Cameron's Letter: European Views on the UK's Renegotiation
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Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia
22 Jure Gašparič: Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia 1.01 UDC: 930 930:323(497.4)"1991/2016" Jure Gašparič* Writing the Political History of the Republic of Slovenia IZVLEČEK PISATI POLITIČNO ZGODOVINO REPUBLIKE SLOVENIJE Avtor v prispevku obravnava problematiko raziskovanja in pisanja politične zgodovine Re- publike Slovenije po letu 1991. Po uvodni ugotovitvi, da ljudje od vsega začetka niso zaupali politikom in strankam, zastavi vprašanje, kako so ti ves čas ravnali, kako so se razvijale politične institucije, kako so se prilagajale svetu in času, ki se je v dvajsetih letih spremenil. Najprej predstavi številne dileme in metodološke posebnosti problematike (problem historične distance, smiselnost početja, neobvladljivost in specifičnost virov), nato pa oriše mogoče pristope in načine spopadanja z izzivom. V drugem delu prispevka povzame ugotovitve lastnega raziskovanja tega obdobja (o polarizaciji, personalizaciji, medializaciji in informalizaciji politike), jih vpenja v širši evropski okvir in poleg tega zariše še izziv za prihodnje raziskovanje. Ključne besede: politična zgodovina, 1991–2016, Slovenija, politične stranke ABSTRACT The author focuses on the issue of researching and writing the political history of the Republic of Slovenia after its independence in 1991. After his introductory assessment that ever since the be- ginning people have not trusted politicians and political parties, he focuses on the question of how people have acted throughout this time, how the political institutions have been developing, and how they have been adapting to the world and the times which have changed radically in the last twenty five years. First the author presents numerous dilemmas and methodological peculiarities of the issue at hand (the problem of historical distance, the sensibility of the activity, the uncontrol- lable and specific sources), and then he proceeds to describe the possible approaches and methods of meeting this challenge. -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
Slovenian Democratic Path After European Union Accession
The Difficult Look Back: Slovenian Democratic Path after European Union Accession MIRO HAČEK Politics in Central Europe (ISSN: 1801-3422) Vol. 15, No. 3 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2019-0023 Abstract: In the third wave of democratic changes in the early 1990s when the Central and Eastern European (CEE) political landscape changed radically and the democrati‑ sation processes started in the eastern part of the continent, Slovenia was one of the most prominent countries with the best prospects for rapid democratic growth. Slove‑ nia somewhat luckily escaped the Yugoslav civil wars and towards the end of the 20th century was already on the path towards a stable and consolidated democracy with the most successful economy in the entire CEE area. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Slovenia had a simple and straight ‑forward political goals, i.e. to join the European union as soon as possible, thus consolidating its place among the most developed countries within the region. After some setbacks, this goal was accomplished in (so far) the biggest enlargement to the Union in May 2004. But what happened after Slovenia managed to successfully achieve its pair of major political goals? In this chapter, we search for an answer to this question and find out why Slovenian voters are increas‑ ingly distrustful not only of political institutions, but why so ‑called new political faces and instant political parties are so successful and why Slovenian democracy has lost a leading place among consolidated democracies in CEE. Keywords: Slovenia; European Union; membership; distrust; democracy. Introduction After declaring its independence from former Yugoslavia in 1991, the Republic of Slovenia expressed its willingness and objective, both in its strategic develop‑ ment documents and at the highest political levels, to become a full member of POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE 15 (2019) 3 419 the European Union (EU).1 As the crucial developmental documents2 indicate, the optimum long ‑term development of the Slovenian economy is inextricably tied to Slovenia’s full membership in the EU. -
Priority Dossiers Under the Slovenian EU Council Presidency
BRIEFING Outlook for upcoming Presidency Priority dossiers under the Slovenian EU Council Presidency INTRODUCTION Slovenia will, in the second half of 2021, hold its second Presidency of the Council of the EU since joining the EU in 2004. It will conclude the work of the Trio Presidency composed of Germany, Portugal and Slovenia. Slovenia is a democratic parliamentary republic with a proportional electoral system. The Slovenian parliament is bicameral, made up of the National Assembly (composed of 90 members) and the National Council (composed of 40 members). In the National Assembly, there are 88 representatives of political parties and two representatives of the Italian and Hungarian national communities, the latter two elected to represent their interests. The National Assembly elects the Prime Minister and the government. The current government is a four-party coalition, made up of the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS); the Modern Centre Party (SMC), the Democratic Party of Slovenian Pensioners (DeSUS) and New Slovenia—Christian Democrats (NSi). The Prime Minister, Mr Janez Janša from the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS), was elected to office on 3 March 2020. The next general elections in Slovenia will take place no later than 5 June 2022. Other political parties represented in parliament are the List of Marjan Šarec (LMS), Social Democrats (SD), Party of Alenka Bratušek (SAB), The Left, and the Slovenian National Party (SNS). Published by EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Lucienne Attard Interinstitutional Relations Unit, Directorate-General for the Presidency PE 690.680 – June 2021 EN EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service PART A: POLITICAL PRIORITIES OF THE SLOVENIAN PRESIDENCY This note looks at the draft Slovenian Presidency priorities. -
Populism Report Slovenia
2018 POPULISM REPORT SPECIAL EDITION: SLOVENIA Tamás BOROS Botond BőTöS Published by: fEPS – foundation for European Progressive Studies Rue Montoyer 40, 4th fl oor – 1000 Brussels, Belgium T: +32 2 234 69 00 Email: [email protected] Website: www.feps-europe.eu Policy Solutions Revay utca, 10 – 1065 Budapest, Hungary T: +36 1 4 748 748 Email: [email protected] Website: www.policysolutions.eu Copyright: FEPS and Policy Solutions, October 2018 Responsible editors: Ernst STETTER, FEPS Secretary General Tamás BOROS, Co-Director of Policy Solutions Maria FREITAS, FEPS Policy Advisor Authors: Tamás BOROS, Botond BőTöS Proofreader and consultant: Gábor GYőRI This study does not represent the collective views of FEPS and Policy Solutions. The responsibility of FEPS and Policy Solutions is limited to approving its publication as worthy of consideration of the European progressive movement. With the fi nancial support of the European Parliament. This report does not represent the European Parliament’s views but only of the respective authors. IN THE STRANGLEHOLD OF POPULISM: SLOVENIA In many respects, the Slovenian parliamentary elections of June 2018 followed a different trajectory than the election results of the neighbouring countries in Central and Southern Europe. In Italy, Austria, Hungary and Croatia, rightwing populist forces gained power, and the public mood in these countries shifted visibly to the right. At first glance, it appears that Slovenian domestic politics did not succumb to the populist climate that prevails in the southern and eastern segments of the European Union. The domestic political landscape remained unchanged: similarly to the election results seen over the past decades, the votes cast were distributed between the right and left at a ratio of 40-60, respectively, while voter turnout (51%) declined. -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in SLOVENIA 3Rd June 2018
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SLOVENIA 3rd June 2018 European Great uncertainty in Slovenia just one month Elections monitor prior to the general elections Corinne Deloy On 14th March last Slovenian Prime Minister Miro Cerar (Modern Centre Party, SMC) chose to resign from office after the Supreme Court cancelled the referendum of 24th September 2017 which had focused on the construction of a second railway line (27km long) linking Divaca to Koper, Slovenia’s only trading port (22 million tonnes in 2016) on the Adriatic Sea. Analysis After the vote by the Drzavni Zbor (National Assembly), the lower house of parliament, in support of the second railway line, an organisation called the “Taxpayers should not pay” led by Vili Kovacic, and supported by the opposition parties, gained the necessary number of signatures (2500 then 40,000 the following month) to trigger the organisation of a popular referendum on the issue. On 24th September a short majority of voters (53.47%) dissolved and new general elections are organised within answered “yes” to the question: “Do you approve the the two months following the dissolution, but not fewer construction, the implementation and administration of a than 40 days after the announcement of the date of the second railway line Divaca-Koper as voted by the National election. The President of the Republic Borut Pahor quickly Assembly on 8th May 2017?”, 46.50% opted for “no”. In expressed his preference for a snap election. On 14th all 20,55% of the Slovenian population turned out to April he set the date of the next election for 3rd June, vote, i.e. -
Dataset of Electoral Volatility in the European Parliament Elections Since 1979 Codebook (July 31, 2019)
Dataset of Electoral Volatility in the European Parliament elections since 1979 Vincenzo Emanuele (Luiss), Davide Angelucci (Luiss), Bruno Marino (Unitelma Sapienza), Leonardo Puleo (Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna), Federico Vegetti (University of Milan) Codebook (July 31, 2019) Description This dataset provides data on electoral volatility and its internal components in the elections for the European Parliament (EP) in all European Union (EU) countries since 1979 or the date of their accession to the Union. It also provides data about electoral volatility for both the class bloc and the demarcation bloc. This dataset will be regularly updated so as to include the next rounds of the European Parliament elections. Content Country: country where the EP election is held (in alphabetical order) Election_year: year in which the election is held Election_date: exact date of the election RegV: electoral volatility caused by vote switching between parties that enter or exit from the party system. A party is considered as entering the party system where it receives at least 1% of the national share in election at time t+1 (while it received less than 1% in election at time t). Conversely, a party is considered as exiting the part system where it receives less than 1% in election at time t+1 (while it received at least 1% in election at time t). AltV: electoral volatility caused by vote switching between existing parties, namely parties receiving at least 1% of the national share in both elections under scrutiny. OthV: electoral volatility caused by vote switching between parties falling below 1% of the national share in both the elections at time t and t+1. -
Official Journal C 191 of the European Union
Official Journal C 191 of the European Union Volume 60 English edition Information and Notices 16 June 2017 Contents II Information INFORMATION FROM EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTIONS, BODIES, OFFICES AND AGENCIES European Commission 2017/C 191/01 Commission Notice — Interpretative guidelines on Regulation (EC) No 1008/2008 of the European Parliament and of the Council — Rules on Ownership and Control of EU air carriers ...................... 1 IV Notices NOTICES FROM EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTIONS, BODIES, OFFICES AND AGENCIES Council 2017/C 191/02 Council Decision of 12 June 2017 appointing the Vice-President of the Community Plant Variety Office 12 European Commission 2017/C 191/03 Euro exchange rates .............................................................................................................. 13 EN Authority for European Political Parties and European Political Foundations 2017/C 191/04 Decision of the Authority for European political parties and European political foundations of 4 May 2017 to register Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party as a European political party 14 NOTICES FROM MEMBER STATES 2017/C 191/05 Opening of winding-up proceedings of an insurance undertaking — Decision to withdraw the authorisa tion of ‘INTERNATIONAL LIFE Life Insurance SA’ and open winding-up proceedings (Publication in accor dance with Article 280 of Directive 2009/138/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on the taking-up and pursuit of the business of Insurance and Reinsurance (Solvency II)) ...................................................... 32 2017/C 191/06 Opening of winding-up proceedings of an insurance undertaking — Decision to withdraw the authorisa tion of ‘INTERNATIONAL LIFE General Insurance AS’ and open winding-up proceedings (Publication in accordance with Article 280 of Directive 2009 /138/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on the taking-up and pursuit of the business of Insurance and Reinsurance (Solvency II)) ........................................ -
Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the Book of Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124
Ágh, Online Appendix Tables for the book of Declining democracy in East-Central Europe DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.29921.97124 Declining democracy in East-Central Europe (Edward Elgar, 2019) Attila Ágh Abstract Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe presents the five East-Central European countries as a region in its complexity, in the socio-economic, political and civilizational dimensions. Going beyond the usual political ‘event history’ of ECE parties and governments, this book offers a complex analysis of the ECE systemic change described both from the progressive and regressive side by exploring the deep reasons of hard populism in the societal frustration of the ECE population due to the failure of the catching up process. It reveals the big turning point around 2010 as a shift from the chaotic democracy to authoritarian rule, leading to a perverse regionalization and engaging in conflicts with the EU institutions about the EU rules and values. Finally, it outlines the perspectives for the renewal of democracy and the ‘re-entry’ to the EU with the emergence of the young generation socialized already by in the EU democratic values. Table of Content Introduction From Democracy Decline to Democracy Renewal Farewell to the illusions and the new hopes for the democracy renewal The dual historical legacy of Central Europe moving between East and West The impact of the world system transformations on the ECE developments The conceptual map of systemic change in ECE Conclusion in the Introduction – the ECE region in a nutshell Part I Democratization -
Slovenia#.Vdw9ec54v4a.Cleanprint
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/slovenia#.VdW9ec54v4A.cleanprint Slovenia freedomhouse.org Snap parliamentary elections were held in July, triggered by the resignation of Prime Minister Alenka Bratušek, who lost the support of her center-left Positive Slovenia (PS) party amid strict austerity measures and soaring public debt. The new center-left Modern Centre Party (SMC), led by novice politician and law professor Miro Cerer, won a majority with 34.8 percent of the vote on a campaign based on boosting economic growth and decreasing the national deficit. The parliament approved an SMC-led coalition in September. The Slovenian economy improved toward the end of the year, avoiding the possibility of a bailout with growth of 1.4 percent in its gross domestic product (GDP) for the year. Ongoing legal proceedings against journalist Anuška Delić, who faces allegations of disclosing classified information, drew criticism from international and domestic media rights groups in 2014. In June, officials marked the beginning of a compensation plan for the “erased,” a group of individuals residing in Slovenia who lost their legal status after being removed from the state registry following the breakup of Yugoslavia. A two-decade border dispute with Croatia—which concerns the delineation of the countries’ maritime border in the Bay of Piran and parts of their common territorial border—remains a key foreign policy issue in Slovenia. Following parliamentary approval in both states and a successful 2010 referendum in Slovenia, an international arbitration panel held its first meeting in 2012. It entered its final stage of arbitration in June 2014 with the submission of final statements from both countries.