Northern Wei of Tuoba Xianbei

Home , Dai (Sixteen Kingdoms), Northern Qi, Sixteen Kingdoms, Tuoba

EAST ASIAN HISTORY: A KOREAN PERSPECTIVE Vol. 1. No. 10. 2005. 2. 26. 1

1 See quotes from the Zi-zhi-tong- IC-2.S-7.5-0226 jian 97 and Wei-shu 1 by Schreiber (1949-55: 473).

魏書卷一序紀第一昭成皇帝諱什翼犍立…烈帝臨崩 ... 建國二年[339] … 慕容元眞妹爲皇后…四年[341]…皇后慕容氏 Maintaining the Dual System: 崩… 七年[344] 遣大人長孫秩迎后慕容氏元眞之女於境 … 慕容 Northern Wei of Tuoba Xianbei 元眞… 求交婚…以烈帝女妻之 THE FIRST CONQUEST DYNASTY 魏書卷二太祖紀第二太祖道武皇帝諱珪昭成皇帝之 Wontack Hong 嫡孫獻明皇帝之子 … 年六歲 Professor, Seoul University 昭成崩 …苻堅遣將…國衆離散 TUOBA, THE MORE BACKWARD XIANBEI THAN THE MURONG 資治通鑑卷九十七晉紀十九 The Tuoba were the most westward and most 建元元年 [343] … 代王什翼犍 nomadic of the Manchurian tribes who could establish the first 復求婚於燕燕王皝使納馬千匹 Xianbei dynasty in the whole of North China, taking advantage 爲禮什翼犍不與又倨慢無子壻 of the dual system created by Former Yan. The early Tuoba 禮 … 皝遣世子儁帥前軍師評 kingdom was called Dai. In 341, the ruler of Dai, Shi-i-jian (r. 等擊代什翼犍帥衆避去燕人無所見而還 338-76), had lost his wife who was a sister of Murong Huang (r. 333-49). He therefore had asked Huang for another princess. 2 Barfield (1989: 106, 118-9) Huang demanded one thousand horses as price for the new wife. Shi-i-jian refused to pay the price and added abuses to his 3 The Yan-shi Jia-xun 顔氏家訓 refusal. In 343, Huang sent his heir apparent Jun (r. 349-60) written by Yan Zhi-tui 顔之推 and Ping with troops against the Tuoba. Shi-i-jian and his of Northern Qi (北齊) entire people fled into the mountains. In 344, Shi-i-jian sent his See Schreiber (1949-55: 388). brother Zhi to (Former) Yan for his new wife. Several months later, Murong Huang sent an envoy to Shi-i-jian to ask for a 齊朝有一位士大夫曾經對我說 princess for a wife. Shi-i-jian consented and selected his own 我有一個孩子已經十七歲了懂 sister for Huang.1 When Fu Jian invaded Dai in 376, Shi-i-jian 得一些書信公文的書寫我敎他學習鮮卑語和彈琵琶只要稍稍 died while hiding in the mountains. Tuoba Gui (r. 386-409), a grandson of Shi-i-jian, adopted the Yan pattern of dual 掌握一些就可以用這些本領去爲公卿們效力了沒有不受寵的 organization and became the founder of the Northern Wei 道理這也是一件很重要的事情 (386-534), declaring himself emperor in 396 and incorporating Murong soldiers into his army.2 The Murong Xianbei leaders 4 鮮卑號令 Quotes from the Sui- survived as one of the leading clans among the ruling elite of shu Jing-ji-zhi 隋書經籍志. by Tuoba Wei. The dual organization with civil bureaucracy also Schreiber (1949-55: 387-8). attracted the Han Chinese to the Tuoba court.

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Tuoba language and Xianbei language were one and 5 See Janhunen (1996: 190-191). the same. The Northern Wei was later divided into the Western Wei and the Eastern Wei, and the latter became the Northern 6 Barfield (1989: 118-119)

Qi (550-77). According to the Yan-shi Jia-xun written during the reign of Northern Qi, a Han Chinese official of the Qi court was teaching his son the Xianbei language so that he could become useful to the highest officials of the state and may gain their favor as well.3 When the Tuoba Xianbei conquered northern China, the new rulers continued to use their own language for the commands in their army. Later, when the Tuoba Wei became sinicized, many of these commands could no longer be understood.4 The Tuoba language may have been directly ancestral to the Qidan language.5

MAINTAINING THE DUAL SYSTEM Northern Wei depended on troops of tribal origin and maintained a well-supplied cavalry force that could strike deep into the steppe. Most tribesmen were organized as military units and settled on allocated land, acting as garrison communities.6 Tribal people and military affairs were handled according to their own tribal ways, and Chinese areas were ruled by Chinese administrators, though most high positions were reserved for the Xianbei aristocracy. Nomads maintained hereditary aristocracy, while the old Han Chinese ideal was a meritocracy. The aristocratic clans in North China were mainly non-Chinese in origin, and they were a major source of high- ranking officials for the central government of foreign conquest dynasties. Organizing the conquered land with Chinese bureaucrats ensured ascendancy over the other nomads, while organizing the military force with tribal elites helped to retain the original military superiority over the subjugated Chinese as well as over would-be savage invaders. This dual system became the model for the foreign dynasties such as Liao, Jin and Qing. Manchuria became the cradle for almost all of China’s foreign dynasties. Barfield (1989: 105) notes that: “It took 150 years from the fall of Han to the first Manchurian 1. Xianbei Tomb Paintings excavated in 1982 at the Chao- state [Tuoba Wei], about 75 years from the fall of Tang, and it yang 袁台子朝陽 area, occurred simultaneously with the fall of Ming. The time got across the Daling River, Liao-xi shorter, but the pattern remained the same.” MIANTAINING THE DUAL SYSTEM Vol. 1. No. 10. 2005. 2. 26. 3

The Chinese dynasties had relied for defense on great walls, gifts and trade, and periodic massive attacks on the nomads. The strategy of the Manchurian dynasties that occupied northern China was to win over nomadic tribal leaders by a series of marriage alliances, and to disrupt tribal confederations by supporting rival leaders or destroying a growing power. Manchurian rulers and their troops knew steppe conditions and how to deal with their steppe cousins. They tried not simply to defeat an army but to destroy the economic and political base of the nomadic state by robbing it of people and animals.7 When Tai-Wudi (423-52) of Wei, who unified the entire North China by 439, was making an attack against the Jou-jan Mongols around Orkhon in 429, he made a comment (Grousset, 1970: 62-63): “The Chinese are foot soldiers and we are horsemen. What can a herd of colts and heifers do against tigers or a pack of wolves? As for the Jou-jan, they graze in the north during the summer; in autumn, they come south and in winter raid our frontiers. We have only to attack them in 2. Xianbei Tomb Paintings excavated at the Chao-yang area summer in their pasture lands. At that time their horses are useless: the stallions are busy with the fillies, and the mares with their foals. If we but come upon them there and cut them off from their grazing and their water, within a few days they 7 Barfield (1989: 112, 124) will be either taken or destroyed.”

8 Barfield (1989: 124) SINICIZED AND TAMED BY THE BUDDHISM According to Jagchid and Symons As the Wei dynasty became sinicized and also tamed (1989: 145), the Tuoba leaders of the Northern Wei resisted forming by the influence of Buddhism, its frontier policy began to intermarriage ties with other resemble that of the native Han Chinese dynasties, relying on nomadic states or the Chinese. walled defenses and payoffs to the nomads.8 Wei Emperor Northern Wei unwillingness to Xiao-wen (471-499), in pursuit of a Chinese-type autocratic utilize trade and tribute exchange imperial institution, began staffing the government almost as a means to stabilize relations exclusively with Han Chinese and moved its capital from Ping- changed when Emperor Jing-zong (r.528-530) ascended the throne, cheng (Da-tong) in the tribal borderlands to Luo-yang in 494. i.e., only six years prior to its He even prohibited the use of the Xianbei language at court. downfall in 534. Xiao-wen’s father was such a devout Buddhist as to abdicate the throne to become a monk. The Wei rulers of 9 Watt, et al. (2004: XIX) barbarian origin were free from the Confucian prejudice and hence could unreservedly absorb the Buddhist religion and, 10 Watt, et al. (2004: XIX) inspired by the Greco-Buddhic Gandhara tradition, could

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create the great sculptures in such mystic forms. Grousset (1970: 66) states that: “These ferocious warriors, once touched by the grace of the bodhisattva, became so susceptible to the humanitarian precepts of the sramanas as to forget not only their native belligerence but even neglect their self-defense.” The moment always arrives when the nomadic conquerors become sinicized, and then either defeated by the fresh nomads or eliminated by the Han Chinese. According to Twitchett (1979: 97), the once proud military units along the Wei frontier “became, in the Chinese manner, the dumping grounds for criminals, fertile fields for exploiting functionaries, and social classes at once déclassé and rebellious.” The Xianbei soldiers assigned to the northern frontier garrisons rebelled in 524.

THE DISTINCTIVE STYLE OF XIANBEI ART The archeological finds from the Tuoba Xianbei sites in North China document the survival of the earlier tradition of the art of the nomads from the Siberian and Mongolian steppes; contacts with ancient Bactria in present-day northern Afghanistan; trade with the Roman Near East; and contact with India as shown by early Buddhist images.9 Anyone who is familiar with the Koguryeo tomb paintings will readily identify the pottery figure of the armored horse found in Shaan-xi (dated to the Sixteen Kingdoms period) as a Koguryeo product. The handmade groom and horse potteries excavated at Hohhot may be identified as Silla products as well. Koreans are very familiar with these kinds of figures. The distinctive style of Xianbei art persisted through the Ping-cheng period of Northern Wei and survived into the Northern Zhou state (557-81) in Shaan-xi Province and Ning- xia.10 The Western Wei, in which the Xianbei elements 3. Sixteen Kingdoms period clay remained strongest, became the Northern Zhou in 557 that pottery from Shaan-xi (top & could briefly reunify northern China by conquering the bottom) and Northern Wei Northern Qi in 577 and occupying the northern territory of pottery from Hohhot (middle) Watt, et al. (2004: 138 & 141) Chen in 579. The Sui dynasty (581-618) came to unify the http://www.WontackHong.pe.kr mainland China as the successor of Xianbei Northern Zhou. http://www.EastAsianHistory.pe.kr