniel C. O’Neill* School of International Studies, University of the Pacific, 3601 Pacific Avenue, Stockton, CA 95211, USA article info abstract Article history: Kazakhstan lacks the democratic institutions that have been shown to protect foreign Received 22 December 2013 investors (Jensen, 2008; Li & Resnick, 2003). Nevertheless, as latecomers to globalization, Accepted 21 April 2014 China’s resource-seeking state-owned enterprises (SOEs) must go, not only where re- sources are, but also where they are available. These are often less than ideal investment Keywords: environments, such as Kazakhstan, where they are confronted by high corruption, weak Kazakhstan rule of law, and political risk. Focusing on investments by the China National Petroleum China Corporation (CNPC), this study analyzes how Chinese foreign economic policies, such as FDI Corruption aid and loans, assist Chinese SOEs in securing protection for their investments. They do so Political risk by making key members of the Kazakh government stakeholders in the success of the Foreign aid investments. In addition, the study details how Chinese government strategy has evolved from one of simply buying off key members of the Kazakh government in order to gain approval for investments to one of making institutions in the Kazakh state, such as Kaz- MunaiGas, stakeholders in the long-term success of the investment in order to secure protection for investments in a climate of political uncertainty.