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Urban Studies Urban Studies http://usj.sagepub.com/ Place of Origin and Labour Market Outcomes Among Migrant Workers in Urban China Chunni Zhang and Yu Xie Urban Stud published online 11 April 2013 DOI: 10.1177/0042098013482499 The online version of this article can be found at: http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2013/04/11/0042098013482499 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Urban Studies Journal Foundation Additional services and information for Urban Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://usj.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://usj.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav >> OnlineFirst Version of Record - Apr 11, 2013 What is This? Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on April 15, 2013 1–16, 2013 Article Place of Origin and Labour Market Outcomes Among Migrant Workers in Urban China Chunni Zhang and Yu Xie [Paper first received, March 2012; in final form, November 2012] Abstract The localistic enclave is a special kind of enclave in urban China, which is charac- terised by a high concentration of rural migrants from the same place of origin. Prior research has documented that rural migrants work in these localistic enclaves, but the significance of participation in them for labour market outcomes among migrant workers has yet to be determined. In this article, it is argued that localistic economic enclaves may improve the labour force outcomes of rural-to-urban migrants. Results are reported from a study of the social determinants and conse- quences of working in localistic enclaves, based on data from a 2010 survey of migrant workers in the Pearl River and the Yangzi River deltas. The results provide limited support for the hypothesis: localistic enclaves enable migrant workers to earn higher earnings overall, but the earnings returns to human capital in an enclave are limited. Since the late 1980s, China has been marked places of residence (National Bureau of by the extensive migration to urban areas of Statistics of China, 2011). Most of them rural populations attracted by job opportu- were rural migrants who sought employ- nities (Liang, 2001). This massive wave of ment in urban areas. A common miscon- rural-to-urban migration has been driven ception is that this rural-to-urban migration by the demand for labour in urban China has been disorderly, characterised by unor- and facilitated by the relaxation of the gov- ganised individual migrants being driven by ernment’s control through the household their own economic interests (Ma and registration system (hukou). In 2010, over Xiang, 1998). For example, popular media 220 million persons left their registered once portrayed such migration as ‘blind Chunni Zhang is in the Department of Sociology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong. Email: [email protected]. Yu Xie (corresponding author) is in the Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 426 Thompson Street, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104, USA. Email: [email protected]. 0042-0980 Print/1360-063X Online Ó 2013 Urban Studies Journal Limited DOI: 10.1177/0042098013482499 Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on April 15, 2013 2 CHUNNI ZHANG AND YU XIE flow’ (Florence, 2006; Yang and Cai, 2007; Ma and Xiang, 1998; Wang, 1995; Wang Zhan, 2003). However, in-depth studies and Yang, 2008; Yang and Wang, 2008). have rejected this stereotyped image and Researchers taking this approach are con- have revealed instead that migration in cerned primarily with the emergence of a today’s China is actually socially organised localistic enclave and the evolution of its by families, village clans and township gov- social structure and operation. ernments. Among many formal and infor- Previous studies of localistic enclaves mal social institutions that affect migrants, have been mainly descriptive in document- the localistic network (or laoxiang network), ing the phenomenon of localistic networks a social network based on place of origin, in urban China. To be sure, the significance has emerged as one of the most widespread of localistic networks for labour market and most effective mechanisms in organis- outcomes among migrant workers has been ing and facilitating the rural-to-urban recognised in the existing literature. For migration in China today. example, migrant enclaves have been Prior studies of rural-to-urban migra- described as emphasising the ‘power of tion have not only documented the exis- place’ in providing rural migrants with tence of localistic networks but also have resources and opportunities that would described their function in terms of favour- otherwise be unavailable to them (Ma and itism. Rural migrants are more willing to Xiang, 1998). However, no empirical offer assistance to migrants who share their research has actually evaluated the impact own places of origin in finding jobs, obtain- of participation in localistic enclaves for ing housing and otherwise adapting to migrants’ labour force outcomes. To help urban life. On the factory floor, the localis- fill this knowledge gap, our study addresses tic network penetrates power relations three research questions. What kind of involving managers, foremen and migrant rural migrants are more likely than others workers. Opportunities for desirable jobs to work in localistic enclaves? Does working and promotions are sometimes controlled in localistic enclaves bring higher wages to and distributed through localistic networks migrant workers compared with those (Lee, 1998). In this literature, many scho- working in the open economy? Are earnings lars have emphasised dyadic laoxiang ties returns to human capital higher in localistic involving two persons from the same place enclaves than in the open economy? of origin who engage in reciprocal favourit- Our article is divided into four sections. ism (Lee, 1998; Wang and Tong, 2004; In the first section, we introduce the signifi- Wang et al., 2002). cance of native-place ethnicity in the history Researchers have also studied localistic of internal migration in China and place the networks defined as migrant communities. issue of localistic enclaves within this tradi- Rural migrants from the same place of tion. We also review empirical findings on origin often aggregate: they tend to reside localistic enclaves in contemporary urban in the same neighbourhoods, specialise in China in light of the enclave-effect debate in the same occupations and/or work for the the immigration literature in the US. In the same employers. When their concentration second section, we propose specific hypoth- in a place passes a critical point, the place eses regarding enclave effects in China’s may be called a migrant localistic enclave. rural-to-urban migration context. To test Several studies have already documented our hypotheses, in the third section we ana- the formation and operation of these loca- lyse survey data collected in the Pearl River listic enclaves in urban China (Liu, 2002; and Yangzi River deltas in 2010, with two Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on April 15, 2013 MIGRANT WORKERS IN CHINA 3 measures of enclave participation. Finally, period 1850–1940, migrants in Shanghai’s we conclude that our study lends limited labour market were segregated by their support to the proposition that a localistic places of origin: migrants from southern enclave improves migrant workers’ labour Jiangsu in textile mills, migrants from force outcomes: localistic enclaves enable northern Jiangsu as dock coolies or rick- migrant workers to earn higher earnings shaw pullers and Yangzhou migrants as overall, although the earnings return to bathhouse attendants (Honig, 1992). An human capital in an enclave is limited. institutional manifestation of localistic eth- nicity was the widespread existence in urban China of native-place associations (tong- Native-place Ethnicity: Historical xiang hui), the purpose of which was to and Contemporary Significance strengthen solidarity among migrants, pro- viding financial support, education and wel- The organisation of migrants according to fare only to co-ethnics (Cole 1996). place of origin is a well-known phenom- After the People’s Republic of China was enon in the history of internal migration in founded in 1949, the government tried to China. Despite the pretence of a common eliminate all native-place associations and culture, Han, Chinese people from different imposed restrictions on migration through places of origin vary greatly in terms of cus- the household registration (hukou) system. toms, spoken language, habits, manners These government efforts substantially wea- and, above all, social identity. Chinese kened the influence of native-place ethnici- people tend to differentiate themselves in ties in employment, although ethnicity-based terms of place of origin to the extent that discrimination in ordinary lives persisted identities and relationships in terms of place (Honig, 1992). However, the revival of inter- of origin can be considered ethnic (Honig, nal migration after the initiation of the eco- 1992). Ethnicity here, as defined by Honig, nomic reform in 1978 has restored the social results from a heightened recognition of significance of native-place ethnicities. As cultural distinctiveness for social signifi- before, migrant workers in urban China cance. The social significance of localistic today tend not only to rely on their localistic ethnicity is enhanced by massive migration, networks to find urban jobs but also to segre- which enables people to mix with those who gate along these lines, occupationally and/or come from different places, speak different residentially. Many past studies have thor- dialects, practice different customs or oughly documented the existence of localistic belong to different cultures. In her ethno- enclaves in urban China: Pingjiang Cun in graphic study of migrants from northern Shenzhen (Liu, 2002) and Zhejiang Cun (Ma Jiangsu (i.e. Subei) province to Shanghai and Xiang, 1998; Wang, 1995) and Xinjiang from 1950 to 1980, Honig (1992) documen- Cun in Beijing (Wang and Yang, 2008; Yang ted that, before moving to Shanghai, people and Wang, 2008).
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