A Collective Portrait the U.S
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Years Offreedom
YEARS OFFREEDOM He founded The Public Against Violence1 in Veľký Krtíš “A few days after the Prague manifestation, “People were afraid not only then, but also a group of about 300 people went through long afterwards. Especially older people and Veľký Krtíš with an appeal to do something. in the villages. Fear persisted until the fi rst But it was not organized at all and it fell silent free elections. They were afraid of sanction. again. Demonstrations began about 27 Novem- Paradoxically, later, when freedom has come, ber, then I got involved. I am not that one who they were also afraid to organize. They were needs to be the centre of attention, but enthu- disgusted and tired of the years when the Com- siastic young boys spoke from the stands. They munist power tried to organize them. There was had no experiences, so I tried to organize them a certain aversion from entering to the political a bit. It was after a General strike, when we met parties or movements. People knew a lot about with local representatives of the Communist each other. Many grasping people, also with Party and the Regional committee (abbrevia- ‘StB’2 background, tried to cross the fl oor, and tion: ONV).” so the distrust ruled between people. I tried to (1951) Bohuslav Beňo tell them, that people have to make the change The General strike was successful, but even by themselves and make decision what and who He participated in student’s demonstra- tions against the occupation of Czecho- though Bohuslav saw the problematic back- they really want. -
Symbols of Czech and Slovak Political Parties After the “Velvet Revolution”
Symbols of Czech and Slovak Political PROCEEDINGS Parties After the “Velvet Revolution” Aleš Brozˇek Communist totalitarianism did not tolerate the existence of political parties, nor of any independent organizations between the state and the family. The situation in Czecho- slovakia fortunately was not as severe as in the Soviet Union. Czech and Slovak citizens could join a limited number of organisations and associations which mainly used emblems, although some of them had flags. The Vexillology Club researched them in 1977 and published a report on them in its periodical in 19781. No article has yet appeared on the symbols of Czech and Slovak political parties, although such an article should be of interest not only to Czech vexillologists, but to others too. Fig. 1 After the Communist putsch of February 1948, apart from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia four other Some members of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party, the parties were tolerated, the Czechoslovak Socialist Party, Czechoslovak People’s Party and the Communist Party the Czechoslovak People’s Party, the Democratic Party were instrumental in the rise of the Czech Civic Forum, and the Liberation Party. However they had to give up but their secretariats maintained their own policy and their own programs, accept that of the Communist Party did not cooperate with the Civic Forum. They continued and that of the National Front, and to recognise the to use their own emblems, which in some cases were so-called “leading role” of the Communist Party. The completely and in others only slightly changed in the November 1989 revolution meant the end of the one- following years. -
High Marks for Civil Service Joh Satisfaction LETTERS
High Marks for Civil Service Joh Satisfaction LETTERS State (ISSN 0278-1859) (formerly the Department of State Newsletter) is published by the Shadel: a tribute From another retiree U.S. Department of State to acquaint its employees, at home and abroad, with developments that may affect Sequim, Wash. Southern Pines, N.C. operations or personnel. There are 11 monthly issues Dear Editor: Dear Editor: (none in August). Deadline for submitting material is in the first Regarding the obituary on Dr. Bill As a retiree who has lost contact with week of each month. Contributions (consisting of Shadel (see Page 58), we served with Bill some old colleagues, I would appreciate general information, feature articles, poems, and Tuyet in Nairobi in the mid-’TOs and having my name, address and phone photographs, drawings) are welcome. Double-space, continued our friendship for nearly two number in any listing you publish. I live spelling out job titles, names of offices and programs—acronyms are not acceptable. Send decades that included wildlife safaris to at 405 Hill Road, Southern Pines, N.C. contributions to State magazine, PER/ER/SMG, remote areas of Kenya and a birding 28337. My phone number is (919) SA-6, Room 433, Washington, DC. 20522-0602. expedition to Costa Rica with mutual 692-4931. Telephone: (703) 516-1667. Fax: (703) 516-1677. friends. Bill was a physician by vocation Yours truly, Contributions may also be dropped off in Room 3811 Main State. and an avid naturalist by avocation. Russell E. Olson □ Although intended for internal communication. Perhaps most important of all the things State is available to the public through the in life, he had a perennial sense of humor. -
Main Right Party Responses to Radical Populist and Extremist Party Positioning in Central Europe
Main Right Party Responses to Radical Populist and Extremist Party Positioning in Central Europe. Paper prepared for the ECPR Joint Sessions Workshop, Salamanca Spain April 10-15, 2014 Reinhard Heinisch, Kristina Hauser [email protected], [email protected] University of Salzburg Austria Abstract: Drawing on data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and case profiles, the paper traces the interaction between main right parties and (radical) right party competitors, to determine, whether the former adopt dismissive, accommodationist-convergent, accommodationist-cooperative, or, adversarial responses. Assuming that main right parties are forced to respond strategically to right party competitors, we examine in this the role of the dominant cleavage structure (socioeconomic or socio-cultural), the initial position of the main right party, the cost/pressure associated with changing a long-established position, the issue dimension involved (economic vs. exclusivist), and decision of cooperating with parties with more complementary or more compatible positions. Drawing on the literature, we argue that regime legacies and the role of the EU accession process on party realignment have structured party competition such that contestation occurs primarily over socioeconomic or socio-cultural issues. In the latter case, we expect main right parties to move to the right either to converge on positions of a far-right competitor or to prevent challenges from the right. If contestation is centered on the economic issue dimension, we assume main right parties be more constrained in their ability to accommodate right party competitors and rather engage in cooperation to form a right or center-right bloc to compete with a center-left bloc. -
The Evolution of the Party Systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic After the Disintegration of Czechoslovakia
DOI : 10.14746/pp.2017.22.4.10 Krzysztof KOŹBIAŁ Jagiellonian University in Crakow The evolution of the party systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic after the disintegration of Czechoslovakia. Comparative analysis Abstract: After the breaking the monopoly of the Communist Party’s a formation of two independent systems – the Czech and Slovakian – has began in this still joint country. The specificity of the party scene in the Czech Republic is reflected by the strength of the Communist Party. The specificity in Slovakia is support for extreme parties, especially among the youngest voters. In Slovakia a multi-party system has been established with one dominant party (HZDS, Smer later). In the Czech Republic former two-block system (1996–2013) was undergone fragmentation after the election in 2013. Comparing the party systems of the two countries one should emphasize the roles played by the leaders of the different groups, in Slovakia shows clearly distinguishing features, as both V. Mečiar and R. Fico, in Czech Republic only V. Klaus. Key words: Czech Republic, Slovakia, party system, desintegration of Czechoslovakia he break-up of Czechoslovakia, and the emergence of two independent states: the TCzech Republic and the Slovak Republic, meant the need for the formation of the political systems of the new republics. The party systems constituted a consequential part of the new systems. The development of these political systems was characterized by both similarities and differences, primarily due to all the internal factors. The author’s hypothesis is that firstly, the existence of the Hungarian minority within the framework of the Slovak Republic significantly determined the development of the party system in the country, while the factors of this kind do not occur in the Czech Re- public. -
Devolution Or Deconstruction Czecho-Slovak Style
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 13 Issue 4 1992 Devolution or Deconstruction Czecho-Slovak Style Eric Stein University of Michigan Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Eric Stein, Devolution or Deconstruction Czecho-Slovak Style, 13 MICH. J. INT'L L. 786 (1992). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol13/iss4/2 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEVOLUTION OR DECONSTRUCTION CZECHO-SLOVAK STYLE Eric Stein * This essay is a part of a broaderstudy entitled "Post-communist Con- stitution-making: Confessions of a Comparatist" which focuses on Czechoslovakia. The present Czech and Slovak Federative Republic is a unique variant offederalism. It is composed of only two component units (shades of Leb- anon, Cyprus, perhaps Belgium), and it is seriously asymmetric: demo- graphically, there are twice as many Czechs and Moravians in the Czech Republic as there are Slovaks in the Slovak Republic; economically, the Czech area has been highly industrialized while Slovak industrialization has come much later and is less diversified; historically, the Czech lands have had a long tradition of politicaland cultural identity even as part of the Austro-HungarianEmpire, while the Slovaks remained under an op- pressive Hungarian dominance for a thousand years until the establish- ment of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal. -
Hating Thy Imaginary Neighbor: an Analysis of Antisemitism in Slovakia
Hating Thy Imaginary Neighbor: An Analysis of Antisemitism in Slovakia Lenka Bustikova* and Petra Guasti This article offers an analysis of subnational variation in antisemitism. Utilizing survey data from 1990 to 2008 in Slovakia, we characterize three types of anti-Jewish attitudes. Our results point to: (1) the decline of antisemitism due to the consolidation of a Hungarian-Slovak divide; (2) the lowest antisemitism levels expressed by those in the capital city; and (3) the diffuse voting patterns of antisemitic respondents, e.g., the Slovak National Party, the Christian Democratic Movement, and Meˇciar’s nationalistic-populist Movement for Democratic Slovakia.1 Key Words: Antisemitism, Political Cleavages, Slovakia, Survey Data There is a specter haunting the end of communism—the specter of two old European demons—nationalism and antisemitism. Despite the sparse presence of Jews today in Eastern Europe, antisemitic attitudes persist in some places and among some segments of society. A great deal has been written on antisemitism in several states, notably Germany, Poland, and Ukraine, yet there is surprisingly little systematic research on the subject in certain countries in the post-communist world. Slovakia is one of the more egregious oversights.2 This article remedies this lacuna in the literature on antisemitism by providing an original, empirical analysis of subnational variation (Snyder, 2001) in antisemitism within Slovakia. Our analysis is guided by a multilevel conceptual framework, developed in Kov´acs (2010), and exploits survey data covering the period from 1990 to 2008.3 Analytically, we focus on characterizing three types of variation in anti-Jewish attitudes: (a) macro-level temporal trends, (2) meso-level regional variation, and (3) micro-level variation among political subgroups. -
Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the Book of Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124
Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the book of Declining democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124 Declining democracy in East-Central Europe (Edward Elgar, 2019) Attila Ágh Abstract Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe presents the five East-Central European countries as a region in its complexity, in the socio-economic, political and civilizational dimensions. Going beyond the usual political ‘event history’ of ECE parties and governments, this book offers a complex analysis of the ECE systemic change described both from the progressive and regressive side by exploring the deep reasons of hard populism in the societal frustration of the ECE population due to the failure of the catching up process. It reveals the big turning point around 2010 as a shift from the chaotic democracy to authoritarian rule, leading to a perverse regionalization and engaging in conflicts with the EU institutions about the EU rules and values. Finally, it outlines the perspectives for the renewal of democracy and the ‘re-entry’ to the EU with the emergence of the young generation socialized already by in the EU democratic values. Table of Content Introduction From Democracy Decline to Democracy Renewal Farewell to the illusions and the new hopes for the democracy renewal The dual historical legacy of Central Europe moving between East and West The impact of the world system transformations on the ECE developments The conceptual map of systemic change in ECE Conclusion in the Introduction – the ECE region in a nutshell Part I Democratization -
Robert Gal: Paradoxes
NOT FOR PUBLICATI'ON WITHOUT WRITER'S CONSENT INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS DO-20 Kafkova 15 160 00 Praha 6 Czechoslovakia Tel: 32 ii 32 Aug. 25, 1992 ROBERT GAL: PARADOXES Peter Bird Mart in Institute of Current World Affairs 4 W. Wheelock St. Hanover, NH 03755 USA Dear Peter and friends: People call Fedor GI the first Slovak immigrant in the Czech Republic. It's not a joke. GI once was the head of the most popular and powerful political movement in Slovakia. Called Public Against Violence, it was the Slovak sister of the Czech Republic's Civic Forum. Civic Forum, I'm sure you still recall, was a small group of individuals students, actors and dissidents that somehow organized a revolution in the fall of 1989. Public Against Violence was the brainchild of a group of friends from Bratislava writers, religious dissidents, environmental activists-- that formed at about the same time as Civic Forum. The bulk of the population joined them, and together, they brought down Communism. They were heroes. The subsequent fall from grace of both Gl and Public Against Violence could be called the beginning of the end of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic. It certainly was the end of post- Velvet Revolution unity in Slovakia. And it showed once again what people are capable of in the name of nationalism. In June 1990, during the first post-revolution parliamentary elections, both movements won handily Civic Forum took about half of the votes in its republic, and Public Against Violence a healthy third in Slovakia. -
The Position of the Civic Forum and Public Against Violence Toward the Negotiations with Czechoslovak Prime Minister Ladislav Adamec
The Position of the Civic Forum and Public Against Violence Toward the Negotiations with Czechoslovak Prime Minister Ladislav Adamec Prague, 28 November 1989, 4 p.m. The CF believes that the negotiations with the prime minister of the federal government, Mr. Ladislav Adamec, and his associates authorizes it to provide the public with this information and these proposals: 1. The Prime Minister promised the delegation of the CF and PAV [Public Against Violence] that he would form a new government by 3 December 1989. 2. The Prime Minister announced to the delegation of the CF and PAV that tomorrow the CSSR government will present the Federal Assembly with a proposal for a constitutional law by which the articles legally establishing the leading role of the CPCz and Marxism-Leninism as the state ideology will be expunged. 3. The Prime Minister promised the CF and PAV delegation that he would immediately discuss with the Prague National Committee the issue of allotting the CF rooms, and discuss with other institutions the issue of giving the CF and PAV access to the media, including creating conditions for the publication of their own journals. 4. The Prime Minister informed the CF and PAV delegation that he had already submitted to the President of the republic a proposal for amnesty for political prisoners, [and] a list that the CF submitted to the Prime Minister during the previous meeting. The CF will challenge the president of the republic to accommodate this proposal at the latest by 10 December 1989, which is Human Right’s Day. The Civic Forum is receiving information that this list was not complete and therefore the CF and PAV are reserving the right to complete it. -
Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Newsletter Spring 2010
Association for Diplomatic Newsletter Studies and Training Spring 2010 Hagel, Koppel, Turner Honored at Tribute to Excellence Dinner Message from the Chairman I extend deep thanks to all who made ADST’s 2010 Tribute to Excellence a great success, including the leading sponsors recognized later in this newsletter, all who attended or sent contributions, and our hardworking staff, particularly President Ken Brown and Business Manager Marilyn Bentley. We were especially grateful for the presence of our awardees, presenters, and other eminent guests. These John Limbert and Ted Koppel Jim Kimsey and Kathy Ron Neumann and Chuck included Under Secretary of State Calvin Hagel Patrick Kennedy, Acting Inspector General Harry Geisel, Atlantic ADST’s seventh gala dinner, held on including its founder Stephen Low, Council President Frederick Kempe, February 25 to recognize outstanding Delavan Foundation Director William Foreign Affairs Council Chairman accomplishments in international affairs, Harrop, Cox Foundation President Dian Tom Boyatt, American Foreign was a stellar occasion. Almost 200 ADST VanDeMark and Executive Director Service Association President Susan members, friends, sponsors, and guests Clyde Taylor, U.S. Institute of Peace Johnson, Mrs. Lilibet Hagel, and gathered in the ballroom of the L’Enfant officer Robert Perito, DACOR President the ambassadors of the Phillippines, Plaza Hotel to honor former Senator Edward Rowell, Foreign Service Institute Madacascar, the Slovak Republic, and Chuck Hagel, television journalist Ted Director Ruth Whiteside, and Brandon Slovenia. Koppel, and media innovator Ted Turner. Grove, who was instrumental in securing Our biennial gala not only recognizes At this biennial “Tribute to Excellence,” FSI’s permanent campus. excellence; its proceeds are crucial to Ambassador Ron Neumann presented In his acceptance remarks, Chuck Hagel enabling ADST to support training the Ralph J.