Political Prisoners in Russia. by “James A

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political Prisoners in Russia. by “James A Bedacht: Political Prisoners in Russia [June 17, 1922] 1 Political Prisoners in Russia. by “James A. Marshall” [Max Bedacht] Published in The Worker [New York], v. 5, whole no. 227 (June 17, 1922), pg. 5. The Socialist Party of America and its ad- ward the Russian Revolution. That is what capi- herents are lined up with the forces of reaction. talism wants. And the Socialist Party has no rea- Feeling as they do that the Russian Revolu- son whatever to wish for something different. tion active as the magic mirror that showed the First it loves capitalism and wants to save it. ugly features of friends of capitalism under their And second, as long as the revolution in Russia is mast of revolutionary pretensions, they are busily looked upon as an example of revolutionary work- engaged trying to slander the revolution. ing class action to be copied by the workers the Feeling as they do that the tide of revolu- world over, the treacherous role these “Socialists” tionary consciousness is rising and threatens to are playing becomes too obvious to promise suc- drown them, they resort to the old trick of crying cess. Therefore they cry, “Free political prisoners “Stop, thief!” in Russia!” They forget that the trick has been over- Now let us see who the political prisoners played. The sound of “Stop, thief!” will only con- are in Soviet Russia. Who are the persons whose vince the workers that the gentlemen from the release these “Socialists” demand from the Soviet Socialist Party are trying to get away with some- Republic of Russia? They are the Anarchists, Men- thing. sheviks, and Socialist Revolutionaries arrested by In some recent conventions like that of the the Soviet authorities for counterrevolutionary International Ladies Garment Workers Union and activities. the Workmen’s Circle, these adherents of the So- cialist Party performed such a conjurer’s trick in- Classifying These Prisoners. tended for drawing the eyes of their followers from their treacherous tactics. Why are they in prison? Have they been sent “Free political prisoners — in Russia!” they there for their beliefs or for their membership in cried. Their beloved “democracy” has committed their parties and groups, like the American de- enough crimes in America to make the slogan of mocracy sent Communists to prison for their be- freeing political prisoners a popular one with the liefs? working masters in this country. Or have they been sent to prison like some anarchists were sent there by a Socialist District Fulfill Capitalism’s Desires. Attorney in Milwaukee, for having hung up pic- tures of Malatesta, Bakunin, and Kropotkin in In raising that cry these so-called “Social- their rooms? ists” hope to create a reaction in the sympathies Or were they imprisoned like Debs because of the masses of the workers of this country to- they expressed opinions and beliefs differing from 1 2 Bedacht: Political Prisoners in Russia [June 17, 1922] the opinions and beliefs of those in power? “SP-ites” demand are members of the bands of The writer of this article was in Russia for a Makhno and Antonov, who pillaged, robbed, and considerable length of time at two different peri- killed. While the workers of Moscow and Petro- ods since the establishment of the Soviet Repub- grad starved, these “politicals” held up, “expropri- lic. ated,” and burned trainloads of grain coming from He made the acquaintance of a Socialist the Ukraine or from Siberia and destined to feed Revolutionary in high office in the Commissariat the hungry workers in those cities. of Health. They organized bands of the size of armies. With the help of them, they took villages and cit- Emma Goldman Unmolested. ies. They shot all Communists and Communist suspects they could lay their hands on. And then, He saw Emma Goldman there, free, unmo- these friends of Anarchy or democracy set up a lested; the same Emma Goldman that the Ameri- military dictatorship in place of the Soviets. can democracy had deported. She was utterly op- To demand the release of these “politicals” is posed to the Soviet regime and never hesitated to to identify oneself with their crimes. We do not say so. question the SP-ites’ right to such honors. But we He heard Menshevik and Socialist Revolu- ask the members of the Workmen’s Circle and the tionaries speak, and speak violently against the ILGWU whether they want their organizations, Communists in election meetings for the soviets whether they want themselves, identified with and elsewhere. these crimes against the first Workers Republic. He saw a sign of an anarchist club hang over “But,” the gentlemen of the SP may say, “we the entrance of a soviet-owned and soviet-run do not mean these Anarchists, we mean the Men- house in Moscow. No prosecution resulted from sheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries. They are all this. Socialists, like us.” So who are the “political prisoners” whose Yes, indeed, gentlemen from the SP, they are release the “SP-ites” of the Workmen’s Circle and Socialists like you are. You are just like them. You the ILGWU demand? would do the same thing to a proletarian revolu- They are people who, in the name of anar- tion in American what they did to it in Russia. chism, organized what they called expropriation expeditions, but what in reality were expeditions Aided Allied Bayonets. of banditry. Whoever dared to protect the property of The Mensheviks organized the counterrevo- the soviets from these bandits was killed merci- lutionary government in Arkhangelsk. With the lessly, was murdered. aid of allied bayonets, they gave the unhappy in- habitants a taste of their democracy. At their All- Fixing the Crime. Russian Conference in 1918 in Moscow, they de- clared in favor of the counterrevolution and is- Whoever demands the release of such ban- sued a call for insurrection against the Soviets. dits and murderers identifies himself with them They instigated and organized strikes in the and their acts. We do not question the SP right to ammunition factories of the soviets at a time when do that. But to do that in the name of unsuspect- the life of the Workers’ Republic depended on a ing workers is a crime. successful struggle against the Kolchaks, Denikins, These political prisoners whose release the Yudenich, Semënov, Petliura, and countless other Bedacht: Political Prisoners in Russia [June 17, 1922] 3 Whites. The Mensheviks, these enemies of terror, the contrary. We think them to be quite natural. organized the White terror the first days of the But they should have courage enough to say what revolution. they mean. They put out a helping hand to the bour- Let them say: “We are for a counterrevolu- geoisie when that class was terror stricken and tion in Russia and therefore demand the release helpless by the taking of power of the proletariat. of its leaders from Russian prisons.” Let them say: They took up the fight for the bourgeoisie. “The Mensheviks are our brothers and comrades. They organized sabotage throughout the land. Therefore we hate their enemies.” Destroyed houses, locomotives, and thousands of Let them say: “We are enemies of the prole- other necessities throughout Russia still tell the tarian revolution. Therefore we are friends of the tale of the deeds of those “politicals.” leaders of the counterrevolution and demand their release from prison.” When Mensheviks Rejoice. Let them say what they think: “How can the counterrevolution which we desire with all our The insurrection of Kaledin and of the heart make progress as long as its most experi- Ukrainian Rada was supported by them. In the enced and most active leaders and agents are in days when the Whites waded through streams of prison. Therefore we demand their release.” blood of murdered Communists in Samara and It is hypocrisy in the highest degree to ex- Kazan, the Mensheviks in those cities rejoiced over ploit the slogan of “release of political prisoners” the victory of “order.” in connection with the bandits and counterrevo- In their papers, which significantly were the lutionists now in prison in Soviet Russia. Although only “Socialist” papers that could appear under the members of the ILGWU and the Workmen’s white rule, they declared for a continuance of the Circle are in favor of the release of political pris- “punishment of traitors,” meaning the killing of oners, they certainly do not wish to be identified Communists and sympathizers. with bandits and counterrevolutionists, played off Peter Maslov, one of the best-known leaders by their friends in America, by the “Socialists,” as of the Mensheviks, declared it as the foremost duty political prisoners. of every party member to line up actively with the counterrevolution. Aid to French Ambassador. These staunch believers in democracy sup- ported every military dictatorship set up by Kol- Now to the Socialist Revolutionaries. Are chak, Denikin, Wrangel, and others as against the they political prisoners in the sense of the term Soviets. used in America? [Boris] Savinkov, the leader of The gentlemen of the SP sympathize with the Right of that party, became the agent of the Mensheviks in prison. But not because of ab- Noulens, the French Ambassador in Petrograd, stract love for democracy and liberty, but because immediately after the revolution started. of their sympathy with the activities of the Men- With American money he started a coun- sheviks. terrevolutionary newspaper in Petrograd after Feb- ruary 1917. He was the friend of Kerensky and Let Them Have Courage. helped organize the insurrection of Kornilov and the plot of Krasnov. We do not dispute the right of the gentle- Morosiev, of the Left SR, organized the men from the SP to have such sympathies.
Recommended publications
  • Boris Kolonitskii, “'Democracy' in the Political Consciousness of The
    "Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the February Revolution Author(s): Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Spring, 1998), pp. 95-106 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2502054 . Accessed: 17/09/2013 09:58 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Slavic Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.27.9 on Tue, 17 Sep 2013 09:58:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the FebruaryRevolution Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Historians of quite diverging orientations have interpreted the Feb- ruary revolution of 1917 in Russia as a "democratic" revolution. Sev- eral generations of Marxists of various stripes (tolk) have called it a "bourgeois-democratic revolution." In the years of perestroika, the contrast between democratic February and Bolshevik October became an important part of the historical argument of the anticommunist movement. The February revolution was regarded as a dramatic, un- successful attempt at the modernization and westernization of Russia, as its democratization.
    [Show full text]
  • The Azef Affair and Late Imperial Russian Modernity
    Chto Takoe Azefshchina?: The Azef Affair and Late Imperial Russian Modernity By Jason Morton Summer 2011 Jason Morton is a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley. “Petersburg streets possess one indubitable quality: they transform passersby into shadows.” -Andrei Bely “Now when even was come, he sat down with the twelve. And as they did eat, he said, Verily I say unto you, that one of you shall betray me. And they were exceedingly sorrowful, and began every one of them to say unto him, Lord, is it I? And he answered and said, He that dippeth his hand with me in the dish, the same shall betray me.” -Matthew 26: 20-23 Introduction: Azefshchina- What’s in a name? On January 18, 1909 (O.S.) the former Russian chief of police, A.A. Lopukhin, was arrested and his house was searched. Eleven packages containing letters and documents were sealed up and taken away. 1 Lopukhin stood accused of confirming to representatives of the Socialist Revolutionary Party that one of their oldest and most respected leaders, Evno Azef, had been a government agent working for the secret police (Okhrana) since 1893. The Socialist Revolutionaries (or SRs) were a notorious radical party that advocated the overthrow of the Russian autocracy by any means necessary.2 The Combat Organization (Boevaia Organizatsiia or B.O.) of the SR Party was specifically tasked with conducting acts of revolutionary terror against the government and, since January of 1904, Evno Azef had been the head of this Combat Organization.3 This made him the government’s most highly placed secret agent in a revolutionary organization.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War
    Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War ERIK C. LANDIS In the volost center of Kostino-Otdelets, located near the southern border of Borisoglebsk uezd in Tambov province, there occurred what was identified as a “deserters’ revolt” in May 1919. While no one was killed, a group of known deserters from the local community raided the offices of the volost soviet, destroying many documents relating to the previous months’ attempts at military conscription, and stealing the small number of firearms and rubles held by the soviet administration and the volost Communist party cell. The provincial revolutionary tribunal investigated the affair soon after the events, for while there was an obvious threat of violence, no such escalation occurred, and the affair was left to civilian institutions to handle. The chairman of the volost soviet, A. M. Lysikov, began his account of the event on May 18, when he met with members of the community following a morning church service in order to explain the recent decrees and directives of the provincial and central governments.1 In the course of this discussion, he raised the fact that the Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Defense in Moscow had declared a seven-day amnesty for all those young men who had failed to appear for mobilization to the Red Army, particularly those who had been born in 1892 and 1893, and had been subject to the most recent age-group mobilization.2 It was at this moment that one of the young men in the village approached him to ask if it was possible to ring the church bell and call for an open meeting of deserters in the volost, at which they could collectively agree whether to appear for mobilization.
    [Show full text]
  • Sidney Reilly's Reports from South Russia, December 1918-March 1919
    Ainsworth, J. (1998) Sidney Reilly's reports from South Russia, December 1918-March 1919. Europe-Asia Studies. 50(8) 1447-1470 COPYRIGHT 1998 Carfax Publishing Company Sidney Reilly's reports from South Russia, December 1918-March 1919. John Ainsworth Sidney Reilly has become a legendary figure as the master spy of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6). 'He was surely not only the master spy of this century', wrote one ardent admirer, 'but of all time'. While his activities as an intelligence agent in British service have only been glimpsed through the veil of secrecy that officialdom invariably imposes on such matters, nonetheless, they seem to have an aura of the extraordinary about them. Supposedly they even surpassed the amazing exploits of the fictional super-spy character James Bond, whose creator Ian Fleming, himself a former officer of the Naval Intelligence Directorate, declared: 'James Bond is just a piece of nonsense I dreamed up. He's not a Sidney Reilly, you know!'(1) Other estimates of his achievements have been rather less flattering though. Some senior officials of the Foreign Office in London, for instance, were said to have dismissed the Reilly legend as one derived largely from his inclination to 'exaggerate his own importance', while an acclaimed historical study of Britain's secret intelligence agencies described Reilly's secret service career overall as 'remarkable, though largely ineffective ...'.(2) Examination of his reports from South Russia, and their manner of compilation as well, affords us a unique opportunity to assess both his function and performance, at least on this particular occasion, as an agent in the field for MI6.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialist Revolutionary Party
    onmicrofilm The SocialistRevolutionary Party Archive collection of the PartiiaSocialistov-Revoliutsionerov 5EIVIA5HBOAM fi1iROP1361.1 oliPtT 'EMI) Tbm Pth0CBO E 11APT151- CORIAA VICTOR% PEBOAKRIOHEPOITh International Institute of Social History (IISH) IDC The Socialist Revolutionary Party The archives of the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SR) are now for the first time available in convenient, fully-indexed microfilm format from IDC Publishers. This collection, held by the International Institute of Social History (IISH), Amsterdam, contains minutes of party congresses and documents of local party organizations in Russia and Western Europe, original correspondence, leaflets and proclamations, documents of and about Socialist International, Russian Ochranka and many other organizations. This microform collection is without any doubt anindispensable research tool in the field of social history and Slavic studies. History of the Socialist Revolutionary Moscow and brother-in-law of Tsar Karlsruhe. Upon returning to Russia in Party Nicolas H. Meanwhile,a left-wing 1899 he moved in circles connected Partiia Socialistov-Revoliutsionerov (in spin-off, the Maximalists, pursued a with the birth of the SR in 1901. When Russian, abbreviated to ceserys) terrorist campaign against the state even Gershuni, a principal advocate of occupies a special place in Russian more intense than that of the SR. In terrorism within the SR was arrested for history. Together with that of the 1905 the main party advocated the the murder of Minister Sipiagin in 1902, Mensheviks and the anarchists, this formation of a Constituent Assembly Azev became the head of the party's history belongs to the victims to the left and supported universal suffrage. Combat organization. He was a prime of the Bolsheviks.
    [Show full text]
  • Arkhangel'sk, 1918: Regionalism and Populism in the Russian Civil War Author(S): Yanni Kotsonis Source: Russian Review, Vol
    The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review Arkhangel'sk, 1918: Regionalism and Populism in the Russian Civil War Author(s): Yanni Kotsonis Source: Russian Review, Vol. 51, No. 4 (Oct., 1992), pp. 526-544 Published by: Wiley on behalf of The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/131044 . Accessed: 15/11/2013 01:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Wiley and The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Russian Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Fri, 15 Nov 2013 01:18:00 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Arkhangel'sk,1918: Regionalismand Populism in the Russian Civil War YANNI KOTSONIS In August 1918 a group of moderate socialists, liberals, and army officers over- threw the Bolshevik authorities of Arkhangel'sk province and replaced them with the Supreme Administration of the Northern Region (Verkhovnoe Upravlenie Severnoi Oblasti). The new authorities intended the North to serve as a foothold from which to remove the Bolsheviks from power in the remainder of Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • Map 10 Banditry and Its Liquidation // 1920 - 1922 Colored Lithographic Print, 64 X 102 Cm
    Banditry and Its Liquidation 1920 - 1922 “. Пусть буржуазия свирепствует, пусть она убивает тысячи рабочих,- победа за нами, победа всемирной коммунистийеской революции обеспечена.” “. Let the bourgeoisie rage, let it kill thousands of workers, - Victory is ours, the victory of the world communist revolution is assured.” 62 Map 10 Banditry and Its Liquidation // 1920 - 1922 Colored Lithographic print, 64 x 102 cm. Compilers: A. N. de-Lazari and N. N. Lesevitskii Artist: S. R. Zelikhman Historical Background and Thematic Design The Russian Civil War did not necessarily end with the defeat of the Whites. Its final stage involved various independent bands of partisans and rebels that took advantage of the chaos enveloping the country and contin- ued to operate in rural areas of Ukraine, Tambov Province, the lower Volga, and western Siberia, where Bol- shevik authority was more or less tenuous. Their leaders were by and large experienced military men who stoked peasant hatred for centralized authority, whether it was German occupation forces, Poles, Moscow Bol- sheviks, or Jews. They squared off against the growing power of the communists, which is illustrated as series of five red stars extending over all four sectors. The red circle identifies Moscow as the seat of Soviet power, while the five red stars, enlarging in size but diminishing in color intensity as they move further from Moscow, represent the increasing strength of Communism in Russia during the years 1920-22. The stars also serve as symbolic shields, apparently deterring attacking forces that emanate from Poland, Ukraine, and the Volga region. The red flag with the gold emblem of the hammer-and-sickle in the upper hoist quarter, and the letters Р.
    [Show full text]
  • Evil Men Have No Songs: the Terrorist and Literatuer Boris Savinkov, 1879-1925
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2016 Evil Men Have No Songs: The eT rrorist and Literatuer Boris Savinkov, 1879-1925 Irina Vasilyeva Meier University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Comparative Literature Commons Recommended Citation Meier, I. V.(2016). Evil Men Have No Songs: The Terrorist and Literatuer Boris Savinkov, 1879-1925. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/3565 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EVIL MEN HAVE NO SONGS: THE TERRORIST AND LITTÉRATUER BORIS SAVINKOV, 1879-1925 by Irina Vasilyeva Meier Bachelor of Science Eastern New Mexico University, 2008 Master of Arts Eastern New Mexico University, 2010 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2016 Accepted by: Judith Kalb, Major Professor Alexander Ogden, Committee Member Alexander Beecroft, Committee Member John Muckelbauer, Committee Member Elena Osokina, Committee Member Lacy Ford, Senior Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Irina Vasilyeva Meier, 2016 All Rights Reserved ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Back in the ninth grade I took an interest in a new book on the family bookshelf, because I recognized the author’s name from my Russian history class. The book was called Vospominaniia terrorista (The Memoirs of a Terrorist) by Boris Savinkov.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory Politics in Contemporary Russia
    Memory Politics in Contemporary Russia This book examines the societal dynamics of memory politics in Russia. Since Vladimir Putin became president, the Russian central government has increas- ingly actively employed cultural memory to claim political legitimacy and dis- credit all forms of political opposition. The rhetorical use of the past has become adefining characteristic of Russian politics, creating a historical foundation for the regime’s emphasis on a strong state and centralised leadership. Exploring memory politics, this book analyses a wide range of actors, from the central government and the Russian Orthodox Church to filmmaker and cultural heavyweight Nikita Mikhalkov and radical thinkers such as Alek- sandr Dugin. In addition, in view of the steady decline in media freedom since 2000, it critically examines the role of cinema and television in shaping and spreading these narratives. Thus, this book aims to promote a better understanding of the various means through which the Russian government practices its memory politics (e.g. the role of state media) while at the same time pointing to the existence of alternative and critical voices and criticism that existing studies tend to overlook. Contributing to current debates in the field of memory studies and of cur- rent affairs in Russia and Eastern Europe, this book will be of interest to scholars working in the fields of Russian studies, cultural memory studies, nationalism and national identity, political communication, film, television and media studies. Mariëlle Wijermars is a postdoctoral researcher at the Aleksanteri Institute, University of Helsinki. Studies in Contemporary Russia Series Editor: Markku Kivinen Studies in Contemporary Russia is a series of cutting-edge, contemporary studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Sidney Reilly's Reports from South Russia, December 1918-March 1919
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queensland University of Technology ePrints Archive Ainsworth, J. (1998) Sidney Reilly's reports from South Russia, December 1918-March 1919. Europe-Asia Studies. 50(8) 1447-1470 COPYRIGHT 1998 Carfax Publishing Company Sidney Reilly's reports from South Russia, December 1918-March 1919. John Ainsworth Sidney Reilly has become a legendary figure as the master spy of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6). 'He was surely not only the master spy of this century', wrote one ardent admirer, 'but of all time'. While his activities as an intelligence agent in British service have only been glimpsed through the veil of secrecy that officialdom invariably imposes on such matters, nonetheless, they seem to have an aura of the extraordinary about them. Supposedly they even surpassed the amazing exploits of the fictional super-spy character James Bond, whose creator Ian Fleming, himself a former officer of the Naval Intelligence Directorate, declared: 'James Bond is just a piece of nonsense I dreamed up. He's not a Sidney Reilly, you know!'(1) Other estimates of his achievements have been rather less flattering though. Some senior officials of the Foreign Office in London, for instance, were said to have dismissed the Reilly legend as one derived largely from his inclination to 'exaggerate his own importance', while an acclaimed historical study of Britain's secret intelligence agencies described Reilly's secret service career overall as 'remarkable, though largely ineffective ...'.(2) Examination of his reports from South Russia, and their manner of compilation as well, affords us a unique opportunity to assess both his function and performance, at least on this particular occasion, as an agent in the field for MI6.
    [Show full text]
  • The GREAT CONSPIRACY Against RUSSIA
    “AN EXTRAORDINARY BOOK” — Joseph E. Davies FORMER AMBASSADOR TO THE SOVIET UNION The GREAT CONSPIRACY against RUSSIA by MICHAEL SAYERS AND ALBERT E. KAHN AUTHORS OF SABOTAGE Special Introduction by Senator Claude Pepper NEW COMPLETE AND UNABRIDGED EDITION ABOUT THE AUTHORS The authors of this book, Michael Sayers and Albert E. Kahn, have won an international reputation for their investigations of se- cret diplomacy and fifth column operations; For a number of years Mr. Sayers specialized in investigating and writing about Axis fifth column intrigue; and the first compre- hensive exposes of Nazi conspiracy in France, England and Ireland to be published in the United States were written by Mr. Sayers. Mr. Sayers is also well known as a short story writer, and Edward J. O’Brien dedicated one of his famous anthologies to him. Albert E. Kahn was formerly the Executive Secretary of the American Council Against Nazi Propaganda, of which the late Wil- liam E. Dodd, former Ambassador to Germany, was Chairman. As editor of The Hour, a confidential newsletter devoted to exposing Axis fifth column operations, Mr. Kahn became widely known for his exclusive news scoops on German and Japanese conspiratorial activities in the Americas. The first book on which Mr. Sayers and Mr. Kahn collaborated, Sabotage! The Secret War Against America, was one of the out- standing best-sellers of the war period. Their second book, The Plot Against the Peace achieved top sales in the early months of the postwar period. Their current work, The Great Conspiracy Against Russia, was first published early in February, 1946.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Nationalism
    Russian Nationalism This book, by one of the foremost authorities on the subject, explores the complex nature of Russian nationalism. It examines nationalism as a multi­ layered and multifaceted repertoire displayed by a myriad of actors. It considers nationalism as various concepts and ideas emphasizing Russia’s distinctive national character, based on the country’s geography, history, Orthodoxy, and Soviet technological advances. It analyzes the ideologies of Russia’s ultra­ nationalist and far-right groups, explores the use of nationalism in the conflict with Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, and discusses how Putin’s political opponents, including Alexei Navalny, make use of nationalism. Overall the book provides a rich analysis of a key force which is profoundly affecting political and societal developments both inside Russia and beyond. Marlene Laruelle is a Research Professor of International Affairs at the George Washington University, Washington, DC. BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies Series editors: Judith Pallot (President of BASEES and Chair) University of Oxford Richard Connolly University of Birmingham Birgit Beumers University of Aberystwyth Andrew Wilson School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London Matt Rendle University of Exeter This series is published on behalf of BASEES (the British Association for Sla­ vonic and East European Studies). The series comprises original, high­ quality, research­ level work by both new and established scholars on all aspects of Russian,
    [Show full text]