Chapter 5 Country Reports
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs November 27, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30981 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary With five successive elected civilian governments, the Central American nation of Panama has made notable political and economic progress since the 1989 U.S. military intervention that ousted the regime of General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power. Current President Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right Democratic Change (CD) party was elected in May 2009, defeating the ruling center-left Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) in a landslide. Martinelli was inaugurated to a five-year term on July 1, 2009. Martinelli’s Alliance for Change coalition with the Panameñista Party (PP) also captured a majority of seats in Panama’s National Assembly. Panama’s service-based economy has been booming in recent years – with a growth rate of 7.6% in 2010 and 10.6% in 2011 – largely because of the ongoing Panama Canal expansion project, now slated for completion in early 2015. The CD’s coalition with the PP fell apart at the end of August 2011when President Martinelli sacked PP leader Juan Carlos Varela as Foreign Minister. Varela, however, retains his position as Vice President. Tensions between the CD and the PP had been growing throughout 2011, largely related to which party would head the coalition’s ticket for the 2014 presidential election. Despite the breakup of the coalition, the strength of the CD has grown significantly since 2009 because of defections from the PP and the PRD and it now has a majority on its own in the legislature. -
The Making of Terrorists: Anthropology and the Alternative Truth of America’S ‘War on Terror’ in the Sahara
The making of terrorists: Anthropology and the alternative truth of America’s ‘War on Terror’ in the Sahara Jeremy Keenan Abstract: This article, based on almost eight years of continuous anthropological research amongst the Tuareg people of the Sahara and Sahel, suggests that the launch by the US and its main regional ally, Algeria, in 2002–2003 of a ‘new’,‘sec- ond’,or ‘Saharan’ Front in the ‘War on Terror’ was largely a fabrication on the part of the US and Algerian military intelligence services. The ‘official truth’,embodied in an estimated 3,000 articles and reports of one sort or another, is largely disin- formation. The article summarizes how and why this deception was effected and examines briefly its implications for both the region and its people as well as the future of US international relations and especially its global pursuance of an in- creasingly suspect ‘War on Terror’. Keywords: Algeria, disinformation, Sahara, Tuareg, ‘War on Terror’ I first undertook anthropological fieldwork Sahara following its effective closure to the out- amongst the Tuareg of the Central Sahara, side world during the eight-year period of civil mostly amongst the Kel Ahaggar of southern conflict that followed the Algerian army’s annul- Algeria, during the period 1964–1971.1 It was ment of the 1991–1992 elections that would have a period of tumultuous change, following the brought to power the world’s first ever demo- recent independence of Algeria (1962), during cratically elected Islamist government. I was thus which a number of pressures, notably successive able to witness an entire society, in one of the drought years and a number of ideologically world’s most isolated and remote regions, re- driven government policies, led to some 50 per- enter and begin to catch up, as it were, with the cent of the Kel Ahaggar being more or less sed- modern world. -
2020 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report
United States Department of State Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs International Narcotics Control Strategy Report Volume I Drug and Chemical Control March 2020 INCSR 2020 Volume 1 Table of Contents Table of Contents Common Abbreviations ..................................................................................................................................... iii International Agreements.................................................................................................................................... v INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Legislative Basis for the INCSR ......................................................................................................................... 2 Presidential Determination ................................................................................................................................. 7 Policy and Program Developments .................................................................................................... 12 Overview ......................................................................................................................................................... 13 Methodology for U.S. Government Estimates of Illegal Drug Production .......................................................... 18 Parties to UN Conventions .............................................................................................................................. -
Border Management Reform in Transition Democracies
Border Management Reform in Transition Democracies Editors Aditya Batara G Beni Sukadis Contributors Pierre Aepli Colonel Rudito A.A. Banyu Perwita, PhD Zoltán Nagy Lieutenant-Colonel János Hegedűs First Edition, June 2007 Layout Front Cover Lebanese-Israeli Borders Downloaded from: www.michaelcotten.com Printed by Copyright DCAF & LESPERSSI, 2007 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces FOREWORD Suripto, SH Vice Chairman of 3rd Commission, Indonesian House of Representatives And Chariman of Lesperssi Founder Board Border issues have been one of the largest areas of concern for Indonesia. Since becoming a sovereign state 61 years ago, Indonesia is still facing a series of territorial border problems. Up until today, Indonesia has reached agreements with its neighbouring countries related to demarcation and state border delineation. However, the lack of an unequivocal authority for border management has left serious implications for the state’s sovereignty and its citizen’s security. The Indonesian border of today, is still having to deal with border crime, which includes the violation of the territorial border, smuggling and terrorist infiltration, illegal fishing, illegal logging and Human Rights violations. These kinds of violations have also made a serious impact on the state’s sovereignty and citizen’s security. As of today, Indonesia still has an ‘un-settled’ sea territory, with regard to the rights of sovereignty (Additional Zone, Economic Exclusive Zone, and continent plate). This frequently provokes conflict between the authorised sea-territory officer on patrol and foreign ships or fishermen from neighbouring countries. One of the principal border problems is the Sipadan-Ligitan dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia, which started in 1969. -
9/11 Report”), July 2, 2004, Pp
Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page i THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page v CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— ...in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page vi 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5. -
Radical Islamist Groups in Germany: a Lesson in Prosecuting Terror in Court by Matthew Levitt
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 834 Radical Islamist Groups in Germany: A Lesson in Prosecuting Terror in Court by Matthew Levitt Feb 19, 2004 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis n February 5, 2004, a German court acquitted Abdelghani Mzoudi, a thirty-one-year-old native Moroccan, of O 3,066 counts of accessory to murder and membership in a terrorist organization (al-Qaeda). Mzoudi is suspected of having provided material and financial support to the Hamburg cell that helped organize and perpetrate the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. According to the presiding judge, Mzoudi was acquitted for lack of evidence, not out of a belief in the defendant's innocence. The acquittal was the most recent example of a growing dilemma faced by the United States and other countries in their efforts to prosecute suspected terrorists: how to gain access to intelligence for criminal proceedings without compromising the sources of that information. Indeed, Mzoudi's acquittal comes at a time when, despite nearly three years of fighting the war on terror, German intelligence claims that the presence of militant Islamist groups on German soil has reached new heights. U.S. officials face similar circumstances. Al-Qaeda in Germany Within days of the September 11 attacks, al-Qaeda activities in Germany quickly emerged as a key focus of the investigation. Three of the four suicide pilots -- Mohammed Atta, Marwan al-Shehi, and Ziad Jarrah -- were members of the Hamburg cell. -
The Regionalisation of Counter-Terrorism Strategies in the Sahel: the G5 As a Challenge for Transatlantic Relations Brice Didier
.18 # 10 JUNE 2018 The regionalisation of counter-terrorism strategies in the Sahel: the G5 as a challenge for transatlantic relations Brice Didier The Sahel has long been characterised by political violence, Executive Summary border permeability, territorial disputes, traffics of all kinds, and ethnic-sectarian violence. Since 2011 and particularly > Established in 2014 to foster concrete responses to following the French military intervention in Mali in 2013, transnational security challenges in the Sahel- instability and insecurity have also been catalysed by the Saharan strip, the G5 Sahel – composed of Burkina resurgence of Islamic terrorist groups. Mixing with Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger – has traffickers networks, separatist movements and other progressively asserted itself as both a regional conflicts, they have transformed the Sahel into a crisis hub. forum and interlocutor on development and This has attracted attention from Europeans and their American allies, as terrorism and related mobility issues security cooperation in the region. directly affect them. However, such a complex social and > While only a second-rate concern for the United territorial environment complicates traditional security States, security in the Sahel has become a priority responses that would contain the threat by of the European Union’s global security agenda, compartmentalising it. Instead, it requires a comprehensive and allowed the EU to assume a leadership role, framework of effective solutions, adapted to the geography with France playing a crucial part. of the region and the fluidity of terrorist and other illegal > Even though the French and EU-sponsored project activities. This has to be supported by a coherent sponsorship at the international level and implemented by of a G5 Sahel Joint Force has been endorsed by the well-coordinated regional, national and local actors at the international community in 2017, difficulties to regional level. -
Burkina Faso and Around the World
The Costs of United States’ Post-9/11 “Security Assistance”: How Counterterrorism Intensified Conflict in Burkina Faso and Around the World Stephanie Savell1 March 4, 2021 Summary Since 9/11, President George W. Bush’s “GloBal War on Terror” has morphed into many United States military operations and other government programs run out of civilian offices for military purposes around the world. The U.S. conducts a significant portion of the post-9/11 war effort in the name of offering “training and assistance in counterterrorism” to over 79 countries.2 Many governments use the U.S. narrative of terrorism and counterterrorism, along with the accompanying financial, political, and institutional resources given them by the U.S., to repress minority groups, justify authoritarianism, and facilitate illicit profiteering, all while failing to address poverty and other structural proBlems that lead to widespread frustration with the state. Thus, in a vicious cycle, what the U.S. calls security assistance actually accomplishes the opposite. Around the world, it has fed insecurity, bolstering the militants that react against the government injustices exacerBated by this aid. This paper examines the effects of U.S. security assistance and the profound costs of “helping” other nations wage their own “wars on terror.” The paper draws on the case of Burkina Faso, a landlocked country in the West African Sahel, to which the U.S. has been providing counterterrorism funding and training since 2009. It was only several years later, starting in 2016, that Burkina Faso Began to confront militant violence linked to what local people call “jihadism.” Today’s conflict is rooted in complex regional dynamics, and several parties are responsiBle for committing violence, but the focus here is on the role of the U.S. -
Core Curriculum for Border Guard Training
COUNCIL OF Brussels, 8 May 2003 THE EUROPEAN UNION P U BLIC 8285/2/03 REV 2 LIMITE FRONT 38 COMIX 232 NOTE from: Austrian and Swedish delegations to: Strategic Committee on Immigration, Frontiers and Asylum Subject: REPORT - Core curriculum for border guard training Delegations will find attached the final report of the Project on core curriculum for border guard training. _________________ 8285/2/03 REV 2 EB/av 1 DG H I EN Conseil UE ANNEX Implementation of the Plan for the Management of the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union "CORE CURRICULUM" PROJECT Final Report 1. Objective of the project The Seville European Council of 21-22 June 2002 decided on the elaboration of a core curriculum for border guard training (conclusion No 32) on the basis of the Plan for the management of the external borders of the Member States of the European Union (see 10019/02 FRONT 58 COMIX 398). Item 39 of the Plan for the management stipulates the following: "A common standard for border guard training is needed." Items 102 and 103 foresee the following: "With the aim of gradually reducing quantitative and qualitative disparities that are likely to generate security distortions at the external borders, following measures are to be taken in the short-term: • Establishment of a common syllabus for the training of border guard officers and their mid-level management, • Organisation of regular advanced training courses, • Special attention to be paid to language training, 8285/2/03 REV 2 EB/av 2 ANNEX DG H I EN • Basic knowledge of the -
The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership Building Partner Capacity to Counter Terrorism and Violent Extremism
The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership Building Partner Capacity to Counter Terrorism and Violent Extremism Lesley Anne Warner Cleared for public release CRM-2014-U-007203-Final March 2014 Strategic Studies is a division of CNA. This directorate conducts analyses of security policy, regional analyses, studies of political-military issues, and strategy and force assessments. CNA Strategic Studies is part of the global community of strategic studies institutes and in fact collaborates with many of them. On the ground experience is a hallmark of our regional work. Our specialists combine in-country experience, language skills, and the use of local primary-source data to produce empirically based work. All of our analysts have advanced degrees, and virtually all have lived and worked abroad. Similarly, our strategists and military/naval operations experts have either active duty experience or have served as field analysts with operating Navy and Marine Corps commands. They are skilled at anticipating the “problem after next” as well as determining measures of effectiveness to assess ongoing initiatives. A particular strength is bringing empirical methods to the evaluation of peace-time engagement and shaping activities. The Strategic Studies Division’s charter is global. In particular, our analysts have proven expertise in the following areas: The full range of Asian security issues The full range of Middle East related security issues, especially Iran and the Arabian Gulf Maritime strategy Insurgency and stabilization Future national security environment and forces European security issues, especially the Mediterranean littoral West Africa, especially the Gulf of Guinea Latin America The world’s most important navies Deterrence, arms control, missile defense and WMD proliferation The Strategic Studies Division is led by Dr. -
American Security Assistance and Human Rights in Mauritania Isabel Wade Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2016 Burning Bridges: American Security Assistance and Human Rights in Mauritania Isabel Wade Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Wade, Isabel, "Burning Bridges: American Security Assistance and Human Rights in Mauritania" (2016). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 1431. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1431 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College Burning Bridges: American Security Assistance and Human Rights in Mauritania submitted to Professor Jennifer Taw by Isabel Wade for Fall 2015 & Spring 2016 April 25, 2016 Abstract This paper examines the intersection between human rights and security assistance in Mauritania. In American security assistance broadly, and within the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership specifically, there has been an over-securitization of “whole of government” counterterrorism policy. While the United States recognizes the need to address the social, economic, and political roots of extremism, it has failed to do so in practice. If the United States continues to support Mauritania with conventional security assistance but does not tackle the root causes of extremism, it will ultimately fail in fighting terrorism in the Sahel. In order to succeed, the U.S. government must give greater authority to the Department of State and USAID, create greater accountability for human rights within the Department of Defense, and improve interagency coordination. In the long term, the U.S. government must change its paradigm regarding the relationship between security and human rights. -
Country Reports on Terrorism 2019
Country Reports on Terrorism 2019 BUREAU OF COUNTERTERRORISM Country Reports on Terrorism 2019 is submitted in compliance with Title 22 of the United States Code, Section 2656f (the “Act”), which requires the Department of State to provide to Congress a full and complete annual report on terrorism for those countries and groups meeting the criteria of the Act. Foreword In 2019, the United States and our partners made major strides to defeat and degrade international terrorist organizations. Along with the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, in March, the United States completed the destruction of the so-called “caliphate” in Iraq and Syria. In October, the United States launched a military operation that resulted in the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-proclaimed “caliph” of ISIS. As part of the maximum pressure campaign against the Iranian regime – the world’s worst state sponsor of terrorism – the United States and our partners imposed new sanctions on Tehran and its proxies. In April, the United States designated Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), including its Qods Force, as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) – the first time such a designation has been applied to part of another government. And throughout the year, a number of countries in Western Europe and South America joined the United States in designating Iran-backed Hizballah as a terrorist group in its entirety. Despite these successes, dangerous terrorist threats persisted around the world. Even as ISIS lost its leader and territory, the group adapted to continue the fight from its affiliates across the globe and by inspiring followers to commit attacks.