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Years Offreedom
YEARS OFFREEDOM He founded The Public Against Violence1 in Veľký Krtíš “A few days after the Prague manifestation, “People were afraid not only then, but also a group of about 300 people went through long afterwards. Especially older people and Veľký Krtíš with an appeal to do something. in the villages. Fear persisted until the fi rst But it was not organized at all and it fell silent free elections. They were afraid of sanction. again. Demonstrations began about 27 Novem- Paradoxically, later, when freedom has come, ber, then I got involved. I am not that one who they were also afraid to organize. They were needs to be the centre of attention, but enthu- disgusted and tired of the years when the Com- siastic young boys spoke from the stands. They munist power tried to organize them. There was had no experiences, so I tried to organize them a certain aversion from entering to the political a bit. It was after a General strike, when we met parties or movements. People knew a lot about with local representatives of the Communist each other. Many grasping people, also with Party and the Regional committee (abbrevia- ‘StB’2 background, tried to cross the fl oor, and tion: ONV).” so the distrust ruled between people. I tried to (1951) Bohuslav Beňo tell them, that people have to make the change The General strike was successful, but even by themselves and make decision what and who He participated in student’s demonstra- tions against the occupation of Czecho- though Bohuslav saw the problematic back- they really want. -
Symbols of Czech and Slovak Political Parties After the “Velvet Revolution”
Symbols of Czech and Slovak Political PROCEEDINGS Parties After the “Velvet Revolution” Aleš Brozˇek Communist totalitarianism did not tolerate the existence of political parties, nor of any independent organizations between the state and the family. The situation in Czecho- slovakia fortunately was not as severe as in the Soviet Union. Czech and Slovak citizens could join a limited number of organisations and associations which mainly used emblems, although some of them had flags. The Vexillology Club researched them in 1977 and published a report on them in its periodical in 19781. No article has yet appeared on the symbols of Czech and Slovak political parties, although such an article should be of interest not only to Czech vexillologists, but to others too. Fig. 1 After the Communist putsch of February 1948, apart from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia four other Some members of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party, the parties were tolerated, the Czechoslovak Socialist Party, Czechoslovak People’s Party and the Communist Party the Czechoslovak People’s Party, the Democratic Party were instrumental in the rise of the Czech Civic Forum, and the Liberation Party. However they had to give up but their secretariats maintained their own policy and their own programs, accept that of the Communist Party did not cooperate with the Civic Forum. They continued and that of the National Front, and to recognise the to use their own emblems, which in some cases were so-called “leading role” of the Communist Party. The completely and in others only slightly changed in the November 1989 revolution meant the end of the one- following years. -
Slovakia and Hungary: the Most Complicated Bilateral Relations in Central Europe: Focusing on the Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros Problem
Slovakia and Hungary: The Most Complicated Bilateral Relations in Central Europe: Focusing on the Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros Problem Susumu Nagayo Introduction It is undeniable that after the collapse of the socialist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989, bilateral relations between Slovakia and Hungary, which had been apparently calm during the previous forty years, have again turned into a grave international issue. Especially since the formation of the independent Slovak Republic on January 1, 1993, Slovak-Hungarian relations have become sharper and more direct in character, and are now the most complicated bilateral relations in Central Europe. According to related monographs and articles, Slovak-Hungarian relations mainly consist of two aspects. One aspect is composed of various contemporary issues in connection with the Hungarian minority's rights in Slovakia (e.g. the controversies about the official language law in 1990, the law regarding first names and surnames in 1993, the law on traffic signs in 1994, the state language law in 1995 etc.). Another aspect relates to the huge water management system on the Danube, well known as the Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros project. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the historical development of the Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros problem and thus to make clear the complicated structure of Slovak-Hungarian relations. Historical Background The history of river improvement on the middle Danube 260 Slovakia and Hungary dates back to the medieval period. It was in the seventeenth century that works for the protection of the banks were started systematically. Since then, joining and reinforcing work on the embankment has been carried out and dredging operations have been performed continuously to make ship navigation smoother. -
Main Right Party Responses to Radical Populist and Extremist Party Positioning in Central Europe
Main Right Party Responses to Radical Populist and Extremist Party Positioning in Central Europe. Paper prepared for the ECPR Joint Sessions Workshop, Salamanca Spain April 10-15, 2014 Reinhard Heinisch, Kristina Hauser [email protected], [email protected] University of Salzburg Austria Abstract: Drawing on data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and case profiles, the paper traces the interaction between main right parties and (radical) right party competitors, to determine, whether the former adopt dismissive, accommodationist-convergent, accommodationist-cooperative, or, adversarial responses. Assuming that main right parties are forced to respond strategically to right party competitors, we examine in this the role of the dominant cleavage structure (socioeconomic or socio-cultural), the initial position of the main right party, the cost/pressure associated with changing a long-established position, the issue dimension involved (economic vs. exclusivist), and decision of cooperating with parties with more complementary or more compatible positions. Drawing on the literature, we argue that regime legacies and the role of the EU accession process on party realignment have structured party competition such that contestation occurs primarily over socioeconomic or socio-cultural issues. In the latter case, we expect main right parties to move to the right either to converge on positions of a far-right competitor or to prevent challenges from the right. If contestation is centered on the economic issue dimension, we assume main right parties be more constrained in their ability to accommodate right party competitors and rather engage in cooperation to form a right or center-right bloc to compete with a center-left bloc. -
The Evolution of the Party Systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic After the Disintegration of Czechoslovakia
DOI : 10.14746/pp.2017.22.4.10 Krzysztof KOŹBIAŁ Jagiellonian University in Crakow The evolution of the party systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic after the disintegration of Czechoslovakia. Comparative analysis Abstract: After the breaking the monopoly of the Communist Party’s a formation of two independent systems – the Czech and Slovakian – has began in this still joint country. The specificity of the party scene in the Czech Republic is reflected by the strength of the Communist Party. The specificity in Slovakia is support for extreme parties, especially among the youngest voters. In Slovakia a multi-party system has been established with one dominant party (HZDS, Smer later). In the Czech Republic former two-block system (1996–2013) was undergone fragmentation after the election in 2013. Comparing the party systems of the two countries one should emphasize the roles played by the leaders of the different groups, in Slovakia shows clearly distinguishing features, as both V. Mečiar and R. Fico, in Czech Republic only V. Klaus. Key words: Czech Republic, Slovakia, party system, desintegration of Czechoslovakia he break-up of Czechoslovakia, and the emergence of two independent states: the TCzech Republic and the Slovak Republic, meant the need for the formation of the political systems of the new republics. The party systems constituted a consequential part of the new systems. The development of these political systems was characterized by both similarities and differences, primarily due to all the internal factors. The author’s hypothesis is that firstly, the existence of the Hungarian minority within the framework of the Slovak Republic significantly determined the development of the party system in the country, while the factors of this kind do not occur in the Czech Re- public. -
Devolution Or Deconstruction Czecho-Slovak Style
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 13 Issue 4 1992 Devolution or Deconstruction Czecho-Slovak Style Eric Stein University of Michigan Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Eric Stein, Devolution or Deconstruction Czecho-Slovak Style, 13 MICH. J. INT'L L. 786 (1992). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol13/iss4/2 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEVOLUTION OR DECONSTRUCTION CZECHO-SLOVAK STYLE Eric Stein * This essay is a part of a broaderstudy entitled "Post-communist Con- stitution-making: Confessions of a Comparatist" which focuses on Czechoslovakia. The present Czech and Slovak Federative Republic is a unique variant offederalism. It is composed of only two component units (shades of Leb- anon, Cyprus, perhaps Belgium), and it is seriously asymmetric: demo- graphically, there are twice as many Czechs and Moravians in the Czech Republic as there are Slovaks in the Slovak Republic; economically, the Czech area has been highly industrialized while Slovak industrialization has come much later and is less diversified; historically, the Czech lands have had a long tradition of politicaland cultural identity even as part of the Austro-HungarianEmpire, while the Slovaks remained under an op- pressive Hungarian dominance for a thousand years until the establish- ment of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal. -
Hating Thy Imaginary Neighbor: an Analysis of Antisemitism in Slovakia
Hating Thy Imaginary Neighbor: An Analysis of Antisemitism in Slovakia Lenka Bustikova* and Petra Guasti This article offers an analysis of subnational variation in antisemitism. Utilizing survey data from 1990 to 2008 in Slovakia, we characterize three types of anti-Jewish attitudes. Our results point to: (1) the decline of antisemitism due to the consolidation of a Hungarian-Slovak divide; (2) the lowest antisemitism levels expressed by those in the capital city; and (3) the diffuse voting patterns of antisemitic respondents, e.g., the Slovak National Party, the Christian Democratic Movement, and Meˇciar’s nationalistic-populist Movement for Democratic Slovakia.1 Key Words: Antisemitism, Political Cleavages, Slovakia, Survey Data There is a specter haunting the end of communism—the specter of two old European demons—nationalism and antisemitism. Despite the sparse presence of Jews today in Eastern Europe, antisemitic attitudes persist in some places and among some segments of society. A great deal has been written on antisemitism in several states, notably Germany, Poland, and Ukraine, yet there is surprisingly little systematic research on the subject in certain countries in the post-communist world. Slovakia is one of the more egregious oversights.2 This article remedies this lacuna in the literature on antisemitism by providing an original, empirical analysis of subnational variation (Snyder, 2001) in antisemitism within Slovakia. Our analysis is guided by a multilevel conceptual framework, developed in Kov´acs (2010), and exploits survey data covering the period from 1990 to 2008.3 Analytically, we focus on characterizing three types of variation in anti-Jewish attitudes: (a) macro-level temporal trends, (2) meso-level regional variation, and (3) micro-level variation among political subgroups. -
Communist Literature the Soviet Occupation of Czechos
Dobrota Pucherová Trauma and Memory of Soviet Occupation in Slovak (Post-)Communist Literature Abstract: Based on a discursive analysis of poetry and fiction, this chapter analyses trends in Slovak communist and (post)-communist trauma narratives within the frame of postcolonial and trauma theory. Relying on intuitions by theorists such as Mbembe and Caruth, it suggests that assumptions of narrative psychology such as structured narratives and closure may not always be applicable to (post)-communist narratives in which issues of seduction, complicity, betrayal and irrational impulses complicate the meaning of collective traumas and the ways nations come to terms with them. Postmodern approaches that blur the line between history and fiction, including the outright rejection of the possibility of recovering history, and anti-realist modes such as the absurd and meta-fiction, seem to have a refreshing, anti-ideological effect upon post- communist historiography, de-centring history to recognize the nation as essentially hybrid and ambivalent. The Soviet Occupation of Czechoslovakia: Communism as Colonialism ‘It was an intervention followed by an occupation’.1 With these words, in May 1990, the last communist president of Czechoslovakia, Gustáv Husák, described the Warsaw Pact Army invasion of Czechoslovakia of August 1968, when five hundred thousand Soviet, Polish, Hungarian, and Bulgarian soldiers, led by the USSR, invaded the country in response to reforms of the Czechoslovak communist regime known as the ‘Prague Spring’ that attempted to democratize the political system. The invasion was a deep shock for unsuspecting citizens and led to protests in which 108 civilians died and another 500 were seriously wounded; by the end of 1969, one hundred thousand people emigrated from the country. -
Geopolitics in Europe Mean for the V4? Geopolitics in Europe 1990–2015
V4 – 25 YEARS THE CONTINUING STORY OF THE VISEGRÁD GROUP 1991 – 2016 5 INTRODUCTION e are honoured to present you with a special publication on the 25th anniver- sary of the Visegrád Group. This book brings together the finest, contempo- Wrary political minds to discuss eleven of the most important issues affecting Visegrád today. Ranging from the values and history of the V4 to the future growth and in- frastructural development in the region, it covers the most fundamental and pressing rea- sons for the continued cooperation. We hope that, through the views shared by these dis- tinguished voices and opinion-leaders, readers will gain insight into the Central European perspective on a variety of issues which are currently dominating discussions in the Euro- pean as well as global arenas. The Visegrád Group has always had the goal of being an active participant in the interna- tional, European and transatlantic communities. Today, it has accomplished and continues to reinforce its strong stance within these forums. Therefore, this book should be read not only as an account of the accomplishments of the last twenty-five years, but also as a possi- ble guide for the future hopes and potential dilemmas of the region. ARE THE IDEAS ON WHICH THE VISEGRÁD GROUP WAS FOUNDED STILL RELEVANT IN TODAY’S EUROPEAN POLITICS? The Visegrád Group signing ceremony in February 1991. V4 – 25 YEARS 10 A powerful symbol of the changes in 1989 – the cutting of a wire fence – has returned; an image which was supposed to belong to the past RUDOLF CHMEL (b. -
Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the Book of Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124
Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the book of Declining democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124 Declining democracy in East-Central Europe (Edward Elgar, 2019) Attila Ágh Abstract Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe presents the five East-Central European countries as a region in its complexity, in the socio-economic, political and civilizational dimensions. Going beyond the usual political ‘event history’ of ECE parties and governments, this book offers a complex analysis of the ECE systemic change described both from the progressive and regressive side by exploring the deep reasons of hard populism in the societal frustration of the ECE population due to the failure of the catching up process. It reveals the big turning point around 2010 as a shift from the chaotic democracy to authoritarian rule, leading to a perverse regionalization and engaging in conflicts with the EU institutions about the EU rules and values. Finally, it outlines the perspectives for the renewal of democracy and the ‘re-entry’ to the EU with the emergence of the young generation socialized already by in the EU democratic values. Table of Content Introduction From Democracy Decline to Democracy Renewal Farewell to the illusions and the new hopes for the democracy renewal The dual historical legacy of Central Europe moving between East and West The impact of the world system transformations on the ECE developments The conceptual map of systemic change in ECE Conclusion in the Introduction – the ECE region in a nutshell Part I Democratization -
Robert Gal: Paradoxes
NOT FOR PUBLICATI'ON WITHOUT WRITER'S CONSENT INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS DO-20 Kafkova 15 160 00 Praha 6 Czechoslovakia Tel: 32 ii 32 Aug. 25, 1992 ROBERT GAL: PARADOXES Peter Bird Mart in Institute of Current World Affairs 4 W. Wheelock St. Hanover, NH 03755 USA Dear Peter and friends: People call Fedor GI the first Slovak immigrant in the Czech Republic. It's not a joke. GI once was the head of the most popular and powerful political movement in Slovakia. Called Public Against Violence, it was the Slovak sister of the Czech Republic's Civic Forum. Civic Forum, I'm sure you still recall, was a small group of individuals students, actors and dissidents that somehow organized a revolution in the fall of 1989. Public Against Violence was the brainchild of a group of friends from Bratislava writers, religious dissidents, environmental activists-- that formed at about the same time as Civic Forum. The bulk of the population joined them, and together, they brought down Communism. They were heroes. The subsequent fall from grace of both Gl and Public Against Violence could be called the beginning of the end of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic. It certainly was the end of post- Velvet Revolution unity in Slovakia. And it showed once again what people are capable of in the name of nationalism. In June 1990, during the first post-revolution parliamentary elections, both movements won handily Civic Forum took about half of the votes in its republic, and Public Against Violence a healthy third in Slovakia.