Iran's Reserve of Last Resort

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Iran's Reserve of Last Resort Iran’s Reserve of Last Resort UNCOVERING THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARD CORPS GROUND FORCES ORDER OF BATTLE MARIE DONOVAN, NICHOLAS CARL, AND FREDERICK W. KAGAN JANUARY 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Executive Summary assem Soleimani’s death, the prospect of further • The IRGC Ground Forces are organized around Q US-Iranian military escalation, and the reemer- headquarters that are meant to coordinate the gence of large protests in Iran in recent months raise operations of Iranian paramilitary forces and sup- the question of Iran’s capacity to conduct military port the Quds Force’s use of proxy groups such as operations beyond its borders while suppressing dis- Iraqi Shi’a militias abroad. sent within them. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Ground Forces are Tehran’s reserve • Their basing in Iran indicates a primary focus on of last resort for both internal and external security suppressing internal unrest and waging irregular challenges. They fought extensively in Syria in 2015–16 warfare in the rear of an invader rather than on and could be used to crush domestic opposition in defending against an invasion conventionally. the last extreme, although they have not yet fully taken on that role. • Their organizational structure and the pattern of Their capabilities are limited by both their need their operations in Syria suggest that they might to remain available to meet internal challenges to be challenged to coordinate large-scale (multi- regime survival and their reliance on other paramili- division) operations abroad and possibly at home. tary forces to fill out their ranks. They would likely be challenged to handle a large-scale regional conflict at • The fact that the Iranian leadership has not yet the same time as major domestic unrest, potentially had to use them on a large scale to suppress grow- forcing the regime to choose between maintaining ing domestic unrest suggests that the regime still internal stability and continuing some external mil- has a potent reserve force to ensure its survival itary operations. even if the unrest grows considerably, as long as it does not also face a requirement for large-scale military operations abroad. 1 Iran’s Reserve of Last Resort UNCOVERING THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARD CORPS GROUND FORCES ORDER OF BATTLE Marie Donovan, Nicholas Carl, and Frederick W. Kagan he killing of Qassem Soleimani has focused operation.4 The operational units of the IRGC Ground T attention on the branch of the Islamic Revolu- Forces seem not to have participated directly in that tionary Guard Corps (IRGC) that he commanded— crackdown, however. They appear to be the only cate- the Quds Force. The Quds Force is the IRGC’s gory of forces with an internal security mandate held external operations arm and has conducted the most entirely in reserve during this crisis. well-known attacks against American and other Iran’s leaders committed some of those forces to international targets including, most recently, order- Syria only at the height of combat operations in 2015 ing the rocket attack that killed one American and and 2016, moreover. The regime leadership’s appar- wounded several others in Kirkuk, Iraq, on Decem- ent reluctance to use the IRGC Ground Forces in the ber 27, 2019.1 The Quds Force is only a small portion most severe internal crackdown since the revolution of the IRGC’s combat power, most of which resides and even in the largest military operation Iran has in the divisions and brigades of the IRGC Ground conducted beyond its borders since the Iran-Iraq Forces, however.2 Soleimani commanded the Ira- War suggests that it sees the IRGC Ground Forces as nian effort to help Syrian despot Bashar al Assad a reserve of last resort. We therefore must consider crush Syria’s rebellious population, but Soleimani the scale and capacity of these forces and at what drew on regular IRGC combat units to support the point the regime might have to choose between sup- Quds Force at the peak of that fight.3 porting foreign activities and ensuring its domes- Soleimani’s death calls into question the future tic security if protests worsen as external security of the Quds Force’s dominance over Iranian mili- requirements rise. tary operations abroad. Its new commander, Esmail The Critical Threats Project at the American Ghaani, has nothing like Soleimani’s presence and Enterprise Institute has therefore developed an influence. The regular IRGC forces may come to order of battle of the IRGC Ground Forces to help play a more significant role in shaping and conduct- make that assessment. An order of battle is a list of ing Iran’s activities around the region. It is therefore units, their relationships to one another, equipment, urgent to understand the organization and capabili- structure, leadership, and locations. The basic order ties of the regular IRGC units. of battle presented in this report gives insight into The regime’s response to the most recent round of the capabilities the Iranian leadership apparently large-scale protests in Iran underscores this urgency. values most in the IRGC Ground Forces—specif- The regime moved much more rapidly to using bru- ically the ability to organize, plan, and oversee the tality and lethal force against protesters in November conduct of military, paramilitary, and internal secu- 2019 than it had in any previous protest suppression rity operations beyond the scale of what the Quds 2 IRAN’S RESERVE OF LAST RESORT MARIE DONOVAN, NICHOLAS CARL, AND FREDERICK W. KAGAN Force can handle outside Iran and what Iran’s Law Challenges and Limitations of an IRGC Enforcement Forces (LEF) and Basij can manage Order of Battle inside the country. Laying out even the most basic order of battle of the IRGC Ground Forces is surprisingly difficult. Neither The IRGC Ground Forces in the Context official Iranian websites nor independent analysts of Iran’s Security Services have offered a full listing of the IRGC’s conventional units, although some sites have partial compilations.7 The Iranian regime maintains four overlapping secu- The Iranian government has clearly sought to make rity services, all but one of which (the Artesh) are the task of compiling this information difficult, in fact, present in almost every province of the country. All by ensuring that IRGC units have a minimal internet have some internal security role and have deployed presence.8 This attempt at secrecy is somewhat odd elements to fight in Syria. for a formally structured military organization that is Iran’s conventional military, the Artesh, has army, far from covert. navy, and air force components similar to those of any Important questions thus remain unanswered, such other country’s conventional forces and an air defense as exactly how the various units relate to one another, branch. It is responsible for defending Iran’s territory the relationship between Ground Forces operational and has historically vied with the IRGC for resources units and provincial units (a distinction we will con- and control over conventional military capabilities. sider in somewhat more detail presently), and even the The IRGC also has an air force and naval forces locations of some units. The peacetime manning and of its own, in addition to its ground forces, partially equipment levels of these units are also unclear. This duplicating the Artesh services.5 The two forces had report therefore does not attempt to determine how been differentiated until recently by the IRGC’s ori- brigades might be subordinated to divisions or draw entation on defending the Islamic Revolution that conclusions about the strength or combat effective- Ayatollah Khomeini began in 1979 and the Artesh’s ness of IRGC Ground Forces units in general. focus on defending Iran’s borders, a distinction that has steadily eroded over the past few years.6 The IRGC also controls the Basij Organization—a Methodology vast enterprise including ideological youth move- ments and highly trained, quasi-professional paramil- Iranian efforts to conceal the IRGC Ground Forces’ itary units, among other elements. The IRGC relies on structure have been only partially successful. Ground Basij units to fill out its own ranks. The IRGC itself is Forces units have fought and taken losses in Syria, and further divided into operational units—the divisions Iranian media has reported those losses along with and brigades presented in this report—and territorial the unit affiliations of many of the deceased. Units units, which are aligned with Iran’s provincial and dis- regularly announce changes of command, and their trict boundaries. commanders often speak at local and regional events. Both the Artesh and the IRGC report through IRGC officials sometimes announce which units par- the Armed Forces General Staff directly to Supreme ticipate in certain exercises and often describe and Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, bypassing the Iranian praise the actions of particular units helping in disas- president, who is not in the military chain of com- ter responses. Careful compilation and analysis of mand. The president nominally controls Iran’s gen- such atomized bits of information over several years darmerie, the LEF that falls under the purview of the have made possible the basic order of battle pre- interior minister whom the president appoints. The sented below. LEF is the regime’s first line of defense against pro- This project also used the extensive discussions of tests and civil unrest. the activities of IRGC combat units and their leaders 3 IRAN’S RESERVE OF LAST RESORT MARIE DONOVAN, NICHOLAS CARL, AND FREDERICK W. KAGAN in the Iran-Iraq War published by the IRGC itself to The headquarters’ elements themselves are thus glorify its role in that conflict and Iranian publications likely the most salient parts of the IRGC Ground about their evolving military doctrine and force struc- Forces, as they are intended to be the units of organi- ture.
Recommended publications
  • Iran Case File (April 2019)
    IRAN CASE FILE March 2020 RASANAH International Institute for Iranian Studies, Al-Takhassusi St. Sahafah, Riyadh Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. P.O. Box: 12275 | Zip code: 11473 Contact us [email protected] +966112166696 The Executive Summary .............................................................4 Internal Affairs .........................................................................7 The Ideological File ......................................................................... 8 I. Closing Shrines and Tombs ................................................................ 8 II. Opposition to the Decision Taken by Some People ............................. 8 III. Reaction of Clerics ........................................................................... 9 IV. Affiliations of Protesters .................................................................. 11 The Political File ............................................................................12 I. Khamenei Politicizes the Epidemic and Accuses Enemies of Creating the Virus to Target the Iranian Genome ..............................12 II. President Hassan Rouhani’s Slow Response in Taking Precautions to Face the Crisis ..................................................................................13 The Economic File ..........................................................................16 I. Forcible Passage of the Budget ...........................................................16 II. Exceptional Financial Measures to Combat the Coronavirus ............. 17 III. The
    [Show full text]
  • Winning the Salvo Competition Rebalancing America’S Air and Missile Defenses
    WINNING THE SALVO COMPETITION REBALANCING AMERICA’S AIR AND MISSILE DEFENSES MARK GUNZINGER BRYAN CLARK WINNING THE SALVO COMPETITION REBALANCING AMERICA’S AIR AND MISSILE DEFENSES MARK GUNZINGER BRYAN CLARK 2016 ABOUT THE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND BUDGETARY ASSESSMENTS (CSBA) The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments is an independent, nonpartisan policy research institute established to promote innovative thinking and debate about national security strategy and investment options. CSBA’s analysis focuses on key questions related to existing and emerging threats to U.S. national security, and its goal is to enable policymakers to make informed decisions on matters of strategy, security policy, and resource allocation. ©2016 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mark Gunzinger is a Senior Fellow at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. Mr. Gunzinger has served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Forces Transformation and Resources. A retired Air Force Colonel and Command Pilot, he joined the Office of the Secretary of Defense in 2004. Mark was appointed to the Senior Executive Service and served as Principal Director of the Department’s central staff for the 2005–2006 Quadrennial Defense Review. Following the QDR, he served as Director for Defense Transformation, Force Planning and Resources on the National Security Council staff. Mr. Gunzinger holds an M.S. in National Security Strategy from the National War College, a Master of Airpower Art and Science degree from the School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, a Master of Public Administration from Central Michigan University, and a B.S. in chemistry from the United States Air Force Academy.
    [Show full text]
  • The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
    The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Iranian Strategy in Syria
    *SBOJBO4USBUFHZJO4ZSJB #:8JMM'VMUPO KPTFQIIPMMJEBZ 4BN8ZFS BKPJOUSFQPSUCZ"&*ŦT$SJUJDBM5ISFBUT1SPKFDUJ/45*565&'035)&456%:0'8"3 .BZ All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ©2013 by Institute for the Study of War and AEI’s Critical Threats Project Cover Image: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad, and Hezbollah’s Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah appear together on a poster in Damascus, Syria. Credit: Inter Press Service News Agency Iranian strategy in syria Will Fulton, Joseph Holliday, & Sam wyer May 2013 A joint Report by AEI’s critical threats project & Institute for the Study of War ABOUT US About the Authors Will Fulton is an Analyst and the IRGC Project Team Lead at the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute. Joseph Holliday is a Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War. Sam Wyer served as an Iraq Analyst at ISW from September 2012 until February 2013. The authors would like to thank Kim and Fred Kagan, Jessica Lewis, and Aaron Reese for their useful insights throughout the writing and editorial process, and Maggie Rackl for her expert work on formatting and producing this report. We would also like to thank our technology partners Praescient Analytics and Palantir Technologies for providing us with the means and support to do much of the research and analysis used in our work. About the Institute for the Study of War The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education.
    [Show full text]
  • Design Characteristics of Iran's Ballistic and Cruise Missiles
    Design Characteristics of Iran’s Ballistic and Cruise Missiles Last update: January 2013 Missile Nato or Type/ Length Diameter Payload Range (km) Accuracy ‐ Propellant Guidance Other Name System (m) (m) (kg)/warhead CEP (m) /Stages Artillery* Hasib/Fajr‐11* Rocket artillery (O) 0.83 0.107 6; HE 8.5 ‐ Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐12* Rocket artillery (O) 1.29 0.244 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐23* Rocket artillery (O) 1.82 0.333 120; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐14* Rocket artillery (O) 2.8 0.122 18.3; HE 21.5 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐25* Rocket artillery (O) 3.2 0.122 18.3; HE 30 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐36* Rocket artillery (O) 2 0.122 18.3; HE 18 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐17* Rocket artillery (O) 2.9 0.33 190; HE 13 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐28* Rocket artillery (O) 3.9 0.33 190; HE 20 Solid Spin stabilized Oghab9* Rocket artillery (O) 4.82 0.233 70; HE 40 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐310* Rocket artillery (O) 5.2 0.24 45; HE 45 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐511* Rocket artillery (O) 6.6 0.33 90; HE 75 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐112* Rocket artillery (O) 1.38 0.24 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐213* Rocket artillery (O) 1.8 0.333 60; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐614* Rocket artillery (O) 6.3 0.355 150; HE 100 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat15* Rocket artillery (O) 5.9 0.355 150; HE 120 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐116* Iran‐130 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 100‐125 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐1A17* Mushak‐120 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 160 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐1018* Mushak‐160 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.45 250; HE 150 Solid Spin stabilized Related content is available on the website for the Nuclear Threat Initiative, www.nti.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Statistical Bulletin 2013 Annual Statistical Bulletin
    2013 OPEC OPEC Annual Statistical Bulletin 2013 Annual Statistical Bulletin OPEC Helferstorferstrasse 17, A-1010 Vienna, Austria Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries www.opec.org Team for the preparation of the OPEC Annual Statistical Bulletin 2013 Director, Research Division Editorial Team Omar Abdul-Hamid Head, Public Relations and Information Department Project Leader Angela Agoawike Head, Data Services Department Adedapo Odulaja Editor Alvino-Mario Fantini Coordinator Ramadan Janan Design and Production Coordinator Alaa Al-Saigh Statistics Team Pantelis Christodoulides, Hannes Windholz, Senior Production Assistant Mouhamad Moudassir, Klaus Stöger, Harvir Kalirai, Diana Lavnick Mohammad Sattar, Ksenia Gutman Web and CD Application Dietmar Rudari, Zairul Arifin Questions on data Although comments are welcome, OPEC regrets that it is unable to answer all enquiries concerning the data in the ASB. Data queries: [email protected]. Advertising The OPEC Annual Statistical Bulletin now accepts advertising. For details, please contact the Head, PR and Information Department at the following address: Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries Helferstorferstrasse 17, A-1010 Vienna, Austria Tel: +43 1 211 12/0 Fax: +43 1 216 43 20 PR & Information Department fax: +43 1 21112/5081 Advertising: [email protected] Website: www.opec.org Photographs Page 5: Diana Golpashin. Pages 7, 13, 21, 63, 81, 93: Shutterstock. © 2013 Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries ISSN 0475-0608 Contents Foreword 5 Tables Page Section 1:
    [Show full text]
  • PROTESTS and REGIME SUPPRESSION in POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n OCTOBER 2020 n PN85 PROTESTS AND REGIME SUPPRESSION IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar Green Movement members tangle with Basij and police forces, 2009. he nationwide protests that engulfed Iran in late 2019 were ostensibly a response to a 50 percent gasoline price hike enacted by the administration of President Hassan Rouhani.1 But in little time, complaints Textended to a broader critique of the leadership. Moreover, beyond the specific reasons for the protests, they appeared to reveal a deeper reality about Iran, both before and since the 1979 emergence of the Islamic Republic: its character as an inherently “revolutionary country” and a “movement society.”2 Since its formation, the Islamic Republic has seen multiple cycles of protest and revolt, ranging from ethnic movements in the early 1980s to urban riots in the early 1990s, student unrest spanning 1999–2003, the Green Movement response to the 2009 election, and upheaval in December 2017–January 2018. The last of these instances, like the current round, began with a focus on economic dissatisfaction and then spread to broader issues. All these movements were put down by the regime with characteristic brutality. © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR In tracking and comparing protest dynamics and market deregulation, currency devaluation, and the regime responses since 1979, this study reveals that cutting of subsidies. These policies, however, spurred unrest has become more significant in scale, as well massive inflation, greater inequality, and a spate of as more secularized and violent.
    [Show full text]
  • King and Karabell BS
    k o No. 3 • March 2008 o l Iran’s Global Ambition t By Michael Rubin u While the United States has focused its attention on Iranian activities in the greater Middle East, Iran has worked O assiduously to expand its influence in Latin America and Africa. Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s out- reach in both areas has been deliberate and generously funded. He has made significant strides in Latin America, helping to embolden the anti-American bloc of Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua. In Africa, he is forging strong n ties as well. The United States ignores these developments at its peril, and efforts need to be undertaken to reverse r Iran’s recent gains. e t Both before and after the Islamic Revolution, Iran Iranian officials have pursued a coordinated has aspired to be a regional power. Prior to 1979, diplomatic, economic, and military strategy to s Washington supported Tehran’s ambitions—after expand their influence in Latin America and a all, the shah provided a bulwark against both Africa. They have found success not only in communist and radical Arab nationalism. Follow- Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Bolivia, but also in E ing the Islamic Revolution, however, U.S. officials Senegal, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. These new viewed Iranian visions of grandeur warily. alliances will together challenge U.S. interests in e This wariness has grown as the Islamic Repub- these states and in the wider region, especially if l lic pursues nuclear technology in contravention Tehran pursues an inkblot strategy to expand its d to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty safe- influence to other regional states.
    [Show full text]
  • Special Economic Zones
    Iran's Special Economic Zones Amir Abad Yazd Lorestan Khalij Fars Shahid Rajaee Pars Shiraz Petroshimi Khalij Fars Booshehr Sarakhs Bandar Booshehr Sirjan Salafchegan Payam Arge Jadid Pars Special Economic Energy Zone Headquarters P.O. Box: 75391 - 154,Pars Special Economic Energy Zone Org.,Assaluyeh, Boushehr Province, I.R.Iran Tel: +987727 37 63 30 Fax: +987727 37 63 18 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://pseez.ir Pars Special Economic Energy Zone PSEEZ is located adjacent to Assaluyeh, a village on the Persian Gulf, 280 Km southeast of Bushehr, 570 Km northwest of Bandar Abbas, and a 100 Km away from the offshore southern Pars Gas Fields in the Persian Gulf. Establishment for the utilization of ١٩٩٨ Pars Special Economic Energy Zone (PSEEZ) was established in South Pars oil and gas resources and encouraging commercial activities in the field of oil, gas and petrochemical industries. Objectives Facilitating for the on-time execution of various oil and gas projects, providing the appropriate foundation to attract local and foreign partnership with the aim of developing oil, gas and petrochemical industries as well as inter-related and downstream industries, creating local job opportunities and attracting skilled and semi-skilled workforce from neighboring provinces with regards to its positive effects on economic prosperity in the provinces of Bushehr, Fars and Hormozgan. Location .Km ٥٧٠ Km. East of Port of Bushehr and ٣٠٠ This zone is located the Persian Gulf coast and Km. away from the South Pars Gas ١٠٠ West of the Port of Bandar Abbas and approximately Field (Continuation of the Qatar’s Northern Dome).
    [Show full text]
  • Design Characteristics of Iran's Ballistic and Cruise Missiles
    Design Characteristics of Iran’s Ballistic and Cruise Missiles Last update: February 2013 Missile Nato or Type/ Length Diameter Payload Range (km) Accuracy ‐ Propellant Guidance Other Name System (m) (m) (kg)/warhead CEP (m) /Stages Artillery* Hasib/Fajr‐11* Rocket artillery (O) 0.83 0.107 6; HE 8.5 ‐ Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐12* Rocket artillery (O) 1.29 0.244 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐23* Rocket artillery (O) 1.82 0.333 120; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐14* Rocket artillery (O) 2.8 0.122 18.3; HE 21.5 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐25* Rocket artillery (O) 3.2 0.122 18.3; HE 30 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐36* Rocket artillery (O) 2 0.122 18.3; HE 18 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐17* Rocket artillery (O) 2.9 0.33 190; HE 13 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐28* Rocket artillery (O) 3.9 0.33 190; HE 20 Solid Spin stabilized Oghab9* Rocket artillery (O) 4.82 0.233 70; HE 40 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐310* Rocket artillery (O) 5.2 0.24 45; HE 45 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐511* Rocket artillery (O) 6.6 0.33 90; HE 75 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐112* Rocket artillery (O) 1.38 0.24 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐213* Rocket artillery (O) 1.8 0.333 60; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐614* Rocket artillery (O) 6.3 0.355 150; HE 100 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat15* Rocket artillery (O) 5.9 0.355 150; HE 120 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐116* Iran‐130 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 100‐125 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐1A17* Mushak‐120 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 160 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐1018* Mushak‐160 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.45 250; HE 150 Solid Spin stabilized Related content is available on the website for the Nuclear Threat Initiative, www.nti.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
    k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon.
    [Show full text]
  • Finding the Patterns of Indian Mosques Architecture
    Vol.14/ No.48/ Jun 2017 Received 2017/03/04 Accepted 2017/05/15 Persian translation of this paper entitled: الگویابی معماری مساجد هند is also published in this issue of journal. Finding the Patterns of Indian Mosques Architecture Ehsan Dizany* Abstract India is one of the countries that has had diverse civilizations from the distant past, so in architectural standpoint, this country is rich and varied. The arrival of Islam in India and the formation of Islamic governments led to the formation of a certain type of Islamic architecture in this subcontinent. The architecture of Indian mosques is evaluated as a prominent model of Islamic architecture of subcontinent. This study is based on the assumption that the pattern of Indian mosques architecture is a combination of early Iranian-Islamic architecture of mosques and Indian vernacular architecture. Finding the roots of Architectural features of Indian mosques is the subject of this article. In this paper, the influence of early Islamic mosques’ architecture and rich and historical architecture of India on Indian mosques architecture before the arrival of Islam and the architecture of developed Islamic civilizations in the Indian neighborhoods such as Iran, is studied. Generally Indian mosques architectural features include prayer-hall in the Qibla direction, existence of courtyard, Four-Iwan pattern, crusts odd divisions, especially triple ones, presence of mosque in plaza and its position on a Soffeh (in height), access to the mosque entrances by wide stairs, triple divisions of Gonbad Khane in the Qibla direction and the use of transparent porticos around courtyard (Half of the outer crust that has external view).
    [Show full text]