Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the Book of Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124
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Slovenia Before the Elections
PERSPECTIVE Realignment of the party system – Slovenia before the elections ALEŠ MAVER AND UROŠ URBAS November 2011 The coalition government under Social Democrat Prime make people redundant. Nevertheless, the unemploy- Minister Borut Pahor lost the support it needed in Parlia- ment rate increased by 75 per cent to 107,000 over three ment and early elections had to be called for 4 Decem- years. This policy was financed by loans of 8 billion eu- ber, one year before completing its term of office. What ros, which doubled the public deficit. are the reasons for this development? Which parties are now seeking votes in the »political marketplace«? What However, Prime Minister Pahor overestimated his popu- coalitions are possible after 4 December? And what chal- larity in a situation in which everybody hoped that the lenges will the new government face? economic crisis would soon be over. The governing par- ties had completely different priorities: they were seek- ing economic rents; they could not resist the pressure of Why did the government of lobbies and made concessions; and they were too preoc- Prime Minister Borut Pahor fail? cupied with scandals and other affairs emerging from the ranks of the governing coalition. Although the governing coalition was homogeneously left-wing, it could not work together and registered no significant achievements. The next government will thus Electoral history and development be compelled to achieve something. Due to the deterio- of the party system rating economic situation – for 2012 1 per cent GDP growth, 1.3 per cent inflation, 8.4 per cent unemploy- Since the re-introduction of the multi-party system Slo- ment and a 5.3 per cent budget deficit are predicted – venia has held general elections in 1990, 1992, 1996, the goals will be economic. -
General Election in Slovenia
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SLOVENIA 4th December 2011 European Elections monitor The Rightwing Opposition Forces forecast to win in the Slovenian General Elections on from Corinne Deloy translated by Helen Levy 4th December next. ANALYSIS On 4th December next Slovenia will be holding the first early general elections in its history. 1 month before This election follows parliament’s rejection on 20th September last of the confidence motion the poll presented by Borut Pahor’s government (Social Democratic Party, SD). 51 MPs of the Demo- cratic Party (SDS), the People’s Party (SLS), the Slovenian National Party (SNS), Zares (Z) and of the Democratic Pensioners’ Party (DeSUS) voted against the text, 36 members of the Social Democratic Party and of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDS) as well as three independent MPs voted in support. The Slovenian Parliament was dissolved on 21st October. Borut Pahor is the third Slovenian head of government to fall after Alojz Peterle (Slovenian Christian-Democrats) in 1992 and Janez Drnovsek (LDS) in 2000. After the announcement of the government’s collapse, President of the Republic, Danilo Türk left New York where he was attending the UN’s General Assembly to return to Ljubljana. “The vote of defiance has worsened the political crisis,” he declared, calling on all political parties to show courage rapidly in order to find solutions to the crisis in the interest of the Slovenian people. “The vote of defiance is good news because it will lead to a new government that will have wider public support, which is vital if the necessary decisions are to be taken,” declared Janez Sustarsic, professor at the Faculty of Management in Koper. -
Fredrik Engelstad, Cathrine Holst, Gunnar C. Aakvaag (Eds.) Democratic State and Democratic Society
Fredrik Engelstad, Cathrine Holst, Gunnar C. Aakvaag (Eds.) Democratic State and Democratic Society. Institutional Change in the Nordic Model Fredrik Engelstad, Cathrine Holst, Gunnar C. Aakvaag (Eds.) Democratic State and Democratic Society Institutional Change in the Nordic Model Managing Editor: Dominika Polkowska Language Editor: Adam Leverton ISBN 978-3-11-063407-5 e-ISBN 978-3-11-063408-2 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. © 2018 Fredrik Engelstad, Cathrine Holst, Gunnar C. Aakvaag Published by De Gruyter Poland Ltd, Warsaw/Berlin Part of Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston The book is published with open access at www.degruyter.com. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Managing Editor: Dominika Polkowska Language Editor: Adam Leverton www.degruyter.com Cover illustration: egal / @thinkstock Contents Preface XIII Fredrik Engelstad, Cathrine Holst, Gunnar C. Aakvaag 1 Introduction: Democracy, Institutional Compatibility and Change 1 1.1 What Can a Democratic Society Be Like? 2 1.2 Alternative Views 3 1.3 Broadening Focus on Democracy 5 1.4 Institutions in Modern Societies 8 1.5 Institutions in Change 11 1.6 Aspects of the Nordic Model 13 1.7 A Brief Note on Methods 14 1.8 Challenges to Democracy in the Nordic Model 14 References 18 Fredrik Engelstad 2 Social Institutions and the Quality of Democracy 22 2.1 The Salience of Normative Theory 24 2.2 From Political Philosophy to Sociological Analysis 27 2.3 An Old Story: Democratizing the Economy 29 2.4 Normative Preconditions of the Modern Economy 30 2.5 Democratic Norms in the Economy 32 2.6 Welfare State Institutions in Democracy 33 2.7 Democracy in the Media Institution 37 2.8 Generalizing Institutional Norms and Conflicts 41 2.9 A Brief Conclusion 43 References 44 Gunnar C. -
Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia On
DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 7 December 2007 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2007) 1E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 35 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 3-7 December 2007) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Slovenia joined GRECO in 1999. GRECO adopted the First Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2000) 3E) in respect of Slovenia at its 4 th Plenary Meeting (12-15 December 2000) and the Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval II Rep (2003) 1E) at its 16 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 8-12 December 2003). The aforementioned Evaluation Reports, as well as their corresponding Compliance Reports, are available on GRECO’s homepage (http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173) 1, Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol 2 (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Explaining Vote for Populist Parties: the Impact of the Political Trust, the Economic and the Political Context Danilo Serani De
Explaining vote for populist parties: the impact of the political trust, the economic and the political context Danilo Serani Department of Political and Social Sciences Universitat Pompeu Fabra [email protected] Abstract Over the last decades, the uneven electoral success of populist parties in Europe sparked the interest of many scholars. Until now, special attention has been devoted only to radical (especially right-wing) populist parties, at the same time as the impact of political trust on the vote for these parties has not been sufficiently addressed. In this paper, I focus on the direct and conditional effects of the trust in the main political actors on the vote for radical and non-radical populist parties. By using data from the European Social Survey (2004- 2014), this paper investigates the association between political trust and the Great Recession, as well as with the ideological convergence of the establishment parties. The results seem to confirm that political (dis)trust has a direct impact on the vote for a populist party, and its effects are accentuated during a crisis and when the establishment parties converge to the center. Key words Political trust, voting behavior, populism, multilevel analysis, economic crisis Paper prepared for the WAPOR Conference, Barcelona, November 24-25th 2016 This is a draft, please do not quote or circulate without author’s permission Introduction Over the last three decades, Europe witnessed the spread of the third wave of populism (Mudde, 2007). Far from being a transitory anomaly of liberal democracies, populist challengers of the establishment parties managed themselves to consolidate their position in the party systems. -
Years Offreedom
YEARS OFFREEDOM He founded The Public Against Violence1 in Veľký Krtíš “A few days after the Prague manifestation, “People were afraid not only then, but also a group of about 300 people went through long afterwards. Especially older people and Veľký Krtíš with an appeal to do something. in the villages. Fear persisted until the fi rst But it was not organized at all and it fell silent free elections. They were afraid of sanction. again. Demonstrations began about 27 Novem- Paradoxically, later, when freedom has come, ber, then I got involved. I am not that one who they were also afraid to organize. They were needs to be the centre of attention, but enthu- disgusted and tired of the years when the Com- siastic young boys spoke from the stands. They munist power tried to organize them. There was had no experiences, so I tried to organize them a certain aversion from entering to the political a bit. It was after a General strike, when we met parties or movements. People knew a lot about with local representatives of the Communist each other. Many grasping people, also with Party and the Regional committee (abbrevia- ‘StB’2 background, tried to cross the fl oor, and tion: ONV).” so the distrust ruled between people. I tried to (1951) Bohuslav Beňo tell them, that people have to make the change The General strike was successful, but even by themselves and make decision what and who He participated in student’s demonstra- tions against the occupation of Czecho- though Bohuslav saw the problematic back- they really want. -
Damjan Lajh and Meta Novak Slovenian Bubble in the Brussels: from Best Student in Class to Passive Observer? Debateu Jean Monnet
DebatEU Jean Monnet paper No 2020/01 Damjan Lajh and Meta Novak Slovenian Bubble in the Brussels: From Best Student in Class to Passive Observer? DebatEU Jean Monnet Paper No 2020/01 May 2020 URL: jmce-ljubljana.eu To cite this article: Lajh, D., & Novak, M. (2020). Slovenian Bubble in the Brussels: From Best Student in Class to Passive Observer? DebatEU Jean Monnet Paper, 2020/01. JEAN MONNET PAPERS publishes pre-print manuscript on the policymaking process and policy studies in Europe. The series is interdisciplinary in character and accept papers in the field of political science, international relations, European studies, sociology, law and similar. It publishes work of theoretical, conceptual as well as of empirical character and it also encourages submissions of policy-relevant analyses, including specific policy recommendations. Papers are available in electronic format only and can be downloaded in pdf-format at jmce- ljubljana.eu. Issued by University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences Kardeljeva ploščad 5 1000 Ljubljana Email: [email protected] Tel: +386 1 5805 227 Fax: +386 1 5805 103 www.fdv.uni-lj.si This publication has been co-funded with support from Erusmus+ Programme of the European Union. This publication [communication] reflects the views only of the authors, and the European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. 1 DebatEU Jean Monnet paper No 2020/01 Slovenian Bubble in the Brussels: From Best Student in Class to Passive Observer? Damjan Lajh and Meta Novak Abstract: With dissolution of socialist Yugoslavia Slovenia turned towards the European Union (EU) membership. -
Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia
22 Jure Gašparič: Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia 1.01 UDC: 930 930:323(497.4)"1991/2016" Jure Gašparič* Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia IZVLEČEK PISATI POLITIČNO ZGODOVINO REPUBLIKE SLOVENIJE Avtor v prispevku obravnava problematiko raziskovanja in pisanja politične zgodovine Re- publike Slovenije po letu 1991. Po uvodni ugotovitvi, da ljudje od vsega začetka niso zaupali politikom in strankam, zastavi vprašanje, kako so ti ves čas ravnali, kako so se razvijale politične institucije, kako so se prilagajale svetu in času, ki se je v dvajsetih letih spremenil. Najprej predstavi številne dileme in metodološke posebnosti problematike (problem historične distance, smiselnost početja, neobvladljivost in specifičnost virov), nato pa oriše mogoče pristope in načine spopadanja z izzivom. V drugem delu prispevka povzame ugotovitve lastnega raziskovanja tega obdobja (o polarizaciji, personalizaciji, medializaciji in informalizaciji politike), jih vpenja v širši evropski okvir in poleg tega zariše še izziv za prihodnje raziskovanje. Ključne besede: politična zgodovina, 1991–2016, Slovenija, politične stranke ABSTRACT The author focuses on the issue of researching and writing the political history of the Republic of Slovenia after its independence in 1991. After his introductory assessment that ever since the be- ginning people have not trusted politicians and political parties, he focuses on the question of how people have acted throughout this time, how the political institutions have been developing, and how they have been adapting to the world and the times which have changed radically in the last twenty five years. First the author presents numerous dilemmas and methodological peculiarities of the issue at hand (the problem of historical distance, the sensibility of the activity, the uncontrol- lable and specific sources), and then he proceeds to describe the possible approaches and methods of meeting this challenge. -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
Slovenian Democratic Path After European Union Accession
The Difficult Look Back: Slovenian Democratic Path after European Union Accession MIRO HAČEK Politics in Central Europe (ISSN: 1801-3422) Vol. 15, No. 3 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2019-0023 Abstract: In the third wave of democratic changes in the early 1990s when the Central and Eastern European (CEE) political landscape changed radically and the democrati‑ sation processes started in the eastern part of the continent, Slovenia was one of the most prominent countries with the best prospects for rapid democratic growth. Slove‑ nia somewhat luckily escaped the Yugoslav civil wars and towards the end of the 20th century was already on the path towards a stable and consolidated democracy with the most successful economy in the entire CEE area. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Slovenia had a simple and straight ‑forward political goals, i.e. to join the European union as soon as possible, thus consolidating its place among the most developed countries within the region. After some setbacks, this goal was accomplished in (so far) the biggest enlargement to the Union in May 2004. But what happened after Slovenia managed to successfully achieve its pair of major political goals? In this chapter, we search for an answer to this question and find out why Slovenian voters are increas‑ ingly distrustful not only of political institutions, but why so ‑called new political faces and instant political parties are so successful and why Slovenian democracy has lost a leading place among consolidated democracies in CEE. Keywords: Slovenia; European Union; membership; distrust; democracy. Introduction After declaring its independence from former Yugoslavia in 1991, the Republic of Slovenia expressed its willingness and objective, both in its strategic develop‑ ment documents and at the highest political levels, to become a full member of POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE 15 (2019) 3 419 the European Union (EU).1 As the crucial developmental documents2 indicate, the optimum long ‑term development of the Slovenian economy is inextricably tied to Slovenia’s full membership in the EU.