CONCORDIA THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY

Matthias Flacius lllyricw. HENRY W. REIMANN

The Pastor's Role in ~ocial Action NORMAN TEMME

Brief Studies

Homiletics

Theological Observer

Book Review

VOL. XXXV February 1964 No.2 lliyricus A Biographical Sketch By HENRY W. REIMANN

(EDITORIAL NOTE: After the death of the EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION Rev. Prof. Henry W. Reimann, S. T. M., on Jan­ uary 6, 1963, the manuscript which is herewith atthias Vlacic, the son of Andreas reproduced in a slighdy abbreviated as well as M Vlacic and his wife Jacobea Lu­ amplified form was found among his papers. It ciani, was born on March 3, 1520, in was obviously a preliminary study for the bio­ graphical chapter which he proposed to include Albona,l a south Istrian town of 1,200 in his doctoral dissertation on Matthias Flacius inhabitants. The VlaCics, originally rural Illyricus. For this initial sketch he had restricted peasants, had lived in this Adriatic city as himself to summarizing the essential data in Wilhelm Preger's German biography of Flacius, artisans and landlords for three generations. a standard work in its field even after a century, The Lucianis were a patrician family in and the German digest of a 20th-century biog­ town. Three families, the Vlacics, Lucianis, raphy by Flacius' fellow-countryman, Mijo Mir­ kovic. Although this material represents an un­ and Lupetinas, were related, and from these finished draft of the life of Flacius, it can well families came the leading intellectuals of serve English-speaking readers by making avail­ Albona. Nearby was the mining commu­ able a capsuled summary in English of the stand­ ard European biographies of the second-genera­ nity of Podlabin, where a Franciscan mon­ tion Lutheran theologian who next to Luther astery served as the village church. There and Melanchthon was probably the most learned lived the Albona prior Baldo Lupetina, who Lutheran scholar of the 16th century. In editing the manuscript for publication as an article in later languished twenty years in a Venetian our journal, some sections were shortened or dungeon for his and who was reworked. It was also supplemented in the foot­ so influential in Flacius' life. A brother notes widl references to other recent studies with which Mr. Reimann had been working. Because of Jacobea Vlacic was married to a sister of the preliminary nature of the study, it does of Baldo Lupetina. So Flacius' Luciani not include a documented assessment of Flacius' uncle was a brother-in-law of this famous character. Franciscan provincial.2 Flacius was frequendy irascible, stubborn, and uncharitable in his polemics [as his op­ These families were all of Croatian stock, ponents often were in theirs]. Although at as is much of southeast today. Ac- one time or another in his life he had been as­ sociated with practically every major Lutheran 1 Albona is the present city of Labin, Yugo­ leader, he had ultimately managed to alienate all slavia, located about forty miles southeast of but one or rwo of them. His one-sided zeal for Trieste. Luther's position as he understood it finally be­ 2 Mijo Mirkovic, Matija Vlacic Ilirik trayed him into heresy in the doctrine of orig­ (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska Akademija, 1960), inal . Yet his formidable abilities, his in­ 3-33; 487-490. In this study pp.487-549 defatigable industry, his important contributions are the German digest. This is followed by an to the theological sciences of Biblical interpre­ index (pp. 551-562) and 44 beautifully printed tation and church history, and his inflexible in­ photostatic reproductions of Flacius' correspon­ tegrity combined to give him such an influence dence and his interesting Slavic works. The on the course of events that the history of the author has evidendy made a thorough study of Lutheran movement in the 16th century is unin­ the Flaciana at , , and Stras­ telligible without an appreciation of his role.) bourg. Hereafter cited as M. 70 MATIHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRlCUS

tually, however, Albona was bilingual. In Lupetino would have him received as a lay the 15th century it had come under Vene­ brother in one of the famous Franciscan tian sovereignty, and while Croatian was monasteries at Padua or Bologna. He the language of the home, Italian was the wanted to serve God and the church by official and literary language. Indeed Istria, studying theology. But Baldo was already which Flacius called mea dulcissima patria a secret adherent of Luther's. He gave in the Clavis, was trilingual with the Slo­ Matthias some of the Reformer's writings venes in the north. This was the stony, and advised his young friend not to enter hilly, beautiful Illyrian coastland of which a cloister but to go to and there Flacius was always proud. (M., 438-455; study theology. Ten years later Flacius 540-543) wrote: "With great joy I accepted this After his father's early death, young advice." (P., 1,15) Matthias was instructed by Franciscus As­ In 1539 the young searcher left cerius, a learned Milanese tutor.a When for . From there he went to he was sixteen he was sent to Venice like , where Oswald Myconius, Simon many other Istrians for further humanistic Grynaeus, and were at studies. At this time many Croatians of work. Perhaps he made this side trip be­ Flacius' homeland moved to Venice to cause his old Venetian teacher, the human­ work as dock laborers, sailors, innkeepers, ist Giambattista Cipelli, had friendly con­ or to live as monks or scholars. Flacius stud­ tacts at Basel. Perhaps it was the Zwinglian ied there between 1536 and 1539. (M., superintendent at Augsburg, Bonifatius 24,489) W olfhardt, who directed the young man The young scholar hoped that Baldo to Switzerland. At any rate, now began a lifelong friendship with Oporinus, who a Wilhelm Preger, Matthias Flacius Illyricus later published Flacius' chief works. (M., und seine Zeit, 2 vols. (Erlangen: Theodor Blasing, 1859, 1861.) Cf. I, 13 f. The first 28,35,235,490, 525; P., I, 16) volume has 436 pages; the second, 581 pages including a 274-item list of books, pamphlets, FLACIUS' "SOUL STRUGGLE" tracts published by Flacius (II, 539-572) and While at Basel, Flacius lived in Gry­ an index to both volumes. Hereafter cited as P. - See also, particularly for more recent biblio­ naeus' house and pursued studies in Greek graphical references, the useful articles by Gustav and Hebrew. Here began also the "soul Kawerau in Realencyklopiidie liir protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3d ed., VI (1899), 82 to struggle" which was not to be ended until 92; Heinrich Bornkamm in Twentieth Century he reached . Preger interprets Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, I (1955), the beginning of this three-year crisis as 429-430; G. Buttler in Evangelisches Kirchen­ lexikon, I (1956), 1298-1300; and Gi.inther the first confrontation with the realities Moldaenke in Die Religion in Geschichte und of religion as it affected Flacius personally.4 Gegenwart, 3d ed., II (1958), 971, as well as the bibliographical references in Hans Lietzmann 4 Describing this struggle, Preger writes: "In (ed.), Die Bekenntnisschriften der evangelisch­ Stunden, wo diese Heimsuchung ihn am hef­ lutherischen Kirche heransgegeben im Gedenk­ tigsten ergriff, wo er sich nicht fiir einen nur jahr der Augsburgischen Konfession 1930, 4th Versuchten, sondern fiir einen Verworfenen ed. by Ernst Wolf (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck hielt, dachte er an Selbstmord.... Scheu wich und Ruprecht, 1959), pp.843, 872, 873, 913 er den Menschen aus. Niemandem offenbarte to 915, 937, 952, 1053-1055. er sich. Und in diesem Zustande quiilte er sich MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS 71

Mirkovic regards this as a personality con­ laying hold on this doctrine. This con­ flict (mental and spiritual) which Flacius viction, secured so dramatically about 1543, later interpreted as religious (M., 46-53, Matthias Flacius Iilyricus never 10st.6 490) . At any rate there is no gainsaying Mirkovic correctly points out other that the youth was very unhappy and un­ events which may have helped terminate certain. the crisis. He emphasizes especially the After a year at Basel, Flacius spent a role that Baldo Lupetina's imprisonment short time in Tubingen, where Grynaeus on November 4,1542, and his heroic stead­ had friends. In 1534 he and Ambrosius fastness must have played in the thinking Blaurer had reformed the university for of Flacius. With such a demonstration of Duke Ulrich. In Tubingen Flacius lived evangelical faith by his countryman, bene­ with a fellow Elavic Iilyrian, Matthias Gar­ factor, friend, adviser, and near relative, bitius, a professor of Greek. On the faculty there must be no more uncertainty for him! was Melanchthon's good friend Joachim There now could be no turning back to Camerarius, a professor of classics. Rome! (M., 53-55,491) In 1541, passing through Regensburg Furthermore, from now on Flacius came at the time of the Colloquy, he finally into closer contact with . The arrived in Wittenberg. Upon the recom­ great man made use of Flacius by having mendation of his Tubingen friends, Me­ him travel to Venice in the summer of lanchthon received the sad young foreigner 1543 with a letter to the Doge, Pietro gladly. He provided for him and supplied Lando, from Elector John Frederick and him with students to tutor in Greek and the other princes of the Smalcaldic League Hebrew. The inner struggles continued.5 on behalf of Lupetina. This activity on Finally, in despair over this three-year behalf of Luther and the personal wit­ conflict, he talked to chaplain Friedrich ness of the Franciscan's faith (for he vis­ Backofen with whom he lived. The story ited Baldo in his dungeon) combined to passed to Bugenhagen and so to Luther. bring Flacius new evangelical certainty and Luther, sensing the similarity to his own zeaP struggles, comforted the young tutor with 6 Here Twesten and Preger find the key for the of by faith alone. Flacius' entire life, especially his intense zeal to Public prayer was made for Flacius, and guard Lutheran doctrine. Cf. A. Twesten, Mat­ thias Flacius Illyricus, eine Vorlesung (Berlin: he was cured. He was certain that the G. Bethke, 1844), p. 5 fl. Cf. P., I, 23 n. Twes­ resolution of his problem was due to his ten's sketch is actually only 31 pages long. The book also includes Flacius' 1549 Apologia drei volle Jahre, bis seine Gestalt verfiel und er against the Wittenberg charges, his 1568 Nar­ sich vor Schwachheit dem Tode nahe fiihlte." ratio of all the controversies, composed for the (P., I, 18 f.) theologians, and his 1572 report to 5 Preger writes: "Sein niedergedriickter Geist the Strasbourg council, all in German transla­ schien neue Schwungkraft erhalten zu sollen .... tions (pp. 1-107). Hermann Rossel's critical Doch schnell war auch dieser Reiz des Neuen, essay "Melanchthon und das Interim" (pp.l11 Ungewohnlichen dahin, die Krafte seiner Seele to 143) concludes the volume. sanken in sich zusammen, Stiirme der Ver­ 7 Luther received an appeal for help from zweiflung und triibsinnige Erschlaflung wech­ the evangelicals of Venice in Vicenza and selten miteinander und schienen den Erschopf­ Treviso, written on Nov. 26, 1542 (WA Briefe, ten dem Tode nah zu bringen." (P., I, 21) 10, 197-208, No. 3817); his reply is dated MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

Scholarly productivity followed the new at this time that Baldo Lupetina was sen­ certainty. Soon Flacius became a master tenced to life imprisonment by the Venice of liberal arts, and in 1544, at 24 years authorities. (M., 70-72, 492) of age, he was appointed professor of He­ During the following year the Augsburg brew in the philosophical faculty of the Interim was the center of discussion. Al­ university. In the fall of 1545 he married though the secret meetings and negotia­ the daughter of Michael Faustus, venerable tions leading up to the pastor at Dabrun. Flacius prided himself had already begun, it was the Augsburg that the ailing Luther, just four months Interim and the plight of the church in before his death, attended the wedding south Germany that called forth Flacius' festivities. Besides his work in Hebrew, early pseudonymous tracts. Three of these Flacius lectured on Psalms, Romans, Corin­ were published in in 1548 and thians, Ephesians, and Galatians, as well early 1549 while Flacius was still at Wit­ as on Aristotle. His first work, indicative tenberg. The zealous young defender of of the grammatical-theological concerns the faith used the pseudonyms Johannes which engaged him all his life, was De Waremundus, Theodor Henetus, and Chris­ voce et re fidei, published in 1549 with tian Lauterwar. "Waremundus" attacked Melanchthon's preface addressed to Arch­ the emperor who without the agree­ bishob Thomas Cranmer. But meanwhile ment of the evangelicals determined their the Smalcaldic War, the Interims, and faith. Opposition to the death was encour­ Flacius' own tragic break with Wittenberg aged. "Henetus" criticized the Interim had occurred (P., I, 23-29; II, 232).8 itself, especially the article on the mass. "Lauterwar" bitterly attacked the canon BREAK WITH WITTENBERG of the mass and Johann Agricola, the Augs­ The turning point in the Smalcaldic War burg Interim's chief evangelical author. was the disastrous battle of Miihlberg, (P., I, 58-62; M., 90-92, 4% f.) April 24, 1547. Wittenberg capitulated As the negotiations that finally led to on May and the professors scattered. 19, the Leipzig Interim became more and more Flacius, his lectures on Aristotle inter­ known, the mask of anonymity began to rupted, found asylum with Nicolaus Medler slip. Flacius attacked opinions drafted by in Brunswick until the fall of when 1547, the Wittenberg theologians concerning the he returned to Wittenberg. It was also proposals of the electoral cOllit. He col­ June 13 (ibid., 328-333, No. 3885). The lected Luther's correspondence from the reply of the Smalcaldic League, which Flacius Coburg to Melanchthon at Augsburg; took with him, was dated June 26. In Luther's these letters exhort firmness .in dealing second letter to the Venetian evangelicals (Nov. 12, 1544) he speaks of Matthias Illyri­ with the papalists and bitterly criticize an cus, vestri studiosissimus (ibid., p.681, No. improper use of philosophy and diplomacy 4041, line 22). in theological matters. In November 1548 8 For a discussion of Flacius at Wittenberg Flacius wrote to Melanchthon that surren­ d. Walter Friedensburg, "Die Anstellung des Flacius Illyricus an der Universitat Wittenberg," der of any part of the truth would have Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte, XI, 1914. very serious consequences. He distributed MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 73

among his friends an anonymous tract Das THE INTERlMIST CONTROVERSY man nichts verandern soU. (P., I, 51, 64 f. Now the Interimist or Adiaphoristcon­ and 73; d. M., 93-95, 494) troversy began in earnest. Flacius next After the Leipzig Interim came out, but published his Apologia ad scholam Wite­ before any changes had been made in cere~ bergemem, which l'vfirkovic calls the most monies, Flacius, under the pseudonym splendid of his writings because of its Carolus Azarias published his vehement significant moral, literary, and scholarly Wider den schnoden Teufel. Here he virtues (M., 93, 94, 495, 496). Flacius attacked the form and the alleged am­ claims that he is not Melanchthon's biguity of the Leipzig Interim, as well as opponent but that of the godless, deceptive its silence over against papalistic doctrine. Interim. To see divine things forsaken so He held that an interim forced by the reprehensibly was a sword in his body. adversaries could not be tolerated and he All of these "adiaphoristic" changes were maintained that the "apostles" (i. e., the nothing else than Romanizing, a most cer­ Wittenbergers) had been used by the tain reintroduction of the papacy that he "Ahithophels" (court politicians) to bring hated. For Flacius ceremonies constituted Christians into trouble. (P., I, 67) the nerve of papalistic religion. He main­ tained that he had published private (on­ At Easter 1549, as some of the interim vers2t!OnS only to disrlose the truth, not ceremonies were about to be introduced, to sow discord. But where truth is de­ Flacius left Wittenberg. He did this, he fended, hatred arises, and that is unavoid­ later explained, so that he would not have able. (P., I, 84-90, 176, 185) to witness this corruption of truth and because of his increasingly dangerous posi­ Flacius, to be sure, found specific doc­ tion. He left with Melanchthon's permis­ trinal aberrations i[l the Leipzig Interim, sion, after giving as reasons for his sudden and these were particularly emphasized decision both his health and his unwilling­ later as the Adiaphoristic controversy spawned litter after litter of strife and dis­ ness to have to witness the "innovations." sension.9 Flacius insisted that the contro­ Because his wife was soon to give birth versy was not just over wearing a white to a child, he left her behind. From Wit­ surplice, but was doctrinal. Confirmation, tenberg he traveled to Magdeburg, where Nicolaus von Amsdorf received him cor­ he claimed, had been made a means of dially. Desiring a safer place for his family, grace. By the mention of satisfaction in the doctrine of repentance, he said, faith had he traveled through Liineburg to Hamburg. There the ministerium under Johannes been ignored. He held that the reintroduc- Aepinus encouraged him to continue the o Karl Heussi, Geschichte der theologischen fight. But Magdeburg, Gottes Kanzlei, be­ Fakultat .,>;u lena (Weimar: Hermann B6hlaus came his ultimate asylum because there Nachfolger, 1954), especially "Die Epigonen Luthers und Melanchthons," pp. 13-99. - On alone he was free enough to publish. Fla­ Flacius' role in the controversy see also H. C. cius had left Wittenberg for good, and von Hase, Die Gestalt del' Kil'che Luthers: Der casus confessionis im Kampf des Matthias Flacius everyone knew it. (P., I, 74; M., 68, 69, gegen das Interim (Giittingen: Vandenhoeck 492) und Ruprecht, 1940). 74 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS don of extreme unction would tempt men lanchthon's apparent weakness and op­ to try to perform apostOlic miracles. He portunism, nor did Melanchthon under­ called for a distinction between Mass and stand Flacius' motives.u Communion and argued that to have a Flacius' chief literary contribution to the Corpus Christi celebration is to agree to adiaphoristic debate was his De veris et transubstantiation. In answer to Melanch­ falsis adiaphoris published at Magdeburg than's plea for love, Flacius replied: What in 1549. Although the circumstances for is more appropriate for love than to hinder the controversy ended with the Peace of errors which may destroy the of Passau in 1552, when the evangelicals were the neighbor as well as God's honor? freed from imperial constraint through (P., I, 89, 187-189, 193-201) the efforts of Maurice, the pamphlet war Flacius and the other Magdeburg "Gne­ continued. Wittenberg and Magdeburg, sio-Lutherans" insisted on debating the Melanchthon and Flacius, were in opposite Leipzig Interim, although this had never camps, and Lutheranism was not to be at really been put into practice. The Witten­ peace until after the death of both. (P., I, bergers had largely ignored the Interim, 107) because they probably knew (which Flacius FLACIUS IN MAGDEBURG did ,!-;.e strategy of the electoral court Flacius' stay at Magdeburg lasted from to deceive the emperor. They were deal­ 1549 to 1557. A year after Flacius' arrival ing with church COndltlOnS in Saxony, in Magdeburg the year-long siege and where few changes had actually been made. Magdeburg's valiant defense against the Melanchthon's defense was clear: The emperor began. Flacius wrote various Saxon churches still had signs of the true pamphlets during this period (September pure doctrine of the Gospel, Scriptural use 1550 to November 1551). He invited the of the sacraments, and rejection of idols. He still stood upon the doctrine of his investing soldiers to disobey their superiors Loci. In short, essential doctrine had been (who were persecuting Christ Himself by preserved, and the churches and the uni­ persecuting Christ's church in Magdeburg), versity had been saved. Further contro­ urged the farmers to supply these armies versy was wrong. (P., I, 85,90,97) with no provisions, and encouraged the No, insisted Flacius, if a controversy besieged not to despair or grumble against arises, there must be an exact decision for suffering. Madgeburg finally capitulated the truth and an express rejection of error. in November 1551, but with her religious Only so can there be protection against the and civil liberties undiminished. The fol­ incursion of error.10 In all circumstances lowing spring victorious Maurice of Saxony Flacius wanted to guard the pure doctrine turned the tables on the emperor, and the (M., 495 ). For his faith's sake this young settlements of Passau and Augsburg ulti­ theologian, not yet thirty years old, had mately followed. (M., 105-117, 498 to left his homeland and the religion of his 500; P. I, 103) youth and was now risking his security Flacius apparently thrived on this change and life. He could not understand Me- from conservative Wittenberg and its aris-

10 Twesten, p.20. 11 Heussi, pp. 32£. MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS 75

tocratic university to this commercial city presents history as a battle between light of trade guilds, free farmers, and only a few and darkness, truth and error.12 nobility. Magdeburg was a magnified Ger­ It was also at Magdeburg that Flacius man Albona, a free city fighting for its began his study of Hussite literature, which religious and economic rights. Flacius also he continued until 1557. In 1555 there appreciated his freedom to publish in Mag­ appeared the first Croatian Lutheran pub­ deburg, and his scholarly abilities and lication Razgo-varanje meju papistu i jed- productivity grew apace. When Mirkovic 17im luteran (A Conversation Between a asserts that everything to which Flacius Papist and a Lutheran), which Mirkovic laid his hand in Magdeburg succeeded, he regards as Flacius' work. In Magdeburg is hardly exaggerating (M., 492, see also Flacius lived from the sale of his books. pp. 74-78) . At this time, too, the For his scholarly projects he received spe­ "Gnesio-Lutherans" who had taken refuge cial help from and from Maxi­ in Magdeburg were consolidating their milian, the later Holy Roman Emperor. forces in the continuing of the Interimistic (M., 126-149, 500-502) controversy with the support of the north­ ern cities and theologians. And while Ams­ CONTROVERSY WITH MAJOR AND MENIUS dorE may have l:. llS of Flacius continued to live and work in this group, Flacius was now its chief controversy. The Adiaphoristic contro­ spokesman. versy had spawned the Majoristic COntro­ In Magdeburg, beginning in 1552, Pla­ versy, and this in turn led to Flacius' con­ cius produced his great Catalogus testium troversy with Justus Menius. Although veritatis, the first edition of which appeared these controversies began with Amsdorf's in 1556. In this work, Placius assembled rejection of Major's proposition that good statements by evangelical witnesses to works are necessary for salvation, Flacius God's truth from all ages and countries. was also one of the chief protagonists. In Flacius regarded these men not merely as 1552 his Wider den Evangelisten des hei­ forerunners, but as essential parts of the ligen Chorrocks, D. Geitz Major was pub­ . In Magdeburg Placius also lished in Basel. It was impossible for Fla­ began work on the famous Centuries. Al­ cius to treat Major's view apart from his though the volume containing the first involvement in the Leipzig Interim. Ac­ three centuries of church history did not cording to Flacius, Major's proposition appear until 1559 (while Flacius was at was wrong because salvation means for­ ) , the Skizze, the Consultatio, the giveness, and in no sense are good works Methodus, and the Katalog der Quellen a cause of forgiveness. Besides, statements were worked out in Magdeburg. Here Flacius began the huge task of assembling 12 For an extensive evaluation of the Cen­ turies, cf. M., 271-335, 528-530. See also his researchers and materials for this work Martin H. Scharlemann, "Lutheran Scholarship that has often been called the first modern at Work: The ," The Lu­ church history. It was a work based on the theran Scholar, VI (1949),34-43, and Walter Nigg, Die Kirchengeschichtschreibttng: Grttnd­ sources, critically studied and evaluated, zuge ihrer historischen Entwickelttng (Munich: and yet with the Flacian scheme which C. H. Beck, 1934). 76 MATIBIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

that always need an interpretation to avoid CONTROVERSY WITH OSIANDER dangerous implications are unsuitable for AND SCHWENCKFELD theological discussion. Major himself de­ Meanwhile, Flacius was also engaged nied that good works justify and save in against Osiander and Schwenckfeld. At a meritorious way, but held that they are first Osiander called the Magdeburgers necessary for the preservation of faith and learned men, but when they took up the salvation. He subsequently withdrew the cudgel against him, "ignorant swineherds." objectionable thesis. Flacius was chiefly Preger argues that Flacius' position in this concerned with what he saw as a threat to controversy against the bitter enemy of the justification, whereas Major sought to com­ Wittenbergers demonstrates that he was bat a lazy, complacent Christianity. (P., not driven by jealousy.14 Osiander was I, 361, 375-398) preoccupied with the relationship between The elderly Amsdorf came to Thuringia creaturely and divine righteousness in in 1553 to suppress Majorism and in 1554 Christology. Flacius replied that although was made a Visitor. Shortly thereafter the essential eternal righteousness of Christ Menius, the superintendent at Gotha in is not idle in redemption, it is not the Ernestine, now ducal Saxony, became in- righteousness that justifies. From Osian­ volvL": ~ ___ : __ ~ __ J" :=~.. _~aching that the der's preoccupaliol1 with the person of new life which the Holy Spirit creates in Christ Flacius turned, as did Melanchthon, the believer is necessary for salvation, that to the actional categories of Law and we can lose salvation by our , and that Gospel (P., I, 233, 258). The polemic was we must preserve our salvation in a pure bitter,15 but Preger lauds the carefully de­ heart, a good conscience, and unvarnished veloped polemical methodology of Fla­ faith was attacked by Flacius in 1556. Sub­ CiUS.16 sequent attacks on Menius were published Chronologically, Flacius' controversy with in 1557 about the time Flacius was leaving Heinz Becker, Das Verhaltnis von Glauben und Magdeburg for Jena. Like Major (and Werken in der Itttherische-n Theolog;e (Munich: Melanchthon, too), Menius was concerned Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1955), pp.92-106, 203 with Libertinism within the Lutheran to 209. camp. Moreover, Flacius and Wigand did H P., I, 217. Duke Albrecht is supposed to have offered Flacius a present and a position not agree with Amsdorf's extreme view if he would side with Osiander. Flacius wrote that good works are detrimental to salva­ that he would rather be in league with the Wit­ tenbergers, his most hostile enemies, who al­ tion. Although Menius died in 1558, these ready believed that they had defeated Osiander, controversies continued until after Major's than to be on his side against the truth. death in 1570.13 15 Flacius called Osiander "einen stolzen und aufgeblasenen Zungendrescher, einen unver­ 13 P., I, 382-395. Preger also reports on schamten Sykophanten, einen stolzen, frechen a minor controversy between Flacius and Menius Geist." Preger considers this mild compared on the priesthood of believers, I, 401-417. On with the terms bandied about in Konigsberg by the whole controversy about the "necessity" of Osiander. P., I, 279. "good works" for "salvation," see also Ragnar 16 P., I, 277. The literature in this contro­ Bring, Forhalla-ndet mella'll tro oeh garningar versy was voluminous; d. P., I, 220-222, 287, inom lutersk teologi (Helsinki, 1933), Part One, and 291 for a description of the Flacian ma­ ch. III - iii, sec. 2, German translation by Karl- terial. MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 77

Sebwenckfeld occurs after the bulk of his Flacius rejected Schwenckfeld's view that anti-Osiandrian works and before the con­ every gift of God's grace is a part of His troversy with Menius. Schwenckfeld's con­ essential being. He pointed to Christ's cern was that Christians would make the humanity, humiliation, and obedience. (P., creaturely into an idol. He held that it 1,323,331 f.) would be unworthy of God to employ In this controversy Flacius' grammatical creaturely means. God's Word is God principles of Biblical interpretation are Himself, and He does not need means. evident. In the There are twO kinds of hmnanity, inner everything hinged on the meaning of and outer, and God works on the inner "righteousness." In the controversy with man only through the living Word, Jesus Schwenckfeld it was the meaning of Christ. He argued that the Flacian em­ "Word." Flacius reacted to Schwenckfeld's phasis on the external word is philosoph­ of a double interpretation ical, not theological. These avenues from (inner and outer) with these words: "Ieb eyes and ears to the heart belong to the halte mich mit beiden Handen an dem natural order of things, not to the spiritual. klaren Text." 18 It is striking that this charge of philos­ ophiz:-.::: (which Cbander like,';";,: brought ATTEMPTS AT RECONCILIATION against his enemies) is later employed by There were some attempts at reconciling Hacius himself in his anthropological con­ the warring parties within German Luther­ troversies. (P., 1,314, 329ff.) anism while Flacius was still at Magdeburg. In this controversy Flacius concentrated In 1553 he and Gallus had appealed for on the faa that the Holy Spirit truly and a synod. In 1556 Duke Christopher of powerfully employs the human word as Wiirttemberg made his first move toward an instrument for His work. Not only did uniting the princes and theologians of the Flacius expose the Eutychian elements in . The Religious Peace Schwenckfeld's Christology, but he battled of Augsburg in 1555, which gave legal against capnclOus subjectivism of all status to the adherents of the Augsburg kindsP As in his answer to Osiander, Confession, was a new spur toward soli­ darity. (P., II, 4-13) 17 P., I, 307, 317, and 351f. Flacius insisted that Scripture was the Word, not in its syllables On September 4, 1556, Melanchthon or letters, but in its meaning. Ibid., 318. wrote to Flaci us and conceded his share Schwenckfeld maintained that the Word was nothing else than God's being, and since Scrip­ 18 P., I, 334. The literature again is volu· ture was not God's being, it was not the Word. minous; cf. P., I, 308-310, for a listing of the Flacius replied: The Word is different from major works. The polemic was also quite bitter. God's being; it is a creature; but as the aperatia Like Luther, Flacius sometimes referred to his dei it is creature and still the Word of God: opponent as "Stenckfeld." - See also Paul L Ibid., 324. On Flacius' principles of Biblical Maier, on the Person and interpretation see Giinther Moldaenke, Schrift· ]j7 ark of Christ (Assen, The Netherlands: Royal verstandnis fmd Schr;ftdeutung im Zeitalter der Van Gorcum, 1959), and Gottfried Maron, In· Reformation, Part I: Matthias Flacius Illyricus dividualismus und Gemeinschaft bei Caspa.r von (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1936), and K. A. Schwenckfeld: Seine Theologie dargestellt mit von Schwarz, "Die theologische Hermeneutik besonderer Ausrichtung auf seinen Kirchen· des Matthias Flacius Illyricus," Luther·lahrbuch, begriff (Stuttgart: Evangelisches Verlagswerk, . . . (1933). 1961) . 78 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

of responsibility for the Leipzig Interim. Ernestine Saxon dukes in the hard days Thereupon Flacius renewed his efforts to following on the Smalcaldic War. Jena get a fuller confession of guilt "in order was not yet a university, but in the fol­ to preserve the truth and eradicate error" lowing year, 1558, the patent was granted (P., II, 25-29). Earlier Flacius had set by the emperor.22 An entirely new phase forth his "mild proposals" for reconcilia­ of Flacius' career begins here. tion, but they had been declined.19 The When Flacius came to Jena, his two final effort at theological arbitration in this colleagues on the theological faculty were period was initiated from the north. Super­ Victorinus Strigel, who had been at Jena intendents from Lubeck, Hamburg, Lune­ since its beginning in 1548, and Strigel's burg, and Brunswick, with a pastor or father-in-law Erhard Schnepff, who had professor accompanying them, arrived in joined him as a colleague a year later. Magdeburg on January 14, 1557, favorably There were good realations between these inclined toward Flacius' proposals.20 two humanistic Swabians who, although strict Lutherans, were friendly to Melanch­ Thereupon followed the futile Kosswig thon. Actually Jena had been rather undis­ negotiations. In this town near Witten­ turbed by the political and theological berg, Flacius, Wigand, Judex, and Baum­ quarrels of the decade. The Majoristic gartner as delegates from Magdeburg controversy had indeed passed into Thu­ waited while the north German commis­ ringia, but had involved Superintendent sioners scurried back and forth from Wit­ Justus Menius rather than the school. Bur tenberg. Flacius' big fear was that the with Amsdorf's advent in ducal Saxony, Lower Saxons would yield. In the end, the strength of the "Gnesio-Lutherans" had although both sides conceded a little, grown.23 Melanchthon did not give an unequivocal Actually Flacius would have preferred admission of guilt, and the attempt was to go elsewhere. Duke John Frederick a failure. Preger, after defending Flacius' (called "der Mittlere"), who succeeded his role at Kosswig, chides him and the Mag­ father, John Frederick the Magnanimous deburgers for acting as judges, although (d. 1554), had invited Flacius to Weimar Melanchthon was also unyielding. (P., 58, for an interview in 1555. Amsdorf acted in 59)21 the negotiations in which Flacius finally PROFESSOR AT JENA agreed to the Jena professorship. At the In the spring of 1557 Flacius arrived in same time, however, Count Otto Henry of Jena as the newly called professor of Neuberg, who in February 1556 had be­ theology in the academy begun by the come elector of the Palatinate, had called Flacius to . He wished to go, 19 Cf. P., II, 9-11, for the text of these proposals. but Duke John Frederick would not release 20 P., II, 33. The Brunswick men were him. (P., II, 105-108) Marlin and Chemnitz. 21 In 1556, David Chytraeus had written: 22 Heussi, p. 37. For a description of the "So lange Philippus und Flacius lebten, wiirde statutes of the theological faculty d. Heussi's wohl nie eine Einigung zu Stande kommen." long footnote, p.26. (P., II, 17) 23 Ibid., pp.27-29. MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 79

Flacius arrived in Jena on April 27, colloquy would weaken evangelical doc­ 1557, and on May 17 held his inaugural trine (M., 508; see also 164-169). When address, although he first began his lectures on Sept. 11, 1557 asked in the following January. In that address whether the evangelicals also rejected Flacius emphasized that the needs of Lu­ among other errors the Flacian view on theranism were victory over Trent and the the bondage of the will and on good Adiaphorists, and called attention to his works the Thuringians left in protest, and own activities in these battles.24 Appar­ evangelical disunion was publicly demon­ ently Flacius had his difficulties in Jena strated. (P., II, 68, 69) from the start. Perhaps it was the large THE AGREEMENT (RECESS) salary that he received in comparison to AND THE "KONFUTATIONSBUCH" his veteran colleagues, both of whom were doctors of theology. Perhaps it was the The attempt by the princes to secure acrimony raised by his controversies with evangelical union eventuated in the Frank­ Wittenberg (Jena was a school that still furt Agreement of March 1558. Princes respected Wittenberg) and with Menius. from the Palatinate, Electoral Saxony, Bran­ Six weeks after his arrival he reported the denburg, Wiirttemberg, Hesse, and Baden circulation of a hostile ietter written against rejected Osian":~:~~ __ ~ __ ..: ::_;~~:v_~"' _3irmed him by Melanchthon. And when his lec­ the Real Presence, and made a general tures began in January 1558, colleagues statement on . There was to be stood outside, according to Flacius, and no more discussion of these matters, and challenged him.25 strict censorship was to be maintained. But outwardly Flacius' influence was This settlement was not satisfactory for unhindered. His first months were spent the "Gnesio-Lutherans." Critical opinions in preparation for the Colloquy of Worms. came from Anhalt, Henneberg, Mecklen­ burg, Pomerania, Regensburg, and the The attitude of the Thuringian delegates Lower Saxon cities, but the most vehement at Worms, including Strigel, was molded came from Ducal Saxony. Flacius wrote and decided by Flacius. Schnepff, Strigel, several critical pamphlets, and on June 24 and Johann Stossel were instructed to call the Thuringian theologians sent a formal for an oral judgment upon all corrupters rejection. When Melanchthon responded, of Lutheranism; that is, the Electoral theo­ Flacius replied with another rejection of logians from Wittenberg were to be made the "Frankfurt Book." to do public penance in the presence of the papalists.26 Mirkovic claims that Flacius Flacius had specific complaints about himself did not go to Worms because he the Frankfurt Agreement. He protested was against all attempts at reconciliation that it had treated errors as mere theolog­ with Rome and was convinced that the ical differences; the had not been mentioned; nothing was said 24 Heussi, pp. 34 f. about Schwenckfeld; Osiander had not 25 Mirkovic comments: "Er wurde als Ein­ been named; there were no antitheses; dringling betrachtet, feindlich angesehen und adiaphora had been treated too mildly; bei der ersten Gelegenheit feindlich angegriffen." (M., 505; see also 159, 160) and the secular power was now handling 26 Heussi, p. 35. spiritual matters. (P., II, 70-77) 80 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

That theological controversy was ripen­ Meanwhile, Flacius' position on the the­ ing within Ducal Saxony is evident from ological faculty was strengthened by the the preparation of the controversial Wei­ advent of a friend. Schnepff, Strigel's ven­ mar Konfutationsbuch and the Synergistic erable father-in-law, had died on Novem­ controversy with Pfeffinger, both of which ber 1, 1558, and Simon Musaus, who had led directly into the great Synergistic con­ followed Menius in Gotha, was his suc­ troversy between Flacius and Strigel. Mir­ cessor. This polemically minded man, sent kovic finds the origin of the Konfutations­ into exile ten times, was a staunch Fla­ buch in Flacius' January 1558 appeal to the cian.31 Musaus was involved in some of duke to give a clear directive to the lilli­ the last revisions of the much debated versity regarding its mission of holding to Konfutationsbuch. Ducal sanction was se­ Luther's doctrine and rejecting error (M., cured at Coburg on November 28, 1558. 169-171,507,508).27 On Feb. 19, a few The book was published bearing the date weeks after Jena became a full-fledged 1559 and sent to the superintendents for university, Professors Strigel and Schnepff distribution as the doctrinal norm. Pastors and Superintendent Andreas Hugel reluc­ were to read sections from the pulpit after tantly accepted a commission from the Sunday services. There were condemna­ duke to prepare a draft for a Thuringian tions of Servetus, Schwenckfeld, the Anti­ doctrinal norm. The first draft was finished nomians, Anabaptists, old and new Zwing­ on April 3.28 lians, defenders of free will, Osiander and All the theologians and superintendents Stancarus, Major, and the Adiaphorists.32 of the duchy were then assembled at Wei­ mar. Against Flacius' advice, also the The book was truly streng flacianisch. drafting committee was present. When It was an attempt to suppress throughout Flacius proposed sharper wording in the Ducal Saxony all those who were opposed text, Strigel openly opposed him and to pure doctrine. Twesten and Preger hold defended the Wittenberg theologians.29 that Flacius and his supporters lacked the Thereafter, Strigel openly opposed both wisdom of love and patience in the midst Flacius and the Konfutationsbuch in his of controversy, and suggest that their lectures. Claiming that he had done every­ zealotry for pure doctrine led them to thing he could to effect a reconciliation, fall into extreme reaction.33 Mirkovic re­ Flacius sent a formal complaint against gards this attempt to compel consciences Strigel to the ducal court.ao through political means as an unfortunate

27 When John Frederick's attempt to rally then would still stubbornly defend errors, and the conservative opponents of the Frankfurt a panel of orthodox theologians to censure Agreement failed, Flacius advised the duke to new books. He appealed to his call to guard do for Thuringia what he could not do for Ger­ the Thuringian churches in the true doctrine. many. (Cf. P., II, 78) P., II, 121. 28 Heussi, pp. 41 f. Cf. M., 171, 508. 31 Heussi, p. 43. 29 Heussi, p.42, gives Strigel's words: "Tu 32 P., II, 79. Preger argues that Flacius had tantum rixaris sine causa et ratione." nothing to do with the document beyond its final 30 In his formal complaint Flacius recom­ revision. Cf. M., fn., 285, p. 171 and 512, for mended the i=ediate publication of the KOl1- the various editions. futationsbuch, the dismissal of all those who 33 P., II, 133 f., and Twesten, p.20. MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS 81 interregnum in Flacius' battles for freedom. THE SYNERGISTIC CONTROVERSY (M., 511, see also 177) It was just at this time that the Syner­ The book did not end controversies gistic controversy was becoming violent. within Ducal Saxony. Some of the mod­ It had begun in 1555 with Johann Pfef­ erates like Stossel defended it. Hugel re­ finger's publications on the freedom of fused to publish the book. Strigel pleaded the will. He was concerned, as were to be excused from obligation to this Melanchthon and Strigel, to reject a de­ standard. When Duke John Frederick sent terministic view that the nature of man it to the princes who had accepted the is like a statue or stone over against the Frankfurt Agreement, it aroused much bit­ operation of . Amsdorf, and terness. Elector August requested an opin­ perhaps also the court preacher Stolz, had ion by the Wittenberg faculty, which written against Pfeffinger. When Pfeffinger Melanchthon wrote on March 9, 1559, answered Amsdorf and in March 1558 just a year before his death. Philip of issued a new edition of his 1555 disputa­ Hesse had his theologians write a confu­ tions, Flacius entered the lists with his tation of the Confutation. He spoke of love Refutatio propositionum Pfeffingeri de and patience and the noble intention of libero arbitrio. This thorough treatment errorists like Schwenckfeld and some Ana­ deals with the doctrine of heathen philos­ baptists. Flacius replied: When dealing ophers and the Greek fathers under their with doctrine, there must be no considera­ influence, the Pelagian controversy, the tion of personal motives. (P., II, 79-83, scholastic departure from Augustine, the 124) controversy between Luther and Erasmus, On Easter Monday, March 27, 1559, Melanchthon's changing formulations, and between two and three o'clock in the the false statements in the Interims. morning, Strigel and the sixty-year-old (P., II, 115, 193-195)35 Hugel were roused violently from bed and This book brought the Synergistic con­ brought by the duke's soldiers to Grimm­ troversy to Ducal Saxony and the Univer­ stein castle in Gotha. One hundred soldiers sity of Jena. Preger believes that Flacius, occupied J ena to put down student unrest. unlike Amsdorf, clearly saw the real issue. Flacius himself was not directly involved, Amsdorf had made Pfeffinger out to be but he was forced to defend himself in a medieval scholastic: by the natural powers the storm of criticism which broke.34 At of his free will man can prepare for grace. the duke's command Flacius visited Strigel Flacius on the other hand saw that Pfef­ in prison in a vain effort to persuade him finger stressed the Spirit's prior work. The to accept the Konfutationsbuch. Strigel issue was rather over the relation of the was released on September 5, placed under Spirit's work and man's natural will. The house arrest, and sworn to silence. It was position which Flacius maintained against far from Flacius' intention, however, to Strigel was simple: instead of the natural cover up their dissension through force. will being able to follow the movement (P., II, 125, 126) 35 Preger discounts Planck's charge that Fla­ 34 Heussi, pp. 46 f. Flacius wrote: "Violen­ cius had waited three years before he called tia gladii non feliciter errores extirpari." Pfeflinger's views erroneous. (P., II, 116) 82 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

of the Spirit, it hates and strives against year ahead, was in charge of the proceed­ God. The new creation of a good will is ings. The debaters met morning and after­ therefore necessary. Flacius' concerns were noon for about four hours. During the basic: the doctrines of sin and justification. first seven sessions Strigel set forth his (P., II, 192-195) position and Flacius responded. From the Flacius continued to denounce Pfeffin­ eighth session on, the roles were re­ ger's and Strigel's views on free will versed.37 through disputations, tracts, and lectures. Strigel emphasized the free decision of Above all he pressed the duke for an open man in conversion as he responds to the disputation between him and Strigel. The power of the Spirit working through duke was certainly still on Flacius' side. means. Without the Spirit and Word man To supplant the suspended Strigel he called could not respond, but it is man who acts. two old Magdeburg friends of Flacius, Certainly he is corrupted and free will is Johann Wigand and Matthaus Judex, as weakened, but he is still man. There must professors of theology. They arrived in be a distinction between human substantia Jena in April 1560. Because Superinten­ with its essential attributes and the "pri_ dent Hugel had been succeeded by Bal­ vation." Substance and essential attributes thasar Winter, the entire ministerium of are inadmissible. Otherwise man ceases to Jena was now Flacian. In the midst of the be man. Since free will is an essential attri­ dissension over the Konfutationsbuch and bute, it cannot be lost through . the rising tide of the Synergistic contro­ Original sin must therefore be something versy, Melanchthon died at Wittenberg which affects (but does not essentially on April 19, 1560. Flacianism in Jena alter) man's substantia, namely, accidens. was at its peak. Flacius' own career had (P., II, 196) reached a crest.36 Flacius agreed that God converts man with his will, but he insisted that God THE WEIMAR DISPUTATION must first give us this new will. Although The famous Weimar Disputation be­ the will is free in secular areas, in -spiritual tween Flacius and Strigel took place in matters it is a slave of Satan. To be sure, the hall of the old castle at Weimar from the subject remained after the Fall, but August 1 to August 8, 1560. Besides the this does not mean that original sin is Saxon dukes, the students of Jena (and accidens. The image of God and original some from Wittenberg), the Thuringian righteousness as its superior part is cer­ superintendents and pastors (mostly Fla­ tainly not accidens but substantia. When cian) , and Flacius' old Magdeburg con­ this is lost, the best part of man's sub­ tingent (Amsdorf, Wigand, Judex, Otto stantia is removed. Original sin is there­ of Nordhausen) were present. Chancellor fore substantia. The image of God has Christian Bruck, Flacius' nemesis in the been transformed into the image of Satan.

36 Heussi, pp.47-49. The ages of the Jena 37 Ibid., pp. 51 f. Cf. also P., II, 127-133, colleagues in 1560 are interesting: Placius 40, for the circumstances and 195-219 for an an­ Musaus 31, Wigand 37, and Judex 31. alysis of the debate. MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 83

There is accordingly no innate natural to have been debated (Free Will, Law and knowledge of God.3s Gospel, Majorism, Adiaphorism, Neutral­ Flacius had indeed embarked on paths ity in Controversies) they had only begun that opened up the later controversy on to debate the first item! 40 original sin, but this discussion of sub­ Flacius, who had tried to be a purely stantia and accidens was not the issue in Biblical theologian, had still become in­ 1560. It was free will. Flacius wanted to volved in scholastic methodology (M., prove the total inability of natural man 514f.). Flacius did not deny Strigel's for any cooperation whatsoever with the emphasis that God acts in conversion upon Holy Spirit. He spoke quickly, always man as a rational creature. Nor did Strigel pressing toward the central issue, always deny that man was corrupted, which was demanding a Yes or No (P., II, 131). Flacius' passionate concern. That Strigel's He appealed chiefly to Luther and the concerns also had to be taken cognizance of Bible, and charged Strigel with using phil­ is demonstrated in the Formula of Con­ osophical distinctions in the doctrine of cord.41 sin.39 Strigel meanwhile moved very cir­ 40 Heussi, p. 53, and P., II, 132, 133, 206. cumspectly, using his not inconsiderable 41 Cf. Formt.' ~, _~aJSim. philosophic equipment and avoiding sharp - See also Jaroslav Pelikan, Jr., "The Doctrine formulas or emphnic nh~Wf'rs. of Man in the Lutheran Confessions." T he Lu~ theran Quarterly, II (1950), 34-44; Bengt Finally Strigel refused to budge from the Hagglund, De homine: Manniskoupp/attningen paradox: God works and man works. The i aldre l1lthersk tradition (Lund: CWK Gleerup, duke halted the sessions abruptly, much 1959), especially pp. 128-163, 234-252; and Karl Barth, Dogmatik, III/2 (Zollikon-Ziirich: against Flacius' will. He was strengthened Evangelischer Verlag, 1948), 29-32. On the in his conviction that Flacius' doctrine was whole complex of issues in which Flacius was involved and which the true. But he was also convinced, perhaps settled, see Lauri Haikola, Gesetz tmd Evan­ through the influence of Chancellor Briick, gelium be;' Matthias F laci1ls Illyricus: Eine that Strigel's position was not as dangerous Untersuchung ZM' ltltherischen Theologie vor der Konkordien/ormel, translated by Christa­ as the Flacians had made it out to be. Maria Lyckhage (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1952); Although the duke promised to continue and his "Studien zu Luther und zum Luther­ the discussions, he never kept this promise tum" Uppsala Universitets Arsskri/i, 1958:2 (Uppsala: Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1958); to Flacius. Of the five articles that were and Friedrich Bente, "Historical Introductions to the Symbolical Books," chapters XI-XVI, in 3S P., II, 201-213. Preger argues that Concordia Triglotta (St. Louis: Concordia Pub~ Flacius never held that original sin is substance lishing House, 1921), I, 102-161; Paul itself, but that it is the loss of the noblest sub­ Tschackert, Die Entstehung der lutherischen und stance of man (pp. 201, 202). - See also der re/ormierten Kirchenlehre samt ihren inner~ H. Kropatscheck's Giittingen dissertation of protestantischen Gegensiitzen (Giittingen: Van­ 1943, Das Problem theologischer Anthropologie denhoeck und Ruprecht, 1910), Part Five, sec. I, au/ demWeimarer Gespriich 1560 zwischen pp.475-572; Reinhold Seeberg, Lehrbuch de". Matthias Flacius Illyric1ls 1Ind Viktorin Strigel. Dogmengeschichte, 3d ed., IV12 (Leipzig: 39 P., II, 199-201. Flacius quoted fre­ A. Deichert'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, D. Wer­ quently from Luther's Genesis commentary and ner Scholl, 1920), 481-550; and Otto Ritschl, appealed especially to Rom. 8; Ezek. 36:26, and Dogmengeschichte des Protestantism1ls, II (Leip­ John 8 :44. He also appealed both tb philosophy zig: ]. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1912), and to experience .. in his argumentation. 326-500. 84 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

THE DOWNFALL OF THE FLACIANS Maximilian Marlin of Coburg, and John Even before this August disputation had Stassel of Heldburg (soon to be Winter's taken place, an event occurred in J ena that successor) stood against Winter. In Octo­ ber, still recalcitrant, he was dismissed as was to prove the downfall of the Fladans. On July 8, 1560, IVfatthlius Wesenbeck, superintendent and shortly afterward died. an ex-Roman-Catholic, a Jena jurist and Flacius and his theological colleagues at a Strigel sympathizer, had been asked to be Jena (Muslius, Wigand, and Judex) pro­ a godfather for a child of Johann Stige1, tested to the duke. In November his reply professor of poetry. Superintendent Win­ was received: they were to be silent. The ter, the Fladan successor of Hi.igel, de­ duke would take over the superintendency of the churches himself. manded to know how Wesenbeck stood on the Konfutationsbuch. Wesenbeck stated In December Flacius and Strigel were that he was a jurist, not a theologian, and ordered to Weimar for an attempted rec­ that the duke had forbidden the other onciliation. A confession without antith­ faculties to embroil themselves in the quar­ eses was demanded from each. Fladus rels of the divines. After unfruitful dis­ protested that unless Strigel would clearly cussions with Musiius and Wigand, Wesen­ and openly renounce his errors, he would beck was excommunicated and rejected as still be a heretic to Flacius. There was no sponsor.42 reconciliation. (P., II, 134-148) The case was appealed to the ducal coun: In January 1561 a meeting of evangel­ and was awaiting settlement during Fladus' ical princes took place at Naumburg. Duke disputation with Strigel in early August. John Frederick had taken along none of Winter had been reprimanded and en­ the Jena theologians, who were now in joined from further action, but was busily his disfavor. To it Flacius sent a Sttpplica­ preparing his defense. In the meantime tionsschrift drafted in 1559 and calling for he and his curates, Paul Amandus and an evangelical synod. It was signed by Valentin Langer, together with Professors 46 notable theologians and 22 superin­ Muslius and Wigand, preached against tendents in Germany. Although most of StrigeI, and threatened other opponents these were Thuringian, there were many of the Konfutationsbuch with excommuni­ from north Germany. This proposed synod had become Flacius' great hope, and he cation. On August 28, Winter's reply to the court was rejected. This triggered continued to press for it throughout his life. He hoped that this synod would do a great deal of hatred against Winter and for all of Germany what the Konfutations­ the Flacian party in Jena. The students buch had tried to do for Thuringia. Against especially were encouraged in their dis­ the objection that the Jena theologians affection by Christoph Diirfeld, a professor were acting inconsistently in calling for of law, who meanwhile had also been ex­ a synod to decide a matter on which they cluded from Holy Communion by Winter. had already passed judgment, Placius re­ Even some of Flacius' friends, Amsdorf, plied that God does not want Christians

42 P., II, 135 if. Cf. also Heussi's indignant to suspend judgment in doctrine, but to reaction, p. 50. judge according to Scripture. The Naum- MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 85 burg conferees simply returned Supplica­ the expected dismissal. Flacius and Wigand tionsschriJt without action. (P., II, 86-88, were summoned to the castle and deprived 94-96; M., 179-181, 513, 514) of their ecclesiastical and academic offices The denouement continued at J ena. in the presence of the entire faculty, clergy, Tn Fehn18ry 1561 Joh8no Stossel became and town council. The charges against superintendent in Jena. The Konfutations­ them were: slander under the pretense of bucb fell into desuetude. As the Jena rejecting error, arrogantly founding the professors smarted under ducal disfavor, church upon themselves, refusing censor­ they used the pulpit to air their contro­ ship, and appealing from the duke to versies. On April 22 the duke forbade a synod.44 them to preach. Next came the prohibition FLACIUS IN REGENSBURG against publishing any books, then a pro­ January 1562 finds Flacius on the road posal for a consistory which would exercise to Regensburg, with new plans for an church discipline and censorship. The academy in south Germany that would duke would preside and there were to be serve Bavaria, Bohemia, and . four superintendents and four courtiers on the commission, but none of the theological A Slavic printing house was also in his professors rrom the Jena faculty was to drea!'1s. He had considered the possibilit), be appointed. Again there was no men­ of going northward to , but they tion of the Konfutatio1ZSbucb.43 had sufficient orthodox teachers. He was invited to return to Magdeburg where This was the final straw. Flacius re­ Wigand and Judex had gone. But costly garded this prohibition to publish as a re­ though it would be to go to Regensburg, striction of his confession and calling. The it was there that he really wanted to go. proposed ducal consinstory was nothing After his friend Gallus, the superintendent less than political tyranny over the church. at Regensburg, had prepared the way with On September la, 1561, Simon Musaus the council, Flacius arrived in Regensburg left Jena to become superintendent at with his wife and seven or eight children Bremen. On October 1 Judex was deposed for publishing a book on the . 44 Heussi, pp.64f.; P., II, 160-174. The Johann Aurifaber, court preacher at Wei­ bitterness of feeling is described by P., II, 178 ff. Late in December while Flacius was still in mar, lost his post because he had said in a Jena he prepared in manuscript a draft account sermon that there were heresies in Thurin­ of his dismissal for possible later printing. gia. Flacins and Wigand complained bit­ A student, John Durnpacher, was imprisoned for possessing a copy of it and was sentenced to terly in a letter to Stossel about his "turn­ death. The duke commuted the sentence to coat behavior," and the superintendent banishment. Flacius' picture was removed from turned this over to the court with a formal the row of professors; it was not replaced until 1720. For a discussion of factors which help to complaint against Flacius and Wigand. explain Flacius' failure in Jena, ct. M., 153 to There was a hearing at the castle at Jena 213, 505-517. On the Flacianist party's atti­ tude toward error, see Hans-Werner Gensichen, on November 25 with hostile Chancellor Damnamus: Die Verwerfung von Irrlehre bei Bruck in charge. On December 10 came Luther und im Luthertum des 16. Jah.,hunderts (Berlin: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1955). pp. 43 P., n,: 150-160; cf. Heussi, pp. 57 f. 94-117. 86 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

in February 1562. (P., II, 174-180,228) happy, and of course Flacius' old enemies He was a political refugee. Hardly had were delighted. In defense Flacius pointed his presence become known, when the at­ to his unpaid bills, the moving expenses torney of the city, Johann Hiltner, received from J ena, and the needs of his growing a confidential note from the imperial sec­ family. Mirkovic points to the thrifty retary, Wolf Haller, warning the city commercial homeland of Flacius that could against receiving this turbulent man who only regard the church's condemnation of had angered the emperor and some of the interest as feudal and papalistic.46 princes. Although the city granted Flacius In Regensburg Flacius also faced be­ asylum, his ambitious plans for an academy reavement. In the beginning of 1564, at or even a university were unsuccessful. the birth of her twelfth child, his wife Gallus interceded with the council in vain. died after more than eighteen years of He was forbidden to teach except in his marriage. It was very difficult now for own home. Flacius' plight was not just the scholar to attend to duties at home. that he had such notable enemies, but that He soon chose as his second wife Mag­ he was no pastor and that with his poor dalena Illbeck, the daughter of the deceased German he could not become one. (P., II, pastor at Dutendorf. She had been living 228, 229) with her widowed mOther in Regensburg. After the ] ena professorship, Flacius The marriage took place in October 1564. never held a position except for a few (The short period of mourning came in months in . He lived from his lit­ for criticism.) Sickness also plagued the erary labors and from gifts from churches, Flacius household. Several small children cities, or territorial princes. He must have died, and he himself was troubled with saved considerably from his princely salary stomach disorders. (P., II, 232-234) at Jena, although the house and garden that Nevertheless, he worked prodigiously. he had bought there still remained unsold. The publication of the Magdeburg Cen­ It is possible that on a journey to his turies continued, and here in Regensburg homeland in the summer of 1563 he sold a great part of the Clavis Scripturae was his inheritance. At any rate, about this completed. This includes also the tract time he deposited the huge sum of 2,100 on original sin, appended to the 1567 gulden with the city council, for which edition of the Clavis, which began the he received 105 gulden (5 %) a year later Flacian controversy. Although travel interest.45 was made dangerous by his past and A painful controversy followed with present controversies, he moved about con­ some of the clergy of Regensburg, espe­ siderably. He went often to the Frankfurt cially Wolfgang Waldner, who charged Fair (in 1555, 1561, 1564, 1565, and Flacius with usury. Even Gallus was un- 1566). In 1566 he traveled from Frank­

45 M., 541-543, mentions not only this visit furt to Mainz, where he had a narrow in 1563 and the 1543 mission for Luther, but escape from Jesuits, and then through Basel also a visit in 1552. He does not believe, how­ ever, that Flacius ever sold his inheritance. He 46 P., II, 230-232. Mirkovic calculates the finds no such record in the notary books at purchasing power of Flacius' capital as $38,000 Labin. (See also p. 439) in American money. (Pp. 221, 520) MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 87 to Augsburg. In Basel he had his De pastor in Nordhausen, turned to Regens­ translatione Imperii Romani ad Germanos burg for support. Flacius decided against printed, and in Augsburg he personally them. His opinion was signed by Gallus presented this to emperor Maximilian II and others. The argument was simple. If in a public audience.47 the Law makes no d..,mancls of the new Meanwhile, the controversies continued. man, he has no need to beg forgiveness; he Ernestine Saxony continued to have trying does not need Christ and the Gospel. years. Strigel had been reinstated on Flacius thus refuted the Wittenbergers' old May 6, 1562, after signing a Declaratio charge that he was an Antinomian. (P., II, in which he said that while the power 253-255) to do good is absent in natural man, he The Regensburg Council had had many possesses the capacitas to be converted. requests to expel Flacius. In July 1566, There had been a meeting between Strigel, shortly after Flacins' experience at the Briick, and Jacob Andreae and Christoph Diet at Augsburg, the master of the im­ Binder of Wiirttemberg. Strigel was de­ perial cavalry passed through Regensburg clared orthodox by the standard of the and informed the city of the emperor's dis­ Konfutationsbuch. This brought a storm pleasure. Although he had been somewhat of indignation from the many Flacians still favorably inclined toward Flacius and had remaining in th::; cQuntry. In the midst actually helped him in his scholarly works, or this, Strigel left for Leipzig in the fall the influence of Elector August of Saxony, of 1562, less than a year after Flacius was Flacius' implacable enemy, had turned the dismissed. Flacius denounced Strigel's emperor against the fugitive. Fortunately, capacitas in a critique published the same at the very time that the Regensburg year. (P., n, 238-244) Council informed Flacius that they could The later stages of the Antinomian no longer grant him safe asylum, he controversy had also now broken out, and received a call to Antwerp. He had spent the Flacians were in real difficulty. For if over four fairly productive years at Regens­ burg. (P., II, 282-284) it had been possible to say that Strigel and his sympathizers had never really been FLACIUSIN ANTWERP AND STRASBOURG "Gnesio-Lutherans" but crypto-Melanch­ Flacius traveled alone in October 1566 thonians all along, it was hardly possible to the troubled city of Antwerp in the when staunchly Flacian Antonius Otto of Netherlands. Besides Flacius, four other Nordhausen began to break up the German superintendents or pastors, in­ "Gnesio-Lutheran" ranks by using "hard cluding Cyriacus Spangenberg from Mans­ words" against the third use of the Law in feld, Flacius' ardent supporter in later 1565. When he did so, Michael Neander years, were called by the Lutheran con­ of Ilfeld and Andreas Fabricius, another tingent of Antwerp to try to organize 47 P., II, 236, 237, 280-282, 426. "Flacius church life in that turbulent city. (This Geist war eine unerschopfliche Quelle immer was the time of partial religious liberty be­ neuer Entwiirfe fiir die Kirche ... Flacius Natur hatte einen eingehorenen Trieh rastlos thatig zu fore the arrival of the Duke of Alba.) In sein;' p.236. Antwerp, Flacius met the Reformed head 88 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS on. In the attempt of the two evangelical 1567, about a year after leaving Regens­ minorities, Lutheran and Reformed, to try burg and after a few days of pleasant visits to find some modus vivendi and modus with Brenz, Andreae, and Bidenbach in operandi in their agitated land, some of Stuttgart, he arrived in Strasbourg. This the Lutherans and many of the Reformed was to be his harrassed refuge for many pressed for a union formula. Flacius in­ years. sisted on a disputation as the only way The council of Strasbourg gave him toward union. The Lutherans who wanted asylum until summer, and then until fall. anything else were "false brethren." Flacius This privilege was extended many times, also was emphatically Lutheran in his dis­ but only for short periods. Since Flacius approval of the Reformed attitude toward had to apply anew each time, this in itself rebellion : if the government persecutes, gave rise to friction in view of the factions Scripture says "Flee," not "Take the sword." within Strasbourg and the efforts that Fla­ During his few months in Antwerp cius' enemies made to dislodge him. Since Flacius published his Exhortation to Prayer Bucer had left Strasbourg for England in in and in Dutch. He worked on the 1551, the head of the mediating, center Lutheran confession which was completed party (over against the Reformed) was in November 1566 and published in 1567. John Sturm, who later became Flacius' This Latin confession was translated into antagonist. The head of the "Gnesio­ Dutch and French. Flacius was still in Lutherans" was Superintendent Marbach, Antwerp on February 24, 1567, when he who was initially friendly to Flacius. addressed the dedicatory preface of his Soon, however, Flacius lost the support Clavis} published at Basel in 1567 to Duke of most of his friends. When Flacius had Christopher of Wiirttemberg. On March 5 visited Andreae in 1567, he had agreed he was in Frankfurt to meet his family, with Andreae's attempt a t reconciliation. stranded there on the way from Regens­ But the articles which Andreae composed burg because the Rhine was blocked with setting forth the nature of the controversies ice. Soon after, the Duke of Alba came to had never been sent to Flacius. When they the Netherlands, and circumstances made it finally reached him and the other clergy impossible for Flacius to return to Ant­ at Strasbourg in February 1569, he refused werp. So he began to look for another, to join them in their approval. The articles more permanent asylum. (P., II, 286 to had been written without antitheses! By 295) this action he lost favor with the Wiirt­ He had permission to stay in Frankfurt tembergers as well as many of the Lu­ until the falL In May 1567 a son Johann therans at Strasbourg. Andreae was no was born. When the town council ordered friend of Flacius after this. (P., II, 295 him to move, he decided to go to Stras­ to 301) bourg. The literary resources there, espe­ cially the scholarly help for his Glossa THE CONTROVERSY ON ORIGINAL SIN which was under way, and the greater Much more serious was the outbreak at distance from Wittenberg and Dresden this same time of the controversy on orig­ was very enticing. On November 14, inal sin, the Flacian controversy. It was MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS 89 his tract on original sin appended to the There was even a new attempt at rec­ 1567 edition of the Clavis which raised the onciliation between the two Saxonies. The storm. Flacius had made original sin to be Colloquy at Altenburg from October 1568 man's substa1~tia! He had dethroned the to March 1569, however, resulted only in Creator and turned Satan into a creator. greater animosity. The Wittenberg theo­ This was the Manichaean heresy! But it logians charged the Thuringians with being was not Flacius' old antagonists who took Flacian, a term that even "Gnesio-Lu­ up their pens. "Gnesio-Lutherans" them­ therans" were beginning to find hard to selves, old colleagues, Jena professors, be­ bear. About a year earlier, after John Wil­ came his opponents.48 liam had become the new duke, anti­ In 1567 there had been a drastic polit­ Flacian student riots in Jena had literally ical upheaval in ducal Saxony. For crimes demolished Flacius' old but long empty against the empire Duke John Frederick house. 50 had begun an impr-isonment which would Preger has shown that Wigand's and last until 1595. His adviser, Chancellor Heshusius' antipathy to Flacius' views on Christian Bruck, who had presided over original sin did not originate from their Flacius' dismissal six years earlier, had been initial reading of the tract in the Clavis. quartered alive in the market place at Flacius had actually sent it to Musaus for Gotha. The duke's younger brother, John comment and had asked for Heshusius' re­ William, succeeded him and initiated actions too. There was some uneasiness re­ a Flacian revival in Thuringia and at Jena. garding substantia, but they were well But it was a Flacian revival without Fla­ pleased with Flacius' earnest treatment of cius. Strigel was publicly condemned. In sin. Criticism broke first in the north, in 1569 the Konfutationsbuch again became Brunswick, where Joachim Marlin bitterly the doctrinal norm for the professors at condemned Flacius' view and set forth a Jena, and in 1570 this was supplanted by bill of old and new grievances. (P., II, 326 the equally strict Thuringian Corpus doc­ to 332) trinae christianae. Johann Wigand was back at Jena in 1569, and he was joined by Preger feels that Marlin, Osiander's old antagonist, was the real cause of Fla­ Flacius' later champion, Johann Coelestin, Timotheus Kirchner, and the redoubtable, cius' final troubles. For it was through oft-exiled Tilemann Heshusius. But Fla­ Marlin that Heshusius became convinced cius was not recalled. The new duke could of Flacius' error and it was Heshusius and not afford to risk the wrath of his cousin, Wigand who became his chief antagonists August of Saxony, in concert with whom in the controversy. The correspondence he had besieged his now imprisoned between Flacius and Heshusius, between brother.49 Flacius and Gallus, and between Heshusius and Gallus is tragic. Until his death in 48 P., II, 310-325. Preger believes that 1570 Gallus, even though he did not agree Flacius wrote the tract in Regensburg already in 1564, and that he made use of medical opinions 50 P., II, 302-305; M., 198-201, SIS. in describing man's substantia. (Pp.325, 326) 516. A placard placed on the house just before 40 P., II, 242, 243, 302 ff. Cf. also Heussi, the riot read: "Tumultuantur Flaciani, Fluvies pp.74-77. diaboli, volumus eos depellere. Fiat. Fiat. Fiat." 90 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

with Flacius, remained his friend and made a judicial decision on his behalf. In vain many futile attempts at mediation. (P., II, he asked Duke John William and Wigand, 330-334) who had accompanied him, for a colloquy. In 1568 and 1569 Flacius wrote three Because of rumors of hostile actions books explaining and defending his against him there was nothing to do but position.51 At this time the break between return to Strasbourg. This is not to say Flacius and his old friends was still not that Flacius had no friends left. Particu­ fully in the open. The open break came in larly in Mansfeld there was a contingent 1570 with a series of polemical works. of loyal supporters, including Count Voll­ Meanwhile, Flacius was having difficulty rath and doughty Cyriacus Spangenberg, remaining in Strasbourg. Elector August who had been with Flacius in Antwerp. was determined to get Flacius out of the Spangenberg defended Flacius in his fore­ way. His attempted intimidation of the word to his volume of sermons on Luther's town council in March 1570 persuaded hymns. One of the new (1569) professors Flacius to seek refuge in Basel. With no at Jena, Friedrich COlestinus, was Flacius' help from that quarter he was fortunately supporter. Because of this there was a dis­ given another reprieve by the Stras­ putation between him and Heshusius on bourgers.52 original sin. With the threat of house Flacius was determ~aed to rebuild some arrest from the duke, Colestinus left Jena of the broken bridges. He made a very on January 25, 1572.54 dangerous journey to Kahla and sent Mar­ In 1571 a number of books continued tin Wolf from there to Jena with a plea the controversy. Flacius' largest work on for a colloquy. This emissary received the subject was his Orthodoxa confessio a very cold reception from Wigand, who de originali peccato, published on Au­ claimed that it was dangerous to deal gust 1, 1571, in which he charged his with a man who had so many enemies. opponents with perverting his views. In Flacius' Jena critics had indeed become this and the following year appeared his enemies. 53 a whole spate of books written by Flacius In the fall of 1570 Flacius made an in response to attacks from Wigand and extremely dangerous journey to Speier. He Heshusius. Flacius also defended his wanted to appeal to the emperor for friends who had defended him and who now were deposed in ducal Saxony. Mu­ 51 rvii'rlh (l'Euu.6v. De essentia originalis justitiae et iniustiae seu imaginis Dei et con­ saus, Heshusius' father-in-law, who in trariae. 1568. De oceasionibus vitandi errorem 1568 had approved Flacius' tract on orig­ in essentia iniustitiae originalis. Item de eximia utilitate summaque necessitate doctrinae de inal sin, was also persuaded to enter the essentia imaginis Dei ae diabali, iustitiaeque ac controversy. Even young Matthias· Flacius, iniustitiae ariginalis. 1569. For a description of these writings, see P., 334, 335, 339, 340. 54 P., II, 344-347, 356, and Heussi, 52 P., II, 306-309, 341-343. pp. 79 f. As controversy over Flacius raged at 53 P., II, 341, 342. Cf. Heussi, p.76, for Jena in 1570, Elector August of Saxony had Wigand's role, and M., 202-205, 516, 517, for a cannon made with this inscription: a discussion of Flacius' last attempts at recon­ "Die Flacianer und Zeloten ciliation. Sind des Teufels Vorboten." (P.305) MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS 91

Jr., wrote a short tract defending his father parted for a journey eastward. Unexpected against Heshusius and Musaus. (P., II, and uninvited he appeared at Count Voll­ 349-364) rath's castle in Mansfeld. Since Andreas Meanwhile Jacob Andreae's work toward Fabricius had recently accused Flacius in reconciliation proceeded. Although he was a letter to the court, Flacius asked for quite unhappy with Flacius' views on orig­ a colloquy which was held on September 3 inal sin, he was glad that in the spring of and 4, 1572. Here Flacius defended himself 1571 Flacius had signed, with some reser­ against the charge that he had turned sin vations about amnesty, the Zerbst agree­ into substance purely and simply. But his ments regarding a doctrinal norm. Now, opponents were not satisfied with any equa­ however, Andreae pressed the other Lu­ tion between sin and substance, even cor­ therans at Strasbourg to persuade Flacius rupted substance. In a way Flacius was to give up his views on original sin. vindicated, for his opponents were not Although Marbach and the Strasbourgers able to prove their charges. And yet the had at first sided with Flacius when Hes­ meeting only stirred up more controversy. husius attacked him, Andreae was bring­ For Flacius demanded a favorable judg­ ing them around to a cooler position ment from the count which his opponents toward Flacius. When Andreae passed of the Eisleben clergy refused to sign. This through Strasbourg, a colloquy was held led to further polemical pamphlets. Flacius between him and Flacius on August 10, emphasized again and again that he had 1571. They apparently reached some agree­ always meant by substantia only the sub­ ment, although Andreae always insisted stantial form of the image, not the that original sin was accidens. What entire man. 55 pleased Flacius was that Andreae agreed LAST YEARS AND DEATH with him that in the Scripture original sin When Flacius returned from Mansfeld is "the old man" or "the flesh." But in in October, the council of Strasbourg in­ further negotiations by letter the old con­ formed him that he would have to leave flicts arose again, and ultimately the Flacian by the following spring. He was weak controversy arrived with a vengeance at and ill, and so were others in his large Strasbourg itself. By 1572 the Strasbourg family of eight children. In the spring of clergy had become Flacius' bitter enemies. 1573 he left his family behind in order They, too, had become die Accidentarier to find another asylum. He spent some and so for Flacius nothing less than Syner­ time with Hermann Adolph Ridesel, the gists and scholastic Pelagians. Flacius was hereditary marshal of Hesse, in the neigh­ even willing to give up the expression borhood at Fulda. On Ascension Day, "substance" in favor of "substantial pow­ ers," but the clergy were not satisfied. 55 P., II, 373-377. The Eisleben pastors Once more Flacius attempted to push had insisted that one must distinguish between corrupted nature and sin. Otherwise God's work forward his old proposal for a synod of is mixed with Satan's. Fabricius said that nature all theologians of the Augsburg Confession. is not conformed to God's Law only in so far (P., II, 364-373) as (in quantum) it is corrupted. Flacius replied: Not in quantum, but qftia, i. e. because it is cor­ In the midst of this unrest Flacius de- rupted. 92 MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILLYRICUS

May 21, he had some volatile conversations death he was preparing a translation of with two Jesuits under the friendly pa­ his De mystica sacramentalique seu externa tronage of the abbot of Fulda, Georg praesentia et matldttcatione corporis et Balthasar of Darmbach. Through Ridesel's sanguinis Christi in sacra coena, in which help Flacius received a place of refuge in he pointed to the union of the heavenly the former Cistercian convent of St. Mary and earthly in the purposes of divine reve­ Magdalene in Frankfurt-am-Main. That lation as a recurrent theme in the history was his destination when he and his family of salvation. (P., II, 388f. and 258ff.) left Strasbourg around June 8, 1573. He By the year 1573, Duke John William had been in Strasbourg for five and one­ of Saxony had died, and the new regent half years. (P., II, 378-381) for his young sons was Elector August. Flacius did not lead a sedentary life in That meant the expulsion of the "Gnesio­ his new home. Early in 1574 he made an Lutherans" of Jena, Wigand and Heshus­ extended journey to the east with his son ius, now Flacius' bitter opponents. They Andrew as his companion. From a visit found positions in Prussia. August was xo Count Vollrath in Mansfeld he traveled a formidable opponent. Over a hundred to Berlin, where the new elector John clergy in Thuringia were deposed as "Fla­

G_--o - ___ ~ Superintendent Andreas Mus- cjans." Soon, however, the even greater culus received him quite cordially. Flacius' aboutface came in Electoral Saxony with reception in Silesla by Count Sebastian the disgrace of the crypto-Calvinists. Fla­ Zedlitz was the warmest experience he had cius' old friend turned adversary in the had in years. Here too the colloquy on Jena days, Superintendent Johann Stassel, May 12 arranged with the local clergy at died in prison, a deeply troubled man. He castle Langenau was refreshingly mild, and had been accused of crypto-. the aging Flacius apparently warmed under (P., II, 382 ff.) these friendly circumstances. Flacius again Flacius' refuge in Frankfurt was made emphasized that he was not concerned with possible by the elderly stout-hearted noble­ sttbstantia itself. He merely wanted to see woman, Catharina von Meerfeld, who was that no one turned original sin into an the evangelical prioress of a Lutheran con­ accidens. He returned to Frankfurt by vent for widows, orphans, and dependents August 1574. (P., II, 385-387) of distinguished citizens. In December Still the controversy on original sin con­ 1573, for example, through the machina­ tinued. Andreae and Fladus exchanged tions of August of Saxony the town coun­ polemical tracts from the time that An­ cit gave Placius a twenty-four hour ulti­ dreae's Six Sermons appeared in 1573. matum to leave the city. The prioress, The third sermon dealt with original sin other friends in the city, and Magdalena and criticized Flacius. Years before in Flacius herself petitioned for clemency. Regensburg Flacius had written on the Flacius' long trip during 1574 helped the Lord's Supper as the crypto-Calvinist con­ council to be less mindful of August's troversy began. But there are also works demands. (P., II, 517-521) on the Lord's Supper from the last days at When Flacius returned to Frankfurt in Strasbourg and Frankfurt. Just before his August 1574, his health was very poor. MATTHIAS FLACIUS ILL YRICUS 93

He had been troubled with diarrhea for Beyer and Matthias Ritter. He wanted to some time and complained that "flesh and give them his final testimony on original blood and warmth were disappearing from sin and then receive Holy Communion. my body." His final works against Andreae But since he was in such a weakened took so much time away from his Glossa condition, they left, promising to return on the Old Testament that he was unable the next day. Friday morning at nine to finish it before his death. In January o'clock Matthias Flacius died very peace­ 1575 Flacius received another ultimatum fully. It was March 11, 1575. The great from the council permitting him only an­ scholar and controversialist was 55 years other month in the city. After further old when he committed himself to Christ petitioning and correspondence an exten­ with the words: Jesu Christe, fili Dei, sion was granted until May I, but Flacius miser ere mei.56 never lived to see this day. On Wednesday, March 9, Flacius re­ 56 P., II, 523-527. For the final scory of mained in bed because of weakness. On the Flacianists of Mansfeld and those driven from Regensburg to Austria until their demise March 10, feeling that death was near, he in the Counter Reformation, d. P., II, 390 to had his son Daniel call Pastors Hartmann 395.