Mystery and Matter

Studies in Religion and the Arts

Editorial Board James Najarian Boston College Eric Ziolkowski Lafayette College

VOLUME 3 Mystery and Matter

On the relationship between liturgy and architecture in the thought of Dom Hans van der Laan osb (1904–1991)

By Michel Remery

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011 Cover illustration: Miniature from the ‘Bible Moralisée’, 13th. c., Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien (Cod.2554, fol.I.v). Imprimatur: Mgr A.H. van Luyn sdb, Bishop of Rotterdam, 18 March 2010.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Remery, Michel (Michel Petrus) Mystery and matter : on the relationship between liturgy and architecture in the thought of Dom Hans van der Laan OSB (1904-1991) / by Michel Remery. p. cm. — (Studies in religion and the arts ; 3) Based on the author’s thesis (doctoral)—Pontifical Gregorian University. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-18296-7 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Laan, Hans van der—Criticism and interpretation. 2. Architecture— Composition, proportion, etc. 3. Liturgy and architecture. 4. Church architecture. 5. Catholic Church—Liturgy. I. Title. II. Title: On the relationship between liturgy and architecture in the thought of Dom Hans van der Laan OSB (1904–1991). III. Series.

NA1153.L3R46 2010 246’.9—dc22

ISSN 1877–3192 ISBN 978 90 04 18296 7

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. Dilectis parentibus CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ...... xi Acknowledgements ...... xix Abbreviations ...... xxi

Introduction ...... 1 The 20th century context: a search for renewal ...... 3 a. The liturgical movement ...... 4 b. Developments in architecture ...... 7 Van der Laan’s Approach ...... 11 Sources used by Van der Laan ...... 12 Objective ...... 13 Sources ...... 13 Structure ...... 16

Chapter I Biography of Dom Hans van der Laan osb (1904–1991) ...... 19 1.1. Introduction ...... 19 1.2. Birth and family ...... 20 1.3. A triple preparation phase (1904–1929) ...... 29 1.3.1. ‘Looking’—Nature (1904–1922) Leiden ...... 29 1.3.2. ‘Making’—Society (1922–1927) Delft ...... 32 1.3.3. ‘Praying’—Liturgy (1927–1929) Oosterhout ...... 41 1.4. Monastic life in the tradition of Solesmes (1929–1991) ...... 49 1.4.1. Oosterhout (1929–1968) ...... 50 1.4.2. Vaals (1968–1991) ...... 103 1.4.3. Death ...... 121 1.5. Evaluation ...... 125

Chapter II Liturgy ...... 127 2.1. Introduction ...... 127 2.2. Vormenspel: compendium, synthesis, and guide ...... 132 2.2.1. Two definitions ...... 132 2.2.2. Nature, society and liturgy ...... 137 2.2.3. Functional, expressive and monumental forms ... 145 viii contents

2.2.4. The principle of liturgical form ...... 151 2.3. Evolution of the cardinal elements ...... 154 2.3.1. The three form-worlds and form-types ...... 155 2.3.2. Some important dyads ...... 163 2.3.3. Ima summis: the centrality of the Incarnation 173 2.4. Excursus: Ad orientem ...... 177 2.5. Concluding remarks ...... 185 2.5.1. The sources of an independent thinker ...... 185 2.5.2. Liturgy as a form of play? ...... 186 2.5.3. Evaluation ...... 188

Chapter III Towards a theory of architecture ...... 191 3.1. Introduction ...... 191 3.2. ‘Making’ according to Van der Laan ...... 194 3.2.1. The nucleus of the plastic number (1960) ...... 194 3.2.2. The crystallisation of a theory (1977) ...... 202 3.2.3. The culmination of a theory (1989) ...... 232 3.3. Constants and variables: the cardinal elements ...... 236 3.3.1. The foundations of pure architecture ...... 236 3.3.2. The divine foundations of architecture? ...... 245 3.3.3. Some important dyads ...... 254 3.4. Excursus: The plastic number and the golden section ... 262 3.5. Concluding remarks ...... 266 3.5.1. The objective principle of proportion ...... 266 3.5.2. Why is the theory so little known? ...... 269 3.5.3. Evaluation ...... 273

Chapter IV Liturgy and architecture: plastic designs ...... 275 4.1. Introduction ...... 275 4.2. Architectural designs ...... 278 4.2.1. A search for pure design ...... 278 4.2.2. Four examples ...... 278 4.2.3. A plastic expression in scale models ...... 311 4.2.4. Synthesis ...... 314 4.3. Liturgical vestments ...... 314 4.3.1. A quest for simplicity ...... 314 4.3.2. A theory of vestment-making ...... 320 4.3.3. The form of liturgical vestments ...... 331 contents ix

4.3.4. Religious habits and civilian clothing ...... 342 4.3.5. Synthesis ...... 348 4.4. Sacred vessels ...... 348 4.4.1. A search for noble elegance ...... 348 4.4.2. A theory of vessel making ...... 351 4.4.3. The form of sacred vessels ...... 353 4.4.4. Furniture and other objects ...... 356 4.4.5. Synthesis ...... 360 4.5. Concluding remarks ...... 361 4.5.1. The foundations of the theory and its applicability ...... 361 4.5.2. The proportions of the plastic number ...... 363 4.5.3. Evaluation ...... 366

Table 1: Development of architectural designs ...... following p. 366 Table 2: Development of the form of the chalice ... following p. 366

Chapter V In the light of the sources ...... 367 5.1. Introduction ...... 367 5.2. The Benedictine tradition ...... 369 5.2.1. St Benedict ...... 369 5.2.2. Dom Guéranger and Mme Bruyère ...... 373 5.2.3. Dom Delatte and Dom de Puniet de Parry ...... 377 5.2.4. Other Benedictine sources ...... 382 5.3. Monastic training: Scripture and Tradition ...... 386 5.3.1. Scripture ...... 386 5.3.2. Liturgy and rubrics ...... 390 5.3.3. Ecclesiastical documents and Papal teaching ...... 394 5.3.4. The Neo-Platonism of the Fathers ...... 396 5.4. Philosophical and theological formation ...... 411 5.4.1. Aristotle ...... 412 5.4.2. St Thomas ...... 414 5.4.3. Excursus: Nature and supernature, Neo-Platonism or Neo-Thomism? ...... 420 5.5. Other sources ...... 423 5.5.1. Liturgists, theologians and philosophers ...... 423 5.5.2. Architects and mathematicians ...... 428 5.5.3. Writers, artists and buildings ...... 434 x contents

5.6. Concluding remarks ...... 440 5.6.1. Sources that play an illustrative role ...... 440 5.6.2. Sources that are of fundamental importance ...... 442 5.6.3. Evaluation ...... 444

Chapter VI Conclusion: From Matter to Mystery ...... 447 6.1. Introduction ...... 447 6.2. Contemporary publications ...... 448 6.3. Perspectives ...... 453 6.4. Creation and salvation ...... 461 6.4.1. Creation ...... 462 6.4.2. Incarnation ...... 464 6.4.3. Sanctification ...... 466 6.5. Monastic theology ...... 468 6.5.1. Looking—Making—Praying ...... 468 6.5.2. Number—Order—Beauty ...... 470 6.5.3. Nature—Culture—Liturgy ...... 472 6.6. Evaluation: Mystery and matter in Van der Laan’s thought ...... 474

Appendix 1: La forme des églises ...... 479

Appendix 2: Over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar ...... 485

Appendix 3: List of books chosen for Lent ...... 504

Bibliography ...... 505 Archive material ...... 505 Other primary sources ...... 519 Electronic sources ...... 525 Secondary literature ...... 526

Summary ...... 571

Index ...... 583 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1 Leiden, St. Lodewijkkerk. [AVdL] ...... 2

Fig. 1.01 Leiden, St. Petruskerk, Baptismal book. [Photo: mpr, parish archives] ...... 21 Fig. 1.02 Leiden, Jan van der Laan. Drawing by young Hans van der Laan of his brother Jan. [AVdL] ...... 24 Fig. 1.03 Utrecht, cathedral tower. Drawing of the proportions by Van der Laan (1983). [AVdL] ...... 40 Fig. 1.04 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij (6 Sept. 1925). Rule of St Benedict. [AVdL] ...... 44 Fig. 1.05 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, Van der Laan as a young monk (c. 1928). [AVdL] ...... 46 Fig. 1.06 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, draft design for choir stalls (1928) by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 52 Fig. 1.07 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, Van der Laan in the sacristy of the abbey (c. 1933). [AVdL] ...... 58 Fig. 1.08 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, work in progress for the guest house (1939). [AVdL] ...... 62 Fig. 1.09 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, work in progress for the guest house (1939). [AVdL] ...... 63 Fig. 1.10 Breda, Van der Laan’s ordination certificate (2 Sept. 1934). [AVdL] ...... 65 Fig. 1.11 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, tomb of Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry (1941). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] ...... 72 Fig. 1.12 Oegstgeest, tombstone of Anna, Leo and Jo van der Laan (1941–1942). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] ...... 73 Fig. 1.13 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, model of an early Syrian church (1948). Architect Dom Van der Laan; execution cabinet maker J. Engelberts. [Photo: mpr] ...... 79 Fig. 1.14 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, scale model (1948). Architects Hans and Nico van der Laan; execution cabinet maker J. Engelberts. [Photo: mpr] ...... 81 xii list of illustrations

Fig. 1.15 Syracuse, design for a sanctuary (1955). Architects Andrault and Parat. [AE 102 (1958) 22] ...... 91 Fig. 1.16 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, work in progress (1975). [AVdL] ...... 111 Fig. 1.17 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, crypt, inscription in the ‘founder’s wall’ (1986). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] ...... 115 Fig. 1.18 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, Dom Hans van der Laan in his coffin, expecting to see his heavenly Father (22 Aug. 1991). [Photo: AVdL] ...... 124

Color Illustrations ...... following p. 126

Fig. C01 Leiden, Hooglandsche Kerkgracht 23. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C02 Leiden, St. Petruskerk (1835). Architect T. Molkenboer. [Photo: mpr, parish archives] Fig. C03 Leiden, St. Petruskerk (1933). Architects A.J. Kropholler and H. van Oerle. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C04 Leiden, St Elizabeth hospital (1906). Architect Leo van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C05 Leiden, St. Josephkerk (1925). Architects Leo and Jan van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C06 Leiden, Hooglandse kerk (c. 15th c.). [Photo: mpr] Fig. C07 Leiden, St Lodewijkkerk (c. 15th c.). [Photo: mpr] Fig. C08 Leiden, Burcht (c. 13th c). [Photo: mpr] Fig. C09 Solesmes, Abbaye St. Pierre de Solesmes. Below: extension under Dom Delatte (1898). [Photo: mpr] Fig. C10 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij (1907). Architect Dom Bellot. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C11 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, sacristy and choir stalls (1928). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C12 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, extension of the chapter wing (1930). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C13 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, guest house (1939). Architects Hans and Nico van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C14 Helmond, St. Josephkapel (1948). Architects Hans and Nico van der Laan. [AVdL] Fig. C15 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, farm (c. 1951). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C16 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, abbey church (1956). Architect J. Sluymer. [Photo: mpr] list of illustrations xiii

Fig. C17 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986). Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C18 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986), refectory. Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C19 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986), stairs. Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C20 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986), front. Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C21 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, crypt (1962). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C22 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, abbey church (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C23 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, abbey church (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C24 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, bell tower (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C25 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, stairs in the atrium (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C26 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, abbey church (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C27 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, library (1986). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C28 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C29 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, abbey church (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C30 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, fresco in the refectory (1977). Artist R. van der Does de Willebois. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C31 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, meeting room (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C32 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, cloister (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C33 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, existing Baroque church (1877). [Photo: mpr] Fig. C34 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, connection with the existing church (1877–1985). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C35 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, stairs (1985). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] xiv list of illustrations

Fig. C36 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, corridor (1985). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C37 Best, dwelling for Naalden, façade (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C38 Best, dwelling for Naalden, hearth (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C39 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, façade (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C40 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C41 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, abbey church (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C42 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, abbey church (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C43 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, library (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C44 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, guest house (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C45 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, cupboard (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C46 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: white cope (c. 1956); white chasuble (c. 1961); violet cope (c. 1968); black dalmatic (c. 1969). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C47 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: red dalmatic and chasuble (c. 1961); violet chasuble (c. 1974); green cope (c. 1991). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C48 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: chalice and paten (above: 1941; below: 1975). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C49 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: ewer and basin (c. 1987); holy water vessel and sprinkler (c. 1987). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] list of illustrations xv

Fig. C50 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, furniture (above: c. 1960; below: c. 1970). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C51 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, graveyard and tomb stone of Van der Laan (1991). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C52 Miniature from the ‘Bible Moralisée’, 13th. c., Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien. [Cod.2554, fol.I.v]

Fig. 3.01 The abacus. [AVdL; NP (III,9) 22] ...... 197 Fig. 3.02 Schematic plan of the Hagia Sophia. [AVdL; NP (XIII,13) 116] ...... 200 Fig. 3.03 Disposition of cell, court and domain. [AVdL; AR (III,13) 34] ...... 208 Fig. 3.04 Neighbourhood. [AVdL; AR (IV,9) 44] ...... 210 Fig. 3.05 An experiment. [AVdL; AR (VI,7) 59] ...... 211 Fig. 3.06 Measurements and thresholds. [AVdL; AR (VII,12) 91] ...... 215 Fig. 3.07 The complete system of eight measurements.[ AVdL; AR (VII,14) 94] ...... 216 Fig. 3.08 The eight bars.[ AVdL; AR (VIII,1) 97] ...... 217 Fig. 3.09 Lower system and quanta. [AVdL; AR (VIII,15) 110] .. 218 Fig. 3.10 Superposition. [AVdL; AR (IX,13) 125] ...... 220 Fig. 3.11 Juxtaposition. [AVdL; AR (IX,14) 126] ...... 220 Fig. 3.12 The morphoteque.[ AVdL; AR (X,7) 134] ...... 221 Fig. 3.13 White forms. [AVdL; AR (X,9) 137] ...... 221 Fig. 3.14 The extended morphoteque.[ AVdL; AR (X,10) 139] ...... 222 Fig. 3.15 Cell, gallery and hall. [AVdL; AR (XII,2) 163; (XII,7) 167; (XII,10) 172] ...... 225 Fig. 3.16 Disposition of the town. [AVdL; AR (XIII,11) 188] .... 227 Fig. 3.17 Stonehenge. [AVdL; AR (XV,2) 207] ...... 231 Fig. 3.18 Thematismos. [AVdL] ...... 234

Fig. 4.01 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, first sketches (1945). Architects Hans and Nico Van der Laan. [Letter to Nico 19450613] ...... 280 Fig. 4.02 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, design drawing (1948). Architects Hans and Nico Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 280 xvi list of illustrations

Fig. 4.03 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, chapel door (1948). Architects Hans and Nico Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 281 Fig. 4.04 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, sketches (c. 1956). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL V02/2] ...... 283 Fig. 4.05 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, sanctuary of the church, first draft (c. 1956). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL V09] ...... 284 Fig. 4.06 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, isometry of church and atrium (c. 1964). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL A13; A14] ...... 288 Fig. 4.07 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, floorplan of the church with the proportion 3:8 (c. 1964). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL V28/1] ...... 294 Fig. 4.08 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, floorplan of the church with the proportion 3:7 (c. 1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL V28/2] ...... 294 Fig. 4.09 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, domain (c. 1973). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL RO02] ...... 299 Fig. 4.10 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, façade (c. 1973). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL RO25] ...... 301 Fig. 4.11 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, confessional (c. 1973). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 302 Fig. 4.12 Best, dwelling for Naalden, executed design, isometry (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 303 Fig. 4.13 Best, dwelling for Naalden, executed design, floorplan (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan.[ AVdL] ...... 305 Fig. 4.14 Best, dwelling for Naalden, executed design, domain (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 306 Fig. 4.15 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, façade (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 308 Fig. 4.16 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, floorplan (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 308 Fig. 4.17 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, section of the abbey church (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 309 list of illustrations xvii

Fig. 4.18 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, pattern for tabernacle door (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 309 Fig. 4.19 Furniture, scale models (1982). Designer Dom Van der Laan; execution cabinet maker J. Engelberts. [Photo: mpr] ...... 312 Fig. 4.20 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, vestment studio. [AVdL] ...... 316 Fig. 4.21 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij. [AVdL] ...... 316 Fig. 4.22 Amplification of the Italian chasuble into the classical model (left) and the Gallican chasuble into the Neo-Gothic model (right). Drawing by Dom Van der Laan. [OL 8 (1950, nr. 2–3) 40] ...... 317 Fig. 4.23 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, episcopal vestments (1956). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Heidt, 19612, 1004a] .... 321 Fig. 4.24 The ancient Greek peplos. Drawing by Dom Van der Laan. [AAL 17 (1948) 273] ...... 326 Fig. 4.25 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, chasuble (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL] ...... 327 Fig. 4.26 Oosterhout, vestment studio. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL] ...... 328 Fig. 4.27 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, folding of the chasuble following the liturgical rubrics (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL; OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 56–58] ...... 332 Fig. 4.28 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, folding of the chasuble following the liturgical rubrics (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL; OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 56–58] ...... 333 Fig. 4.29 The chasuble. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [OL 26–27 (1956) 115] ...... 335 Fig. 4.30 The cope. Designer Dom Van der Laan.[OL 14 (1953) 63] ...... 335 Fig. 4.31 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, Surplice (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL] ...... 336 Fig. 4.32 The surplice. Designer Dom Van der Laan.[OL 5 (1949) 19)] ...... 337 xviii list of illustrations

Fig. 4.33 The dalmatic (left sleeve) and tunic (right sleeve). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [OL 32 (1957) 136] ...... 338 Fig. 4.34 The alb. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [OL 6 (1949) 22] ...... 339 Fig. 4.35 Human proportions (1964). Drawing by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 341 Fig. 4.36 Studies of human proportions by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 342 Fig. 4.37 Huldenberg, Belgium, religious habit for the Sisters of the Annunciation (1963). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 344 Fig. 4.38 Sketches for a dress by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 345 Fig. 4.39 Wedding dress. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 346 Fig. 4.40 Hood (1960). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 347 Fig. 4.41 Cassock for priests (1966). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 348 Fig. 4.42 Chalice (8 May 1961) [AVdL]. Chalice (14 July 1986) [AVdL LV152]. Designer Dom Van der Laan ...... 355 Fig. 4.43 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, carpet (1935). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 357 Fig. 4.44 Vaals Abbey seal and cross (1964). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] ...... 358 Fig. 4.45 Ostensory (1975). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL Jan. 1975] ...... 359

Table 1 ...... following p. 366 Table 2 ...... following p. 366

Fig. 6.01 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, lectern. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] ...... 455 Fig. 6.02 Rome, San Pietro in Vaticano. [Photo: F.J. Remery] ...... 458 Fig. 6.03 Vienna, Looshaus (1910). Architect A. Loos. [Photo: mpr] ...... 460 Fig. 6.04 Barcelona, Park Güell (1900–1914). Architect A. Gaudí. [Photo: mpr] ...... 461 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to express his gratitude to the supervisor of his doctoral dissertation, of which this book is the result, to Rev. Prof. Dr M.J.J.G. Chappin si, professor at the Faculty of Theology of the Pontifical Gregorian University, for all his help and suggestions. He would similarly like to thank his Diocesan Bishop, Mgr A.H. van Luyn sdb, the Apostolic Nuncio to the Netherlands, Mgr F. Bacqué, and his parish priest Father J.H. Smith for all their understanding and support. The author is equally thankful for the great contribution and moral support of Prof. Dr P.J.J. van Geest, as well as for his faith in this project. He is also indebted to Prof. Dr S.L. de Blaauw for his early interest in the project and for his valuable comments on the manuscript, and to Rev. Prof. Dr K.F. Pecklers si and Rev. Prof. Dr F. Koerner si. Among Van der Laan’s Benedictine brothers who have been of great help, the author wishes to especially thank abbot Dom A. Lenglet osb of Vaals for access to the abbey and archives as well as for his personal interest, Dom P. Roose osb for his many corrections and suggestions and Brother L. Moonen osb for his endless patience and availability in accessing Van der Laan’s Archive in Vaals. He furthermore wishes to thank Dom F. Huiting osb and the Chemin Neuf Community in Oosterhout; abbot Dom P. Dupont osb, Dom P.-A. Rochon osb, Brother A.M. Vossenaar osb, P. Sacristain in Solesmes; Dom M. Lori- aux osb, Dom A. van Berkum osb, Dom M. Werry osb in Vaals; Dom R. Fobé osb and Dom V. Broekaert osb in Zevenkerken; Rev. Director H. Raemdonck, Mother A. Vanhecke, Sister R. Engels in Waasmun- ster; Mother Tyra Antonia Andersson osb and Dom I. Svanteson osb in Mariavall. The author is similarly thankful for the input offered by Rev. Prof. Dr A. Bodar, Rev. Prof. Dr J. Carola si, Mgr Dr A. van Hooff; Dom van der Laan’s nephews, J.H. van der Laan M.Sc.Eng, and J.W. van der Laan M.Sc.Eng. as well as Mr P. van Dam. Special thanks also to Rev. Dr M. Lindeijer si and to Mr M. Klee- mans M.Sc. for the many hours of conversation about Van der Laan, to the theologian Mrs C. Hogenhuis Lic.Theol. and Mr J. Hogenhuis M.Sc. for their innumerable suggestions and comments, to the architect Mrs E. Fiorina M.Sc. and Mr C. Colessanti M.Sc. for their interest and help, and to the philosopher Dr J.P.H. Verburgt who approached the theme from a different angle. xx acknowledgements

Further thanks to Father N. Brett B.A., Sister Dr F.J.E. Boddens- Hosang, Mr B. McCarthy and Mrs I. Hewlett for their help with the English language, as well as to Father H.W.M. ten Have Lic.Theol and Rev. Dr J.C.M. van Winden ofm for their Latin corrections and to Mr H.J.W. Stuurman for his aid in preparing the illustrations. Thanks also to Mr A. ten Broeke M.Sc. for the exchange of bibliographical information, to Mgr H.W. Woorts Lic.Theol, Mr J. van Halem M.A., Mr. D. Huntjens B.A., Mr B. Martin LL.M, Mr R. Puggioni M.Sc., Mr J. Swiers, Mr E. van Deutekom M.A. and Mr B. Voskuil, for suggestions and support. Thanks to Abdij St. Benedictusberg in Vaals for the generous permission to use illustrations and texts from the Archief Hans van der Laan osb, St. Andriesabdij in Zevenkerken for the permission to use illustrations and texts from the periodical L’Art d’Eglise, and thanks to the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna for the right to use a miniature from the ‘Bible Moralisée’ (Cod.2554, fol.I.v). For their friendship and moral support the author expresses his thanks to his many friends and family members. He wishes to especially thank his parents Mr F.J. Remery M.Sc. and Mrs M.E.M. Remery- Voskuil M.A., who have supported him throughout his life as well as in this project. Above all he would like to express his gratitude to God, who has called him to be a priest to proclaim the Gospel of the Lord and—through the use of matter—render present to His flock the divine Mystery. ABBREVIATIONS

AAL L’Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques. AAS Acta Apostolicae Sedis, Roma 1909–. AE L’Art d’Eglise; from 1958 Art d’Eglise. AR HvdL, De architectonische ruimte, Leiden 19923. ASS Acta Sanctae Sedis, Roma 1865–1908. AVdL Archief Hans van der Laan osb, Vaals. BL Bibel und Liturgie. BR Breviarium Romanum, ex decreto SS. Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Summorum Pontificium cura recognitum, cum textu psalmorum e versione Pii Papae XII Auctoritate edita, t. I–II, Ratisbonae 1961 [ed. juxta typicam]. BSK Bouwkundige Studie Kring (Architectural Study Circle). BW Bouwkundig Weekblad. CCE Catechismus Catholicae Ecclesiae, 15 Augusti 1997. CC Corpus Christianorum, Turnhout 1953–. CE 1600 Caeremoniale Episcoporum, Clementis VIII, Innocentii X et Benedicti XIII, jussu editum, Benedicti XIV et Leonis XIII auctoritate recognitum, Ratisbona 1886 [Ed. Typica]. CE 1984 Caeremoniale Episcoporum ex decreto Sancrosancti Oecu- menici Concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Ioannis Pauli PP. II promulgatum, 14 Sept. 1984. CIC 1917 Codex Iuris Canonici Pii X Pontificis Maximi iussu digestus Benedicti Papae XV auctoritate promulgatus, 27 May 1917. CKA Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur (Course for Church Archi- tecture). Const. Constitutio. CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vienna 1866–. DH Denzinger-Hünermann. DHGE Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, Paris 1912–. xxii abbreviations

Een architectuur HvdL, Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur, Vaals 7 Apr. 1989. GB Het Gildeboek. GR Graduale Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, De tempore et de Sanctis, SS. D. N. Pii X Pontificis Maximi, iussu restitutum et editum ad exemplar editionis tipicae concinnatum et rhytmicis signis a Solesmen- sibus monachis diligenter ornatum, Pariis-Tornaci- Romae-Neo Eboraci 1961. HBO Hoger Beroeps Onderwijs (University). HBS Hogere Burger School (Secondary School) HTS Hogere Technische School (University). HvdL Dom Hans van der Laan osb. IGMR 1969 Institutio Generalis Missalis Romani, in: Missale Romanum ex Decreto Sacrosancti Oecumenici Con- cilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. VI promulgatum, Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis 1969. KB Katholiek Bouwblad, Heerlen 1946–1959. LH Officium ex decreto Sacrosancti Oecumenici Con- cilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. VI promulgatum, Liturgia Horarum iuxta Ritum Romanum, t. III–IV, Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis 1975 [Editio typica]. LJ Liturgisches Jahrbuch. LThK Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche. LvH Land van Herle. MD La Maison-Dieu. MR 1570 Missale Romanum, ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, S. Pii V. Pontificis Maximi, jussu editum, aliorum Pontificium cura recognitum a Pio X reformatum et Benedicti XV auctoritate vulgatum, Ratisbonae 1941 [Ed. XXIV juxta typicam Vaticanam]. MR 1969 Missale Romanum ex Decreto Sacrosancti Oecu- menici Concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. VI promulgatum, Typis Polyglottis Vati- canis 1975. msc Missionarii Sacratissimi Cordis Iesu (Missionaries of the Sacred Heart). abbreviations xxiii

MTS Middelbare Technische School (Secondary School) n.d. no date. n.n. nomen nescio. n.pp. no page numbers. ofm cap Ordo Fratrum Minorum Capuccinorum (Capu- chins). OL L’Ouvroir Liturgique, supplement to AAL and later to AE. op Ordo Fratrum Predicatorum (Dominicans). osb Ordo Sancti Benedicti (Benedictines). PG J. P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca, t. I–CLXII, Paris 1857–1866. PL J.P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Latina, t. I–CCXXI, Paris 1844–1864. PR Pontificale Romanum summorum pontificium, jusu editum, et a Benedicto XIV Pont. Max. Recognitum et castigatum, t. I–III, Mechlinia 1873. QL Questions liturgiques. r. 1830–1840 reign from 1830–1840. RKB Het R.K. Bouwblad (1929–1940). RL Rivista liturgica. RPL Rivista di pastorale liturgica. RR 1614 Rituale Romanum, Pauli V Pontificis Maximi, jussu editum, aliorumque pontificum cura recognitum atque auctoritate Ssmi D. N. Pii Papae XI ad normam Codicus Juris Canonici accommodatum, Ratisbonae 1925 [Ex. I juxta typicam Vaticanam]. RR 1974 De Comm. Rituale Romanum, De sacra communione et de cultu mysterii eucharistici extra Missam, Typis polyglotis Vaticanis 1974 [Editio typica]. RR 1984 De Ben. Rituale Romanum ex decreto Sancrosancti Êcu- menici Concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Ioannis Pauli PP. II promulgatum, De benedictionibus, 31 May 1984. RTF Rivista Teologica Fiorentina. RTP Revue de théologie et de philosophie. SC Sources chrétiennes, Paris 1942–. xxiv abbreviations sdb Societas Salesiana Sancti Ioannis Don Bosco (Salesians). Schoonheid HvdL, Over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar, Oosterhout 1944. SGTr Concilium Tridentinum, Friburgo de B., 1901–. si Societas Iesu (Jesuits). s.l. sine loco. SL Studia Liturgica. TH Technische Hogeschool (Technical University). TvL Tijdschrift voor Liturgie. Unp. Unpublished. Vormenspel HvdL, Het vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985. INTRODUCTION

On entering the church of St Joseph in Leiden, constructed in 1925 by the father and brother of Dom Hans Van der Laan, one is immediately struck by the enormous painting of the Holy Trinity in the apse, painted in 1931 by Alex Asperslag, with whom young Hans was in contact in the years before his entry into the monastery.1 Yet, when entering the church of Vaals in the south of the Netherlands, constructed by Dom Hans Van der Laan in 1964, the experience is quite different. In this case, it is not a particular decorative element that catches the eye, but the bare architectural space as such. Everything in the space seems to blend together into one harmonious whole, invit- ing the visitor to concentrate only on the essentials of life itself. The difference between these two churches shows precisely what the Dutch Benedictine monk and architect Dom Hans van der Laan (1904–1991) had been looking for throughout his life: the correlation between liturgy and architecture. This book is the result of the author’s personal interest in these two subjects. Being both an architect, a graduate of Delft University of Technology, and a theologian, trained at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome, it was a great joy to find liturgy and architecture united in the work of Van der Laan. At the time of writing, the author was serving as an assistant priest in Leiden, Van der Laan’s birthplace, in three churches which young Hans often used to visit: St. Lodewijk (in the neo-classicist style which he loathed, see fig. 1), St. Petrus (constructed by Kropholler whose approach he disliked), and the above- mentioned church of Onze Lieve Vrouw Hemelvaart-St. Joseph.

In Van der Laan’s work, liturgy and architecture can be distinguished as two central themes. He considered liturgy to be man’s worship of God by means of material objects, gestures and words. To architecture in a strict sense should be attributed all other forms of ‘human creation’: it concerns man’s ‘making’ in all its variety. For Van der

1 Cfr. H. van der Laan (HvdL), Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. 2 introduction

Fig. 1 Leiden, St. Lodewijkkerk. Drawing by young Hans Van der Laan (1917). [AVdL] introduction 3

Laan, a reciprocal relationship between the two can be observed: just as man makes the different ‘plastic forms’ he needs for his survival— houses, clothes, pottery, and so forth—he also uses outstanding examples of these forms to ‘make’ liturgy for God. Thus man sets aside his best possible creations to serve in worship: houses become churches, clothes become vestments, and pottery containers become sacred vessels. ‘Plastic form’ is a generic term referring to any three-dimensional artefact or architectural object. The term ‘plastic form’ is related to the ‘plastic number’, the name Van der Laan gave to his numerical system for calculating proportions. The proportional relationships within a ‘plastic form’ play an important role in connecting all the elements of a building or artefact. For example, Van der Laan held that the thickness of a wall is the measure that proportionally affects all other parts of a building, and even an entire town. He claimed that no specific church architecture exists. The application of fundamental rules for the design of artefacts should automatically lead to beautiful products, worthy of their liturgical function. Not only did he develop a theory concerning the fundamental rules for the form of human artefacts and the role they play with regard to the intellect and in liturgy, he also designed a wide selection of forms, ranging from dwellings to churches, from clothing to liturgical vestments, crockery and liturgical vessels. In this way he connected liturgy and architecture in his own work.

The 20th century context: a search for renewal

Van der Laan’s approach is unique in the history of the Church, and represents a substantial contribution to the thinking concerning the link between liturgy and architecture. The interdisciplinary implications of his work make it interesting as the subject of research, precisely because it operates on the cutting edge of ‘making’ i.e. architecture, and that of liturgy which is a human expression revealing something divine. He is important also for being the founder and mind behind a notable 20th century architectural school, commonly referred to as the Bossche School (the School of ’s-Hertogenbosch, the Netherlands). Though small in number, his churches were designed during the years before and after the Second Vatican Council, a time of great change within the Catholic Church in general and in the Netherlands in particular. It is interesting to note how his architecture was not affected 4 introduction by the liturgical changes. Before focusing on Van der Laan’s approach per se, the following shall briefly mention some aspects of the liturgical and architectural developments of the 20th century. The aim is to offer a general sketch of the context in which Van der Laan lived and in which he developed his theory.

a. The liturgical movement In the liturgical field, the first half of the 20th century was marked by the liturgical movement, which was strongly influenced by Bene- dictine spirituality.2 Its origins could be found in the work of Dom Prosper Guéranger and monks from the Benedictine Solesmes Abbey, France (1833), and its aim was to restore the original form of the Roman liturgy. Solesmes inspired the foundation of Beuron, Germany (1863), in turn leading to the foundation of Maria Laach, Germany (1892). Abbot Ildefons Herwegen (1874–1946) and Dom Odo Casel (1886–1948) of Maria Laach were important figures in the liturgical movement. Also in Germany, Father Romano Guardini (1885–1968) connected architecture and liturgy in his influential works. Through Beuron, Solesmes helped to found Maredsous (1872) in Belgium, which in turn led to the foundation of Mont César Abbey in Leuven (1899). This was to be another stronghold in the liturgical movement under the leadership of Dom Lambert Beauduin (1873–1960), who later founded Chevetogne Abbey (1925). Many Benedictine journals and publications were issued in the liturgical field. Under the influence of Maria Laach, in Austria the Augustinian canons of Klosterneuburg played a major role in the liturgical movement, especially with Pius Parsch (1884–1954).

2 For the following e.g. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I–III, Le Mans- Paris 1840–1841–1851; L. Beauduin, La pieté de l’Église. Principes et faits, Louvain 1914; R. Guardini, Vom Geist der Liturgie, Freiburg 1917; O. Casel, Die Liturgie als Mysterienfeier, Freiburg 1922; P. Parsch, Das Jahr des Heiles, Klosterneuburg 1923ff; W. van Koeverden, Het misdienaarsboekje, t. I–IV, Utrecht 1923–1933; F.C. Beu- kering, De Mis, Amsterdam 1939; Id., In de kerk, Amsterdam 1940; O. Rousseau, Storia del movimento liturgico. Lineamenti storici dagli inizi del sec. XIX fino ad oggi, Roma 1961; B. Neunheuser, ‘Il movimento liturgico: panorama storico e lineamenti teologici’, in: S. Marsili, ed., Anàmnesis. Introduzione storico-teologica alla liturgia, t. I, Casale Monferrato 1991, 9–30; L. Soltner, ‘Migne et Dom Guéranger. La collaboration Solesmienne aux débuts de la patrologie Latine’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 649–684. introduction 5

The motu proprio on liturgical music, Tra le sollecitudini (1903), of St Pius x is often considered to be a certain Papal justification of the liturgical movement. The purpose of the document was to renew the use of sacred music during liturgical services, presenting, as it were, a ‘juridical code of sacred music’.3 Like Pius x, the Second Vatican Council would later recognise that Gregorian chant should be awarded special attention, it “being specially suited to the Roman Liturgy”.4 The renewed attention afforded to liturgy by Tra le sollecitudini was further encouraged by the bull Divini Cultus of Pope Pius xi in 1928.5 These years were marked by an enthusiastic search for the essence of liturgy and ways to renovate and reinvigorate its celebration. People like Herwegen, Casel, Guardini, Beauduin, Pius Parsch and many others played an important role. In particular the address by Beauduin at a Catholic labour conference in Malines in 1909, which referred to Tra le sollecitudini, is considered to have been fundamental for the liturgical movement.6 In the Netherlands the names of, for example, Fathers Wilhelmus van Koeverden (1879–1932) and Fredericus van Beukering (1869–1938) are connected with it. As the beginning of the liturgical movement in the Netherlands the first liturgical congress in Breda in 1911 may be mentioned. More influential was the Eucharis- tic Congress in 1923 in Amsterdam. Throughout Western Europe the Liturgical movement led to the foundation of numerous periodicals and societies which intended to promote a renewed interest in and a correct understanding of liturgy. An important theme was the unity of the mystical Body of Christ, also in reaction to the growing individualism in society at the time. This unity was considered to be expressed and experienced especially during the celebration of the Eucharist. Inevitably, the search for renewal sometimes clashed with the task of the Church to preserve the faith in its entirety. Though its members may be very different, the body of the Church is one. In this context

3 Cfr. Pius PP. x, Motu proprio Tra le sollecitudini, 22 Nov. 1903, in: ASS 36 (1903) 329–339; Ioannes Paulus PP. ii, Chirografo per il centenario del motu proprio ‘Tra le sollecitudini’ sulla musica sacra, 22 Nov. 2003, in: AAS 96 (2004) 256–265. 4 Conc. Vaticanum II, Const. Sacrosanctum Concilium, Roma 1963, n. 116, in: AAS 56 (1964) 129: “liturgiae romanae proprium”; Cfr. S. Congregatio Rituum, Instructio Musicam Sacram, 5 Mar. 1967, 50, in: AAS 59 (1967), 314–315. 5 Cfr. Pius PP. xi, Const. Ap. Divini Cultus, 20 Dec. 1928, in: AAS 21 (1929) 33–41. 6 Cfr. P. Hammond, Liturgy and architecture, London 1960, 50; K. Pecklers, Wor- ship, London-New York 2003, 91–92. 6 introduction

Pius xii’s encyclical Mystici Corporis (1943) is considered to be very important, precisely because it emphasised that the Church was the Mystical Body of Christ and this gave a certain credibility to the liturgical movement. True Papal support was given with the first ‘liturgical’ encyclical, Mediator Dei (1947), which affirmed the validity of the liturgical movement though warning its main players at the same time not to run on ahead of the rest of the Church.7 This document became the Magna Carta of the liturgical movement. It was well received by most of its key-figures and offered a solidification of its foundations and an affirmation of the theological background of the Mystical Body. Though Mediator Dei is among the few liturgical documents to which Van der Laan referred, it will be seen that the influence on his theory was limited. The new élan generated by Mediator Dei is particularly visible in the international congresses in, for example, Maria Laach (1951) and Mont César (1954). In his address at the closure of the great world congress of pastoral liturgy in Assisi (1956) Pope Pius xii said that the liturgical movement had appeared as a sign of the providential dispositions of God, ‘as a passage of the Holy Spirit in His Church, to draw people closer to the mysteries of faith and the richness of grace that result from the active participation of the faithful in liturgical life’.8 The Pope’s reform of the liturgy of the Easter Vigil (1951) and Holy Week (1955), among others, demonstrate the continuous interest in liturgical issues. This interest found its apex in the preparation of the fundamental document of the Second Vatican Council, Sacrosanctum Concilium (1963), which was to make reference to many texts of the liturgical movement of the first half of the 20th century. Especially because of the great importance of the Congregation of Solesmes in the liturgical movement, it is particularly striking to note that Van der Laan does not seem to be affected at all by what was happening around him in Europe in the liturgical field. Apart from a single negative reaction to the writings of Romano Guardini, he did

7 Cfr. Pius PP. xii, Litt. Encycl. Mystici Corporis, 29 June 1943, in: AAS 35 (1943) 193–249; Id., Litt. Encycl. Mediator Dei, 20 Nov. 1947, in: AAS 39 (1947) 521–595. 8 Cfr. Pius PP. xii, Discours en conclusion du 1er congrès international de liturgie pastorale, Assisi 22 Sept. 1956, in: AAS 48 (1956) 712: “comme un passage du Saint- Esprit dans son Eglise, pour rapprocher davantage les hommes des mystères de la foi et des richesses de la grâce, qui découlent de la participation active des fidèles à la vie liturgique”. introduction 7 not mention any of the movement’s principal writers. Though certain writings of his confrères and especially the encyclicals of Pius xii must have been read aloud in the refectory and discussed during recreation, this book will demonstrate that they did not influence Van der Laan’s thinking in any fundamental way. He mainly quoted the works of Dom Guéranger and Dom Delatte, which had played a major role in his liturgical formation. His field of study was indeed liturgy, but he searched for its essence rather than for its historical importance, let alone the contemporary thought related to it. As such, Van der Laan cannot be considered to be part of the liturgical movement, even though his thought was developed in a time in which the approach to liturgy was very strongly marked by its effects. This means that in a historical sense key elements are missing in the thought of Van der Laan. At the same time it demonstrates the independent way in which he approached the study of liturgy and everything related to it. His lack of interaction with the liturgical movement should be considered typical of his attitude in other fields, for example that of architecture. As the main importance of this book is the study of the thought of Van der Laan in itself, this section should suffice as an introduction and a prelude to this theme.

b. Developments in architecture Throughout the ages, architects have searched to apply correct, harmonious and beautiful proportions to form and space. Most of them applied the wisdom of their predecessors and added a personal touch to it. The use of mathematics in order to achieve true proportions was considered of great importance. The ancient Egyptians, Pythagoras, Palladio, but also Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Raphael all used the proportions of the golden section to develop their architecture. Though modern architecture searched for other ways in which to achieve beauty, the interest in the golden section did not disappear completely, as is demonstrated, for example, by the work of Le Cor- busier (1887–1965). It will be seen later in this book that Van der Laan was to interpret the theory of the golden section in his own way. Just as in the liturgical field, the first half of the 20th century was for architecture a period of revolutionary renewal. The French Ecole Polytechnique is often mentioned as one of its main roots, which, like those of Solesmes, sprouted about a century before. Architecture from the Renaissance to Neo-classicism had been strongly influenced by the 8 introduction only theoretical work on architecture that survived from Roman times, Vitruvius’ De architectura libri decem.9 Surprisingly, in its own time the work had very limited influence and it was only in the Middle Ages that the work began to arouse interest. The study of the text had often become an end in itself, without the verification of archaeological data. Theoretical works on architecture include, for example, the late Medi- eval works of Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472) and the Renaissance treatises by Palladio (1508–1580). In the 20th century it was through the study of these works that someone like Rudolph Wittkower (1901– 1971) was able to present his view on architectural principles, which subsequently influenced the architecture of his time. The same can be said of, for example, the De Stijl movement of Theo van Does- burg (1883–1931), which sought to apply the principles of fine art to architecture. Around the same time the Bauhaus, with Walter Gropius (1883–1969) and later Ludwig Mies van der Rohe (1886–1969), placed much focus on the function of works of art. Architects such as Louis Sullivan (1856–1924) and later Frank Lloyd Wright (1867–1959) in the United States could be also be mentioned here as pioneers of modern architecture. Within the context of this section it is impossible to give an exhaustive overview, but these few names should suffice. In general it can be said that modern architecture debated with the principles of traditional architecture, which promoted the use of formal and traditional forms and materials, in favour of a more functional design, using new materials like concrete, steel and glass. At the same time, dictatorial regimes imposed a form of Neo-Classisism and formalism

9 For the following e.g. L. Sullivan, ‘The tall office building artistically considered’, Lippincott’s 57 (Mar. 1896) 403–409; F.L. Wright, Ausgeführte Bauten und Entwürfe, Berlin 1910; Le Corbusier-Saugnier, Vers une architecture, Paris 1923; T. van Doesburg, ‘Tot een beeldende architectuur’, De Stijl 6 (1924) 78–83; W. Gropius, The New Architecture and The Bauhaus, London 1935; R. Schwartz, Vom Bau der Kirche, Würzburg 1938; F. van Leeuwen, ‘Een kerk waar niets te zien is’, KB 24 (1957) 353–361; R. Wittkower, Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, London 1949; B. Champigneulle, Histoire de l’architecture, Paris 1972; K. Frampton, Modern architecture. A critical history, London 1980; H.-W. Kruft, Geschichte der Architekturtheorie. Von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, München 1985; F. Neumeyer, Mies van der Rohe. Das kunstlose Wort. Gedanken zur Baukunst, Berlin 1986; L.B. Alberti, De Re Aedificatoria, ed: On the Art of Building in Ten Books, J. Rykwert ed., et al., London 1988; M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, ed.: C. Fensterbusch, Darmstadt 1991; A. Palladio, I quattro libri dell’architettura, t. I–IV, Venetia 1570, in: M. Biraghi, ed., Pordenone 1992; A. Gerhards, ‘Die Aktu- alität der Avantgarde. Katholische Liturgie und Kirchenbau von 1900 bis 1950’, in: W.J. Stock, Europäischer Kirchenbau 1900–1950. Aufbruch zur Moderne, Munich- Berlin-London-New York 2006, 70–89. introduction 9 as the reigning architectural style in their countries, banning most of modern architecture. Catholic church architecture in the Netherlands flourished after the restoration of the hierarchy in 1853. The designs demonstrate a special attention to traditional forms. The names of the Neo-Gothic architects of the generations preceding Van der Laan, especially those of Pierre Cuypers (1827–1921), Alfred Tepe (1840–1920), Evert Margry (1841–1891) and Carl Weber (1820–1908), are oft-quoted by scholars of recent Dutch Church history, though only a limited number of studies has actually been made of their work. The next generation of architects continued to adhere to traditional values, though their style changed. They include the architects of the traditionalist Delftse School (the School of Delft), for example Marinus Granpré Molière (1883–1972) and Alexander Kropholler (1881–1973), contemporaries of Van der Laan.10 Mention may also be made of someone like Frits Peutz (1896–1974), who, according to Van der Laan, had a traditional approach but opposed both the Delftse School and the Bossche School.11 They were strongly criticised in their time, precisely because of their traditional attitude. While Dom Beauduin spoke in Malines in 1909, Adolf Loos (1870– 1933) worked on the design of his house in Vienna, which was to have great influence on domestic building. It was however again in France that the two ‘movements’ of renewal in the fields of liturgy and architecture came together. Hammond places the beginning of a

10 Cfr. e.g. A.J. Looijenga, De Utrechtse School in de neogotiek. De voorgeschiedenis en het Sint Bernulphusgilde, Heemstede 1991; C. Wagenaar, Tussen grandezza en schavot. De ontwerpen van Granpré Molière voor de wederopbouw van Gronin- gen, Groningen 1991; B.C.M. van Hellenberg Hubar, Arbeid en bezieling. De esthetica van P.J.H. Cuypers, Nijmegen 1995; F.J. van der Vaart, Bedelordekloosters. ’s-Hertogenbosch en de Bossche School: studies over architectuur en stedenbouw, Nijme- gen 1999; V. Delheij–A. Jacobs, Kerkenbouw in Limburg, 1850–1914. Neogotische en neoromaanse parochiekerken en hun architecten, Sittard 2000; S. de Jonge, Kerkarchi- tectuur na 2000. Het ontwikkelen van grensverleggende typologieën tussen literatuur, architectuur en duurzame ontwikkeling, Eindhoven 2002; J. Pouls, Ware schoonheid of louter praal. De Bisschoppelijke Bouwcommissie van Roermond en de kerkelijke kunst van Limburg in de twintigste eeuw, Maastricht 2002; J. Roding–T. Boersma– D. Segaar, A. J. Kropholler (1881–1973). Terugkeer tot de Hollandse architectuurtraditie, Rotterdam 2002; H. Ibelings, Architecten in Nederland. Van Cuypers tot Koolhaas, Rotterdam 2005; H.E.M. Berens, ed., et al., P.J.H. Cuypers (1827–1921). Het complete werk, Rotterdam 2007; A.J.C. van Leeuwen, Pierre Cuypers, architect (1827–1921), Zwolle 2007. 11 Cfr. N. van der Laan ‘Over twee kerken’, KB 14 (1946) 49–52; HvdL, MTS Heerlen, groep onder leiding van de heer Wolters, s.l. 1 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL]. 10 introduction new chapter in the history of ecclesiastical architecture in 1923, at the consecration of the church of Notre-Dame du Raincy in Paris.12 It was designed by the architects Auguste (1874–1954) and Gustave Perret (1876–1952). The layout recalls that of the ancient basilica, but the large open space, created mainly with concrete and glass, was something revolutionary and new. It quickly found epigones, for example in the church of St Antony in Basel, Switzerland, constructed in 1927 by Karl Moser (1860–1936). The principles of modern church architecture were studied by means of a dialogue between architects and theologians. Several monks from the abbey of Maria Laach, but also for example Romano Guardini, were instrumental in the study of the relation between liturgy and architecture. The architect Rudolf Schwarz (1905–1994) was one of the leading thinkers in this direction. He wanted faith, not the historical forms of art, to be his starting point, and intended to eliminate everything that had no direct relation with what a contemporary Christian would need in a church. His Corpus Christi church in Aachen, consecrated in 1930, gives evidence of a total devotion to the essential. The bare white walls in no way distract attention from the essence of faith taking place on the surface of the black marble altar. In order to dedicate his attention to both liturgy and architecture, he was in close contact with Father Romano Guardini. Though Schwartz was a contemporary of Van der Laan and worked in the same field, they never met and Van der Laan did not betray any signs of having taken notice of the ideas and designs of Schwartz. Another German architect who sought to dialogue with liturgists and theologians is Dominikus Böhm (1880– 1955). Contrary to Schwartz, for Böhm the link with historical forms was important. His church of St Engelbert in Riehl, Cologne, which was consecrated in 1932, is basically an enormous vault placed on a circular plan. The stained glass windows enhance the sensation of a gothic cathedral in this clearly modern church. A few years before, in 1923, Böhm had constructed Abdij St. Benedictusberg in Vaals with Martin Weber (1890–1941). Van der Laan greatly disliked the use of ‘romantic forms’ in this design. It will be seen how he did everything he could to eliminate these elements from the moment that his Con- gregation was asked to occupy the abbey in 1951.

12 Cfr. P. Hammond, Liturgy and architecture, London 1960, 50–66. Cfr. also W. Weyres–O. Bartning, ed., Kirchen. Handbuch für den Kirchenbau, München 1959, 81–82; K. Pecklers, Worship, London-New York 2003, 91–106. introduction 11

Van der Laan’s Approach

The preceding demonstrated that in the first half of the 20th century, general ideas on architecture and on architectural theory were evolv- ing rapidly. The same happened in the field of liturgy and the study of its sources. When one realises that Van der Laan developed his theory on liturgy and architecture in the midst of such a changing world, it is quite surprising how little notice he took of what was happening around him. He quietly went his own way, avoiding almost all dialogue with the modern world, and basing himself on the most ancient principles of architecture and on the spiritual sources of the tradition of Solesmes. Still, it shall be seen that his thought on architecture offers a true rupture with the 19th century traditionalism that most of his teachers defended. Because of this isolated position, which cannot be completely ascribed to his monastic existence, an extensive comparison with other authors can only take place after having thoroughly studied the work of Van der Laan himself. Such a comparison, however, falls beyond the scope of this book. Not many architects have based their work on an all-encompassing theory as Van der Laan did. However, although his major works have been translated into several languages, his contribution has been largely overlooked in academic literature. His name is known only to a comparatively small circle of admirers and critics around the world, and almost exclusively within the field of architecture, without reference to the larger context of his work on liturgy.13 One of the reasons

13 Cfr. e.g. P.A.M. Mertens–A. Peters, ‘Bouwkunst van 1839 tot 1989’, in: J.C.G.M. Jansen, ed., Kunst en cultuur in Limburg, t. II, Maastricht 1989, 166–167; n.n., ‘Dom H. van der Laan (1905)’, in: n.n., Dutch Arts. Architecture in the Neth- erlands, Rijswijk 1991, 51–53 [Ministry of Cultural Affairs]; A. Hellebrand– D. Lumey, ‘Architect van de stilte. Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: Zwervend genieten van het land zonder grenzen, Gulpen 1991, 46–47; P.M.J. Jacobs, ‘Laan, Dom (Hans) van der’, in: Beeldend Nederland. Biografisch handboek L-Z, Tilburg 1993, 6; F. Geraets, Boven het maaiveld. 100 Portretten van markante Limburgers uit de 20 e eeuw, Weert 1999, 211–214; V. Magnago Lampugnani, ed., Dizionario Skira dell’architettura del Novecento, Milano-Genève 2000, 243; S. Bruins, ‘Van der Laan, Johannes Theodorus Maria (Dom Hans)’, C. Olmo, ed., Dizionario dell’architettura del XX secolo, t. VI, Torino-London 2001, 379–380; K. Suso Frank, ‘Laan, Hans van der’, in: LThK, t. XI, Freiburg 2001, 167; T. Hoogbergen, ‘Beroemde Bosschenaren (III). Aandacht voor meer persoonlijkheden’, Bossche Bladen 5 (2003, nr. 1) 23; J. Pouls, ‘Laan, Hans van der’, in: G. Harinck, ed., Christelijke Encyclopedie, t. II, Kampen 2005, 1078–1079; H. Ibelings, ed., Architecten in Nederland. Van Cuypers tot Koolhaas, Amsterdam 2005, 126–127, 176–179; J. Tietz, Was ist Gute Architektur? 21 Antworten, München 2006, 12; J. Huisman, ‘Jo Coenen (2000–2004). ‘Een deftige maar eenzame functie’’,Smaak 6 12 introduction might be the sobriety of his designs, sometimes described by opponents as car parks, prisons, or bunkers. This may be the result of the abstraction of the idea of beauty, which could be frightening at first sight, as he himself admitted.14 However, on reappraisal it becomes clear to the average observer that here there is more than simply a grey concrete box. Though one might disagree with Van der Laan’s belief that his designs are of great beauty, one cannot fail to be touched by the great sense of proportion they reveal.15 Even if the objective beauty he claimed for his designs remains a moot point, the debate concerning this beauty cannot take place without a proper understanding of what he considered to be the foundations of (church) architecture and of the liturgy that should take place within it.

Sources used by Van der Laan

When searching for the sources used by Van der Laan, various considerations should be taken into account. Given his interdisciplinary approach, it is inevitable that he used a great variety of sources. For him, anything he encountered in his daily life could serve as an element in his theory. His empirical-phenomenological attitude led to many practical solutions for problems he encountered when trying to formulate an answer to a question raised by his theory or when designing a particular building or artefact. Subsequently, these solutions were incorporated into his theoretical framework. As already mentioned, the contribution of secondary sources is limited where the link between liturgy and architecture is concerned. The investigation is further complicated by the fact that Van der Laan rarely mentioned his sources, so that the direct quotations only give a partial clue to the identity of his theoretical masters. One searches in vain for the proper theological cornerstone of his theory, as he drew from many elements from the Christian tradition, without making these explicit. His search

(June 2006) 42–43; F. van der Linden, ‘Bossche School’, Monumenten 27 (Jan. 2007) 18–19; n.n., ‘Zestien kerken op lijst nieuwe rijksmonumenten’, RKK (15 Oct. 2007), http://www.katholieknederland.nl/actualiteit/2007/detail_objectID614104_FJaar2007 .html (access 20100522); J. Huisman, “Er gaat meer kapot dan je lief is, als de kerk verdwijnt”, Belvedere Nieuws 12 (Jan. 2008) 2. 14 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19721108; n.n., ‘Benediktinerkloster Mamelis Vaals’, EuriArtes (Apr. 2008) 10–13. 15 Cfr. e.g. M. Delrue, ‘Waar de kunst een kniebuiging maakt’, TvL 79 (1995) 259. introduction 13 was for the universal principles behind the design of human artefacts. Therefore, his practical work should also be taken into consideration when seeking the foundations of the theory he developed. To this must be added the monastic environment in which he was moulded and in which he lived most of his life, and also his own personality.

Objective

The objective of this book is not primarily to erect a monument in the gallery of Catholic architecture to the achievement of Van der Laan, but to show how all of his designs were based on an underlying theory involving the creation of all human artefacts used in society. It is in liturgy that these artefacts play their most significant role and serve to unite the whole created universe of visible and invisible things with God. The book may also contribute to a deeper reflection on the essentials of architecture in this era, for the ultimate starting point for Van der Laan was always God’s creation, considering the architect as a limited ‘co-creator’. This is totally opposed to the thought of some modern architects and artists who would rather consider themselves the gods of their creations. Van der Laan spent his life searching for objective truths outside himself, which makes him particularly interesting as a subject for study. A further contribution of this book is the compilation of an extensive list of secondary sources, as is found in the bibliography. Such a list did not exist before.

Sources

One of the main primary sources for this book was the Archief Hans van der Laan osb (AVdL). It is conserved in Abdij St. Benedictusberg in Vaals (the Netherlands), where Van der Laan lived and worked for the last 24 years of his life after having spent almost 40 years in Oos- terhout. This archive contains most of his unpublished and published work, plus a good number of publications about him and his work. In a separate section, it contains much material concerning the Bossche School. As the focus is on Van der Laan’s thought, documents of the Bossche School have only been taken into account as far as they are of direct interest to this research. The archive is still ‘under construction’ and not all of the information has been definitively catalogued and numbered. Still, it was possible to consult all the material present 14 introduction in the archive at the time of writing. Most of this material is written in Dutch, but some is in English or in French, the lingua franca of Oosterhout Abbey when Van der Laan entered the monastery. Two of the early unpublished documents are considered to be of such a fundamental importance to this study, that they have been added as an appendix to allow ease of access for the reader. Moreover, the archive’s data were used to compile the first complete list of his works, which can be found in the bibliography. Another primary source of information is Van der Laan’s correspondence with his brother Nico, his religious sisters and other rela- tives, as well as friends and people interested in his theory. At the time of writing, these letters were not yet integrated in the AVdL. They offer a unique personal, theological and spiritual addition to the more technical AVdL. Throughout his life, he threw away all personal information, keeping almost none of the letters he had received. His photocopied archive, which he intended to be complete, also left out personal information. Therefore, the letters written by Van der Laan form a very important source of information, as both himself and his superiors realised.16 He wrote to his sister Gertrude in 1964: When Sister Lutgarde was here, she told me that she had kept most of my letters and that they contained many remarks concerning the Course in ’s-Hertogenbosch. It is true that I have always told her openly about my adventures with Nico and the development of my train of thought with regard to architecture. Now I deemed it interesting to study the development of that work in these letters. Therefore, last year she let me have the entire folder through a friend who was visiting Holland.17 From that date onwards Van der Laan started to collect his own letters, which he kept in chronological order in his cell, ordered in self- made cardboard boxes. There are pencil marks and corrections in his handwriting, which must have been made later while searching for indications of the genesis of his architectural theory in his own letters.

16 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19881004, 19881016. 17 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19640722: “Toen Sr. Lutgarde hier was, vertelde ze mij dat zij al mijn brieven voor het grootste deel bewaard had & dat daar veel opmerkingen instonden over de Cursus in Den Bosch. Inderdaad heb ik haar altijd het wel & wee bij Nico & de ontwikkeling van mijn gedachtengang aangaande de architectuur openhartig verteld. Nu leek het mij interessant die groei van dat werk in die brieven na te gaan. Ze heeft mij daarom ’t vorig jaar het hele pakje laten brengen door een vriend die Holland bezocht”. English translations are by the author (mpr), if available based on those by Padovan, often slightly modified. introduction 15

He gave them to read to people who he thought might profit from this.18 Especially in the early years, his letters to his sisters were complete homilies, offering a precious insight into his spiritual life. It is interesting to note that letters to non-family members are neater and more spaciously arranged. All letters are handwritten on both sides of the sheet, leaving very small margins, especially before and during the Second World War. Not every letter is dated, so that at times an educated guess has to be made as to the year of writing, based on context, contents and references to other letters. Since his death, these letters have been kept in the cell of the former prior, Dom Pieter Roose. Other letters are preserved in Brugge (Belgium) and Geneva (Switzerland). The bibliography gives a list of the more than one thousand letters that have been consulted for this book. Apart from the correspondence with the architect Richard Padovan, most of the letters are not integrated into the AVdL, and have never before been the subject of a systematic study. Most of the secondary literature on Van der Laan’s life and work concerns his architecture and artefacts. Some include his theory of architecture, but the link to the greater backdrop of heaven and earth, which comes together in liturgy, has never been studied in detail. It is the intention of this book to help eliminate this lack. Many of the publications about one or another aspect of the designs by Van der Laan are newspaper articles. Thorough studies are rare. Exceptions are the works by Padovan, Maas, Verde and Ferlenga. It goes beyond the scope of this work to discuss all the unpublished studies about Van der Laan’s work and theory, though it is interesting to see that those studies of his work which were sent to him, received a gently-worded yet often very critical reaction.19 The secondary literature shall be referred to in this book only if relevant to the study of the thought of Van der Laan.

18 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19681101. 19 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to P. de Bont 19840705; Letter to C. Leufkens 19840710. For unpublished studies cfr. e.g. H. van Heusden, Bossche School versus Delftsche School. Een inventarisatie van twee traditionele architektuurstromingen, Eindhoven n.d. [Unp. Essay]; J.F. Malschaert – T.J. Malschaert, Architectuur. Spel van ruimte en massa, Dordrecht n.d. [Unp.]; E. Knuttel, De Bossche School. Een persoonlijke reflektie op een architektonisch gebeuren, s.l. 1977 [Unp. Essay]; G. Dieteren, Ruimte voor liturgie, Heerlen 1981 [Unp. Essay]; P. de Bont, Het buiten in de ban van het binnen. Over Hans van der Laan, zijn theorie, zijn werk en zijn waarde, Delft 1984 [Unp. Essay]; H. Lips, Architektuur, s.l. 1984 [Unp. Essay]; H. Butler, Le nombre plastique. Présen- tation didactique des principes d’ordonnance architectonique de Dom H. van der Laan, 16 introduction

Structure

The first chapter is biographical and aims to show how Van der Laan’s life, theory and works are intimately connected and cannot be considered separate from each other. This will serve as a basis for the presentation of his theory. As the very foundation of this theory is found in the relationship between God and man, the second chapter intends to demonstrate how creation with its origin and final aim always formed the background to his thinking on architecture and other forms of human ‘making’. It is in liturgy that man collectively formulates an answer to his Cre- ator. Van der Laan was particularly interested in the objects and buildings that man uses to celebrate liturgy. The conclusions of this second chapter shall be referred to in subsequent chapters, and will help to study the application of the theory in distinct fields whilst keeping in mind the overall theme. Thus the third chapter goes on to show how Van der Laan was able to move from his theory of liturgy to its practical implications for the theory of designing architectural structures. It is in this chapter that the core of his architectural thought, the theory of the ‘plastic number’, shall be explained. The reason that it is explained so late in this book is precisely because it should always be considered as being part of a greater theory. The fourth chapter will

Boulogne 1985 [Unp. Essay]; L. Labat – P. Hasselt, Dom H. van der Laan. Situe- ring en theorie, s.l. 1985 [Unp. Essay]; I. Millan Klusse, Las Relaciones plásticas en el monasterio románico de Sant Pau del Camp. Una aplicación del pensamiento del Padre Van der Laan, Barcelona 1985 [Unp. Doctoral Thesis]; A. Smits, Het volledig menselijk verblijf, Tilburg 1985 [Unp. Essay]; T. Maas, De eigen wetgeving der architectuur. Woorden en werken van Dom H. van der Laan en de Bossche School, Delft 1988 [Unp. Essay]; E. Huvaere, Dom Hans van der Laan. De architectonische ruimte, Gent 1989 [Unp. Essay]; L. van den Broeck, Dom Hans van der Laan. L’espace architectonique et la crise de la forme, Bruxelles 1990 [Unp. Essay]; C.J.M. Hermsen, Confrontaties tussen Dom Hans van der Laan en de architecten van de nieuwe zakelijkheid na de Tweede Wereldoorlog, Nijmegen 1993 [Unp. Essay]; C. Leufkens, Naar een architectonische ruimte, Delft 1984 [Unp. Essay]; K.E. Kruhm, Four Houses. A Language of Transition from Earth to Sky, s.l. 1995 [Unp. Essay]; H. Karels, De Architectuurtheo- rie van Dom van der Laan aan de praktijk getoetst, Amsterdam 1998 [Unp. Essay]; R. Janssen, 1,324718, Delft 2001 [Unp. Essay]; D. Koch, Tectonische eerlijkheid, Tilburg 2002, esp. 69–83 [Unp. Essay]; S.Y. Choo, Study on Computer-Aided Design. Sup- port of Traditional Architectural Theories, München 2003 [Unp. Doctoral thesis]; R. Robbertz, Zoeken naar essenties. Een vergelijking tussen Aldo Rossi’s San Cataldo en Dom Hans van der Laans St. Benedictusberg, Utrecht 2005 [Unp. Essay]; J. Thomas, Ima Summis. Een onderzoek naar de filosofische en theologische bronnen van de architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan, Leuven 2006 [Unp. Essay]; B. Theunissen, tan(abacus), Eindhoven 2007 [Unp. Essay]. introduction 17 study concrete expressions of this theory in the field of architecture, as well as in the fields of vestment and vessel-making. Having studied the essential elements of Van der Laan’s thought in these three chapters where liturgy and architecture are intimately connected, a fifth chapter intends to research which of the sources he used and cited were of fundamental importance to him and to which of these a more cosmetic value should be ascribed. This will lead to the discovery of a collection of surprising and unlikely sources that helped him in the development of his theory, not only in the field of liturgy, but also in the fields of architecture and of other human creations. As a prelude to the conclusion, a brief glance at the contemporary literature on liturgy and architecture and the possible contribution of the theory will be followed by an analysis of possible criticism of Van der Laan’s approach. On the basis of what is discovered in the preceding chapters, the final conclusion will then be able to review Van der Laan’s theory within the context of its theological, incarnational, architectural and liturgical background, with the intention of analysing its essence. Via a journey that begins with Van der Laan’s life and which then considers the theory and practice of liturgy and architecture in his thought, as well as the relation between these fields, it is the aim of the book to arrive at a definition of the fundamental sources that led Van der Laan to the development of his theory and to his important service to the opus Dei of mankind, which takes place during the earthly liturgy, imitating, reflecting and joining in the heavenly liturgy, where matter and Mystery come together.

CHAPTER ONE

BIOGRAPHY OF DOM HANS VAN DER LAAN OSB (1904–1991)

1.1. Introduction

The exuberant baroque churches of Rome seem a world away from the bare concrete buildings built by Van der Laan. Nonetheless, he thoroughly enjoyed his visits to the eternal city and spoke very highly of the unique composition of St Peter’s and its environs with the basilica by Michelangelo and others, the façade by Maderno, the square by Bernini and the Via della Conciliazione by Spacarelli and Piacentini, the latter with whom Van der Laan had lively discussions with about architecture.1 Three years after his first trip to Rome in 1955, he still recalled “that delightful Roman atmosphere, the only one in the world one can truly live in . . . that delightfully free-spirited life where everything is valued at its worth and where only the truly necessary applies”.2 But those who believe that he was referring here to the dolce vita will be disappointed when Van der Laan explained that his Roman experience was like fasting during Lent: severe, well-balanced, cheerful and pithy, elements he attempted to apply when designing the church of the abbey in Vaals in 1956.3 For him the one true thing always remained his faith in a living and loving Lord, to whom all these elements should refer. Of all the examples of beautiful architecture in Rome, he found the basilicas reflected his own ideas about liturgy and architecture the most, especially Santa Sabina on the Aventine Hill,

1 Cfr. H. van der Laan (HvdL), Reis naar Rome, Rome 1 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. HvdL, Nabeschouwingen op de lezing van ir. van Ravesteyn, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Apr. 1956 [Unp. AVdL], a reaction to the article by S. van Ravesteyn, ‘De doorbraak naar de St. Pieter te Rome (Via della Conciliazione)’, Forum 7 (Mar. 1952, nr. 3) 76–111. 2 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19580302 “Die heerlijke romeinsche atmospheer, de eenige op de wereld om echt in te leven . . . dat heerlijke vrije leven waar alles geldt voor wat het waard is & waar het eenig noodzakelijke ook werkelijk als zodanig geldt”. 3 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19690504, 19811110. 20 chapter one where he recognised the essential proportions that he also tried to incorporate in his own architectural work.4 Van der Laan’s life and the origin of his approach were completely interwoven and he himself was well aware of this.5 In his life he was simultaneously architect, monk, tailor, sacristan and priest. For a chronological overview of his major works in the field of architecture, the reader should refer to Table 1 (following p. 366) and, similarly, for an overview of his writings, to the bibliography. A proper biography has not yet been written, which is why the following chapter is rather extensive. This biographical chapter will sometimes anticipate themes that will be discussed more extensively in later chapters. In turn, these chapters will frequently refer to his life to shed light on his theory of liturgy and architecture. This overlap is necessary in order to provide a good overview of who Van der Laan was and to demonstrate how his theory and work corresponded with his interior and exterior life.

1.2. Birth and family

Hans van der Laan was brought into a church for the first time on the day of his birth, the 29th of December 1904. It was the church of St. Petrus at the Langebrug in Leiden (see fig. C02, following p. 126). This church had been constructed in 1835 by architect T. Molkenboer to replace the small schuilkerk (clandestine church) in St. Jorissteeg and offer a worthy alternative for the Sunday liturgy in a local inn. Although most of the church was destroyed by fire in 1933 and replaced by 1935 with the church of St. Petrus along Lammenschansweg by architects Alexander Kropholler and Hugo van Oerle, the baptismal registers were saved and transferred to the new church (see fig. 1.01; C03).6 These registers state that Johannes Theodorus Maria van der Laan was baptised on the 29th of December 1904 by parish priest Joannes Josephus Vernieuwe (1843–1923), who served in the church of St. Petrus between 1890 and 1910 and whose portrait hangs in the

4 Cfr. e.g HvdL, Reis naar Rome, Rome 4 Mar.1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 5 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Toespraak’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982, 7–9; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19820325. 6 Cfr. H. van Oerle, ‘De St. Petruskerk te Leiden. Architekten A.J. Kropholler en Ir. H. van Oerle’, KB 6 (1934–1935) 241–243; A. Hallema, ‘Hoe vier eeuwen terug een verbrande stad werd opgebouwd’, KB 6 (1934–1935) 245–246. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 21

Fig. 1.01 Leiden, St. Petruskerk, Baptismal book. Entry on 29 Dec. 1904: “Ego [J.J. Vernieuwe] parochus [hujus ecclesiae baptizavi] J.nem Theodorum Mariam ex Leonardo v. der Laan & Anna Ma Louisa Stadhouder. Patrini fuerunt J.nes Theod. Petr. Cornelissen & Rosalia Ma Eleonora Heittmann”. [Photo: mpr, parish archives] office of his successor and that of the curate of this Leiden parish to the present day.7 The family into which Hans van der Laan was born had a house at Hooglandsche Kerkgracht 23 in Leiden, where he would live for his entire youth (see fig. C01). He was the ninth of eleven children of whom six were boys and five were girls. Daily churchgoing and home devotions were very much part of his life. As he grew up, Dutch society became progressively more organised into zuilen (‘columns’, or religious or ideological groups).8 The three main groups were Catholics, Protestants and ‘social-democrats’. Families lived as part of one of

7 Cfr. Liber Baptizatorum, Leiden 29 Dec. 1904 [Unp. Archief Parochie St. Petrus]. 8 Cfr. e.g. W.Z. Shetter, The Pillars of Society. Six Centuries of Civilization in the Netherlands, Den Haag 1971, 15–21; H. Meijer, ed., ‘Rooms bouwen’, Eltheto 64 (1981) 7–19; E. Zahn, Dat unbekannte Holland. Regenten, Rebellen und Reforma- toren, Berlin 1984, 158–165; J. Th. Bank, ‘Les églises chrétiennes aux Pays-Bas’, in: 22 chapter one these social groups and would rarely come into contact with the others. Thus Catholics would go to Catholic bakeries, to Catholic schools and sports clubs and preferably even consult Catholic architects. Prot- estants would lead their lives among similar Protestant social groups. Though to a lesser extent, the same applied to the social-democrats and the smaller groups. Johannes Petrus van der Laan (1817–1901), Hans’ grandfather, was a horticulturist at the royal court in The Hague. He enrolled in the Royal Service in 1836 and for 60 years served under three kings: King Willem I (r. 1813–1840), King Willem II (r. 1840–1849) and King Willem III (r. 1849–1890). It was the second who in 1837 bought the Sorgh- vliet estate, between Den Haag and Scheveningen, and Johannes was employed to work there almost from the beginning. A small house on the estate was included with the post and he lived there for many years with his wife Helena van der Putten (1821–1860) and their five children. After Helena’s death, Johannes married his second wife Cornelia Appolonia Christina van der Stap (1828–1896), Hans’ grandmother, in 1861. Hans never met his paternal grandfather and only knew him from a small photograph on the wall of his childhood home, but his grandfather nevertheless was very important to him as an example of devoted service.9 In a letter to his sister, Hans much later remembered the ‘deli- ciously sweet grapes’ of the Vitus vinifera ‘Vroege Van der Laan’ that grew against the sunny southern wall of the refectory at Vaals and which he always considered were named after his grandfather.10 The Sorghvliet estate was sold and parcelled out during the reign of Queen Wilhelmina (r. 1890–1948), the daughter of King Willem III. Leo van der Laan (1864–1942), father of Hans, was the son of Johannes and Cornelia van der Laan. He was a building contractor who learned the profession of architect through practical experience and self-study.11 His last apprenticeship was at the studio of the Margry

J.-M. Mayeur, et al., Histoire du Christianisme des origines à nos jours, t. XII, Guerres mondiales et totalitarismes (1914–1958), Paris 1990, 523–537. 9 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890520. 10 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19731014. 11 Much of the following factual information comes from: n.n., Jaarboekje voor geschiedenis en oudheidkunde van Leiden en Rijnland, Leiden 1943, 59–61 [nr. 35]; D. Geneste–A. Gielen–R. Wassenaar, L. van der Laan (1864–1942). J.A. van der Laan (1896–1966). Een katholieke architectenfamilie—rechtzinnig, maar veelzijdig en pragmatisch, Rotterdam 2002. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 23 brothers and Jos Snickers in Rotterdam.12 Many Neo-Gothic churches in the diocese of Haarlem were constructed by this trio. Evert Mar- gry, a pupil of Pierre Cuypers, signed off most of the designs. Some good examples of their work are the churches of St. Joseph in Delft (1875) and St. Liduina in Schiedam (1878).13 After his apprenticeship, Leo started as a cabinet maker in Rotterdam running a studio making Neo-Gothic church furniture. In 1891, he set up his own practice as an architect in Leiden. However, it was not until 1906 that he received his first large assignment when he was asked to build a religious hospital in Leiden, dedicated to St. Elisabeth (see fig. C04). This was the beginning of a series of mainly Catholic construction projects. Anna Maria Louise Stadhouder (1871–1941), Hans’ mother, was the daughter of tailor and merchant Nicolaas Stadhouder (1844–1900) in Leiden. Leo married her two years after opening his studio. Her mother was Apolonia Petronella Meysing (1846–1874), who herself was the daughter of a local cobbler. Leo and Anna had eleven children. Three of their sons became architects: their oldest son Jan (1896–1966), Hans (1904–1991) and the youngest son Nico (1908–1986). Two sons, Wim (1897–1976) and Leo (1906–1997), became doctors of medicine and Jos (1899–1981) became a technical advisor. Daughters Jeanne (1903–1984) and Juliette (1903–1999) married two Van Dam brothers, Mam and Wim.14 The second daughter, Jo (1895–1942), never married and died quite young. Two of Leo and Anna’s daughters, Corry (1893–1979) and Leny (1901–1991), entered a convent. Their youngest daughter Maria died two days after her birth on the 16th of March 1912. Leo was greatly devoted to his deceased daughter, and firmly believed that after her baptism she went directly to heaven.15 The Van der Laan family were practising Catholics, particularly after their father Leo met Mother Everard, a local nun, who was to have an important influence on the religious life of the family.16 These elements of family life must have helped nurture Hans’ interior religious life. His father was a hard-working man, and his wife would usually

12 Cfr. P.J. Margry, ‘Margrij, Everardus Johannes’, in: Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland, t. III, Den Haag 1989, 395–396. 13 Cfr. H.P.R. Rosenberg, De 19e eeuwse kerkelijke bouwkunst in Nederland, ’s-Gravenhage 1972, 58–59, 102. 14 Cfr. Interview Paul van Dam, Leiden 23 Nov. 2007. 15 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19830316, 19860404. 16 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19560908, 19770908; Letter to N. van der Laan 19281111. 24 chapter one

Fig. 1.02 Leiden, Jan van der Laan. Drawing by young Hans van der Laan of his brother Jan. [AVdL] exclaim: “Oh! That will bring illness again”, when he came home with a new project.17 Jan van der Laan (1896–1966), Leo’s oldest son (see fig. 1.02), started work with his father at the studio after his studies at Delft University of Technology (1916–1921). They would soon become the most important Catholic architects of Leiden. One of their early joint projects was the design of the church of St. Joseph along Herensingel in Leiden

17 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19680310: “O, dan krijgen we weer zieken”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 25 in 1925 (see fig. C05). Together, father and son designed some 400 buildings in Leiden alone. Soon they received more assignments outside Leiden, constructing churches, hospitals, schools, department stores and so on. At this time, markets were being replaced with shop- ping areas and department stores. Jan and his father applied the traditionalist architectural style of the 1920s and 1930s, but they always had an open mind regarding architecture and society.18 Jan acquired national recognition when he won a contest to design the Eindhoven town hall. He had a great sense of proportion and for the composition of space. He was praised for the purity of his architecture and his accurate and skilled drawings. His early designs showed a more expressionist style. During his later years he was to be influenced by architects like Kropholler and his designs became more romantic and traditionalist. His professor and good friend Granpré Molière was his mentor and an enduring influence. Jan maintained the studio when his father died in 1941. At the time, he was involved in advising several municipalities about reconstructing destroyed buildings and urban districts. Moreover, Jan also designed buildings for the Catholic Uni- versities of Tilburg (1953) and Nijmegen (1950), for which he won a prize.19 Jan and his wife Els Claessens (1899–1985) had no children and were hard-working people.20 They were generous friends of Oos- terhout Abbey, especially after Hans’ entry in 1927.21 Jan died from cancer in 1966. Dom Hans van der Laan said in his funeral homily that people had congratulated Jan throughout his life for the completion of his many constructions; now it was time to congratulate his brother on the completion of his greatest construction, the work of his life itself.22 After Jan’s death, his partners Th.M. van der Eerden, J.B. Hermans and J.H.M. Kirch continued the studio. Though Jan was very interested in the theory of architecture, as developed and studied by his brothers Hans and Nico, and though he hosted many early meetings in his own house on this question, his brothers’ approach

18 Cfr. HvdL, MTS Heerlen, groep onder leiding van de heer Wolters, s.l. 1 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL]; D. Geneste–A. Gielen–R. Wassenaar, L. van der Laan (1864–1942) en J.A. van der Laan (1896–1966). Een katholieke architectenfamilie—rechtzinnig, maar veelzijdig en pragmatisch, Rotterdam 2002, 6. 19 Cfr. n.n., ‘J.v.d.Laan wint Nijmeegse architectuurprijs’, KB 23 (1955–1956) 284. 20 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19411124. 21 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 195902. 22 Cfr. HvdL, Homilie bij de uitvaart van Jan van der Laan, Oegstgeest 17 Aug. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. 26 chapter one to architecture would never completely win him over and he was to adhere to a more traditionalist style.23 Still, Jan was a very important catalyst in his discussions with his brothers. He considered their work on the design of the crypt in Vaals a precarious project. But, when he saw the finished crypt for the first time in 1963, he shook hands with his brother and said only two words: “true architecture”.24 Nico van der Laan (1908–1986) always worked with his brother Hans, their collaboration beginning even before he had finished his studies. The two were very close, both in their work in the field of architecture and also in their faith. For example, between 1928 and 1931 Hans wrote several severe letters to Nico, in which he urged him to turn around and become more serious in life, and to assume his responsibilities.25 Despite the strong and sometimes harsh words, Nico piously conserved these letters until his death, possibly as a sign of devotion to his brother. Nico was a good friend of Oosterhout Abbey and the circle of monks around his brother.26 He finished his studies in 1937 and first worked at the studio of Granpré Molière before joining forces with his brother Jan. But their architectural ideas were too far apart.27 Though his cooperation with Jan continued during the years of the Second World War, it was in exchanging ideas with his brother Hans that Nico truly found what he believed in. On the 3rd of Janu- ary 1939, Nico married Hanny Tummers (1916–2005).28 His brother Hans designed the rings.29 They were to have eight children. Their two oldest sons, Rik (b. 1939) and Hans (Junior, b. 1941) were to become architects too.30 Like their father, they worked with their uncle, Heer- oom Hans. In 1946 Nico set up his own studio with his associates Wim Hansen (1904–1979) and Harry van Hal (1920–1995). This stu-

23 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19280507; Letter to N. van der Laan 194109. 24 Cfr. HvdL, Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “echte architectuur”. 25 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19281111, 192906, 192908, 19310711, 19400331. 26 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19391025. 27 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19420506, 19420628; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19420806, 19420913. 28 Cfr. J. Oldenburger, ‘In memoriam. Hanny van der Laan-Tummers. 1916– 2005’, Thematismos (Feb. 2006, nr. 5) 24. 29 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19370427. 30 In order to distinguish between Dom Hans van der Laan and Hans, the son of Nico, the latter will be indicated as Hans van der Laan (Junior). biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 27 dio would develop many a design by Hans. Until Nico’s death in 1986, Nico and Hans worked closely together on the refining of the theory and its realisation in actual projects.31 Hans maintained that it was during long conversations with his brother that the theory was developed, and wrote that without Nico it would never have been completed.32 In his few writings, Nico revealed that he shared his brother’s theory.33 A good example is an early summary of the theory, which seems to have been originally written by Nico before it was corrected heavily by his brother.34 Hans had a more systematic approach, always developing further the theory, and Nico would work out the problems inherent in their actual construction. In this process their regular discussions were very important. Corry van der Laan (1893–1979), Hans’ sister, entered the order of the Augustinian Canonesses in Jupille (near Liège, Belgium) in 1935, where she received the name Sister M. Lutgarde. Four years after her perpetual profession on the 7th of July 1937 in Ubbergen (Nether- lands), she was sent to the Belgian Congo as a missionary to the monastery of Notre Dame des Lumières. Along with the rest of the family, Hans met her just before she left Ubbergen and wrote: “We will have one of ours attached to a great missionary work, which was still lacking in the family. We have asked her only one thing: that she will immediately send us a picture of herself with a little black in her arms”.35 Sister Lutgarde spent almost all her life in Africa. Even at the age of 80, after convalescing from a broken arm, she was determined to go back to the Congo.36 Her brother Hans sent her many of his lectures and the notes of his classes. She was important to the development of his theory, as they would discuss certain difficult points in their letters. She died of

31 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan, passim; Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 32 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890402. 33 Cfr. e.g. N. van der Laan, ‘Flor Vekelmans †’, KB 14 (1946) 25–28; Id., ‘Liturgie en kerkbouw’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 37–41. 34 Cfr. N. van der Laan, Doel en eerste beginselen der architectuur, s.l. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Resumé. Doel en eerste beginselen der architectuur, Oosterhout 1941 [Unp. AVdL]. 35 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19460822: “Nous aurons une des nôtres attachée à une grande œuvre missionnaire ce qui manquait encore dans la famille. On n’a demandé qu’une chose, qu’elle envoie aussitôt une photo d’elle-même avec un petit nègre sur les bras”. 36 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720903. 28 chapter one cancer in Ubbergen on the 13th of August 1979, after having being confined to her sickbed for several years.37 Leny van der Laan (1901–1991), another of Hans’s sisters, joined the Servantes des Pauvres in Bruxelles on the 2nd of February 1929. This order of active Sisters was founded in 1872 by Dom Camille Leduc, a Solesmes monk, to take care of the sick and the poor. Leny took her temporary vows on the 8th of September 1931, in the Mother house in Angers and received the name Sister Gertrude Marie. Her perpetual profession was made on the 8th of September 1937. During the first years of her monastic life, Hans used to preach to his sisters in his letters, showing the internal fire which was burning in his heart for the Lord alone: “All the same it is He who has to sanctify us; we arrive only with our miseries”.38 Though apparently Hans deemed his theory to be too complicated for Sister Gertrude, she was his confidante in many issues of the heart. He confided to her many of the difficulties of his spiritual life, in a much more personal manner than he did with Sister Lutgarde. Clearly, brother and sister were very close. When, at the age of 70, Sister Gertrude became too weak to continue her work, Hans showed that the inner fire was still very much alive in him, ‘preaching’ now with a very soft and profound tone that she should go back to Angers, where she had become ‘engaged’ to the Lord 40 years ago, and where she would find a kind of novitiate again: “Now that last retreat will start, that Sunday of your life and the novitiate, your betrothal of eternity”.39 Sr Gertrude died 20 years later in Angers on the 16th of January 1991. In short, Hans van der Laan came from a family tradition of artisans, of ‘makers’, as he would say. His father ‘made’ furniture and buildings. As tailors and cobblers, his mother’s family ‘made’ clothing and shoes. This encounter with ‘making’, together with the observations and experiences of his youth later formed the basis for his own ‘making’. Unlike his ancestors, his designs were the result of extensive reflection and philosophising which preceded the designing and making of things.

37 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790814. 38 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19370411: “C’est pourtant Lui qui doit nous sanctifier, nous n’arrivons qu’avec nos misères”. 39 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710719: “En nu begint die laatste retraite, die Zondag van je leven & het noviciaat, je verloving van de eeuwigheid”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 29

1.3. A triple preparation phase (1904–1929)

When writing about his life, Van der Laan divided it into two distinct parts.40 The first, up to 1929, was subdivided into three periods, during which he became acquainted with nature, society and liturgy respectively.41 He claimed that this fundamental experience of his youth led him much later to distinguish between natural, cultural and liturgical forms as ultimately expounded in his last book Het vormenspel der liturgie (Form-play of liturgy).42 He also subdivided the second part of his life, which started in 1929, distinguishing between the time in Oosterhout (1929–1968) and that spent in Vaals (1968–1991). Though he sometimes claimed that this part started after the war, 1929 was the year in which he made his central discovery in architecture.43 In the following the same division will apply, considering 1929 as the starting year of the second part of his life.

1.3.1. ‘Looking’—Nature (1904–1922) Leiden In retrospect, Van der Laan referred to the architectural setting of his youth in Leiden as one of extraordinary beauty.44 He lived near the 17th century orphanage of the Holy Spirit. He recalled that from the small window of his attic, he could see the magnificent Gothic façade of the northern transept of the Hooglandsche kerk, dedicated to St Pancras, which was never completely finished (see fig. C06).45 He loved going to church on a Sunday at 8 o’clock in the morning in the Neo-Classicist St. Lodewijk church (see fig. C07).46 As a child, he played with his box of blocks, constructed huts in the garden and often played around an ancient fortress adjoining the garden, the Leiden Burcht (see fig. C08). He claimed that this round building with its battlements was an important influence on his later architectural work, though he did

40 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529. 41 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319; ‘Il quadro liturgico dell’abbazia di Vaals. Un’autobiografia, 1988’, in: A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000, 31–44. 42 Cfr. HvdL, Het vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985, esp. 16–43. 43 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319; Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 44 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19830710. 45 Cfr. A. Kooiman–L. Janevski, ed., Daarom Leiden, Maastricht 2006, 63. 46 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19600210. 30 chapter one not specify in what way.47 Van der Laan considered it his, and spent many hours there. Still today a beech tree in front of the Burcht bears the initials of ‘H.v.d.L’ and his sister Juliette, ‘J.v.d.L’, by now distorted but still recognisable.48 Later, roughly between the ages of twelve and seventeen, Van der Laan went for long nature walks.49 He frequently visited the hortus botanicus of the university, other large gardens, and the seaside. A wealthy manufacturer, Mr Cranenburg, lent him Zeiss prism binoculars, with which he discovered a new dimension. His older sister Jo told the story of creation over and over again to her little brother Hans, who verified it on his lonely walks.50 Step by step he was introduced to the life of nature as created by God.51 He had his own terrarium with lizards, salamanders, toads, blindworms, and a snake. There, and during his long walks, he discovered the processes of nature, the smells of trees that attracted birds, and the procreation of nature. Young Hans could speak about his ‘discoveries’ in nature with two friends of the family: Maria Driessen (1897–1944), a medical student, and Piet Fehmers (1886–1962), a young engineer, who worked on a doctorate concerning the Taylor system.52 The latter is named after Frederick Taylor (1856–1915), who extolled the possibilities of machinery, saying that worker-related activities were limiting the speed and efficiency of machines. Taylor’s aim was to raise production, even if this was at the cost of authentical labour. Van der Laan was interested, but had reservations concerning this system, and later developed a strong dislike for it. Everything Van der Laan observed was incorporated by analogy into his thought. For example, he made a speech at the opening of an exhibition on his work in 1982, referring to three specific experiences in his youth.53 Though these may partly have been adapted to help make his point, they are typical for the way in which he had always

47 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770908. 48 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750928. 49 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319. 50 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319. 51 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 52 Cfr. P.G.F.T. Fehmers, Kerngedachten uit de interne bedrijfsefficiëntie, Delft 1935. 53 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Toespraak’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982, 7–9. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 31 carefully observed the world around him, and gave a great deal of thought to what he saw. The first example was his encounter around 1910 with a building model constructed by the father of a childhood friend using Richters Anker-Steinbaukästen.54 It was ‘a wonderful building with great inner spaces, arches and stairwells’ demonstrat- ing what was to become the dyad inside-outside. Van der Laan later discovered that like himself, Friedrich Richter (1847–1910) had been inspired by ancient Christian architecture in Asia Minor.55 The second example was his visit to a brick factory in Lobith in 1914, where the labourers took a ball of clay, which they inserted into a square mould. The rows of square blocks drying in the stores inspired Van der Laan later to speak of the squaring of nature by man. A third experience was the observation in 1919 of workers on a construction site sifting and dividing gravel into pebbles of similar sizes. To do so, they used large sieves. Van der Laan gave great thought to the idea that one stone was just small enough to go through the mesh, while another stone would not go through. He claimed that this experience was fundamental for his theory of the sifting of the continuous series of sizes of nature into a limited number of architectural sizes. Van der Laan received the Sacrament of Confirmation on the 18th of March 1917.56 At home, matters of faith were never discussed. It simply was as it was. His letters echo this disposition as they speak much more about his exterior than of his interior life. Just as for his outside discoveries, he claimed to have had no one to help him with the interior life. As if to underline this, he described how during the catechism sessions of his secondary school, the curate would read to them, week after week, from his doctorate on the cremation of bodies!57 It seems to have been a book by a Father Molenaar that first introduced him to the spiritual life.58 During his time in secondary

54 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529. 55 Cfr. e.g. J. Strzygowski, Kleinasien. Ein Neuland der Kunstgeschichte, Leipzig 1903. 56 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. 57 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 58 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19851115. This possibly concerns Father M.G. Molenaar msc (1886–1969), whose popular works inspired the spiritual life of many Catholics in his days. Cfr. e.g. M.G. Molenaar, In koele schaduw, Hilversum 1921; Id., Geertruid van Helfta, Amsterdam 1925; Id., Een zeldzaam mensch, Oister- wijk 1929; Id., Mechtild de Begijn, Hilversum 1932. Molenaar translated the acclaimed 32 chapter one school, he became acquainted with Father L. De Jonge si in Katwijk.59 This Jesuit helped him with his catechism classes for Maria Driessen, a student whom Van der Laan was preparing to become a Catholic. Father De Jonge often gave young Hans something extra to read. He also stimulated him to go on an Ignatian retreat in Manresa in Venlo, directly after finishing school. Here Hans’ desire for an inner life grew. He spoke about this desire with another Jesuit, Father Creutz Lechleit- ner si (1888–1965). After finishing secondary school (HBS) in 1921, Van der Laan spent a year in a sanatorium for the treatment of tuberculosis at the Trompenberg in Hilversum (1921–1922), along with three members of his family. The time he lay outside on a chair while recovering was spent observing nature. During those long days he used to watch birds and squirrels through his binoculars. He said: “It is the looking that marks this first period of my life”.60 In the evenings he read The Won- derful Adventures of Nils by Selma Lagerlöf.61 During this period, he kept searching for elements of the interior life. He was inspired by brief translations from the works of Dom Delatte, a Benedictine monk about whom Hans would later hear much more during his novitiate.62 Van der Laan claimed that he first had to live through the experience of ‘looking’ before discovering the interior life. This year of recupera- tion also marks the transition from a period of ‘looking’ to a period of ‘making’.

1.3.2. ‘Making’—Society (1922–1927) Delft The year of recovery was followed by a year of further rehabilitation (1922–1923) during which Van der Laan started working in the architecture studio of his father and his brother Jan. His task was to design details for windows and doors of the Raad van Arbeid (Council for

Carthusian Introduction à la vie intérieure as Inleiding tot het inwendig leven, Tilburg 1947. 59 At the time in Katwijk there was a Brother G. de Jong si (1892–1970) and a Father L. de Jonge si (1877–1941). Given the reference to continued spiritual guidance it is probable that Van der Laan referred to Father L. de Jonge si. 60 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “Dat kijken, daar ging het mij steeds om in de eerste periode van mijn leven”. 61 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319; S. Lagerlöf, Niels Holgersson’s wonderbare reis, Ned. vert. M. Meijboom, t. I–II, Amsterdam 1911. 62 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 33 labour) on the Steenstraat in Leiden. With his own hands he made the furniture for his room. At the same time he studied mathematics with an engineer in Katwijk as a preparation for his architectural studies. Van der Laan claimed that it is in this period of his life that he came to hate the Taylor system as studied by his old friend Piet Fehmers, for it ‘killed’ human making in the sense that a worker in a factory only made parts of a product, and as such his work was not directly related to the end-product. When he started his studies at the Delft Technical University (TH Delft) in 1923, Van der Laan received a dispensation from mathematics and architectural drawing, which allowed him extra time for reading. During his first year there he read the book Schoonheid in samenleving (Beauty in society) by Berlage, which introduced him to a world that was ‘completely unknown’ in Delft.63 He probably read a lot on the train from Leiden to Delft, for it was only in his second year that he took a room in Delft. He was an active member of the Catholic students association Sanctus Virgilius.64 Because of his former work experience with his father, Van der Laan was more critical than other students of the education he received in Delft. He noticed how his fellow students had to draw wood junctions and casing details which were no longer used in practice. Even worse in his opinion was the fact that they had to draw frames and windows without ever seeing how they were made.65 This reminded him of his criticism of the Taylor system. He complained that in Delft, architectural training was limited to Neo-Classicism, which was taught by professors who had been appointed before the First World War. The main manual at Delft, the Handboek der schoone bouwkunst (Handbook of fine architecture), dated back to 1841 and modern thought was hardly given a chance.66 Between 1902 and 1926 the leading professor was Henri Evers (1855– 1929), a true lover of the Beaux Arts School which was modelled on

63 Cfr. H.P. Berlage, Schoonheid in samenleving, Rotterdam 1919; HvdL, Auto- biografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]. 64 Cfr. e.g. n.n., Annuarium Sanctus Virgilius 1926, Delft 1926, 32f; n.n., Annu- arium Sanctus Virgilius 1927, Delft 1927, 75. 65 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 66 Cfr. F.P. Penn, Handboek der schoone bouwkunst, Breda 1841. 34 chapter one classical values. Evers was famous for his design of the monumental town hall of Rotterdam.67 It was only with the appointment in 1924 of Granpré Molière, that Van der Laan found a professor who was a true teacher to him. Marinus Jan Granpré Molière started an architecture studio in 1917 with P. Verhagen (1882–1950) and later A.J.Th. Kok (1874–1941). They contributed to Tuindorp Vreewijk, in Rotterdam, the famous example of traditional architecture and urbanism.68 As an advisor of the Zuiderzeewerken, he made the plans and designs for villages in the new polders in the IJsselmeer and the Wieringermeer. The architecture of Hendrikus Petrus Berlage (1856–1934) was a great source of inspiration to him. Granpré Molière was professor at Delft between 1924 and 1953 and the driving force of the so-called Delftse School (the School of Delft), which formed a counter-force against the modern architectural current of the Nieuwe Bouwen and sought to return to traditional values, forms and materials.69 He had great influence

67 Cfr. e.g. H. Timmer, Henri Evers, 1855–1929. Architect, geschiedschrijver, hoogleraar, Rotterdam 1997; Id., ‘Evers, Hendrik Jorden (1855–1929)’, in: Biografisch Woor- denboek van Nederland, t. V, Den Haag 2002, 120–122. 68 Cfr. e.g. S.J. van Embden, ‘Granpré Molière. Jubileum van een stedebouwer’, De Linie (21 Oct. 1949) 5; J.A. Kuiper, Visueel & dynamisch. De stedebouw van Gran- pré Molière en Verhagen 1915–1950, Delft 1991; G. van Hoof, ’n Oudenbosschenaar. Marius Jan Granpré Molière 1883–1972, Oudenbosch 1998; M. Steenhuis, Steden- bouw in het landschap. Pieter Verhagen 1882–1950, Rotterdam 2007, 130–193. 69 Cfr. e.g. J.H. Hendricks, ‘Naklank bij het 25–jarig Hoogleeraarsjubileum te Delft van Professor Ir. M.J. Granpré Molière’, GB 32 (1950) 6–11; n.n., ‘Het afscheid van Prof. Ir. M.J. Granpré Molière aan de Technische Hogeschool’, GB 35 (1953) 71–74; H. Thunnissen, ‘De Kerkelijke Kunst in Nederland tijdens de Eeuw der herstelde Hiërarchie’, GB 35 (1953) 5–9; n.n., ‘Eervol ontslag aan prof. ir. M.J. Gran- pré Molière’, De Tijd (19 Aug. 1953) 3; J.J. Vriend, Links bouwen, rechts bouwen. Aantekeningen over architectuur en politiek, Amsterdam 1974, 100; P. Houwink, ‘Jan Stuyt (1868–1934) en de vernieuwing van de kerkelijke bouwkunst’, Jaarboek KDC 8 (1978) 25–62; H.E. Oud, J.J.P. Oud. Architekt 1890–1963, feiten en herinneringen gerangschikt, ’s-Gravenhage 1984; C. Wagenaar, Tussen grandezza en schavot. De ontwerpen van Granpré Molière voor de wederopbouw van Groningen, Groningen 1991; J. Buch, Een eeuw Nederlandse architectuur 1880–1990, tr. J.G. Roding, et al., Rotterdam 1993, 253–274; H. van Dijk, Architectuur in Nederland in de twintigste eeuw, Rotterdam 1999, 100–113; S. Barbieri–L. van Duin, ed., Honderd jaar Neder- landse architectuur, 1901–2000. Tendensen, hoogtepunten, Nijmegen 1999, 18–19; J. Pouls, ‘De kunstenaarsdagen van de Algemene Katholieke Kunstenaarsvereniging in Huijbergen (1932–1940). Bakermat van de Delftse School’, Trajecta 10 (2001, nr. 2) 160–183; M. Kuipers, Toonbeelden van de wederopbouw. Architectuur, stedenbouw en landinrichting van herrijzend Nederland, Zeist 2002, 80–84; J. Pouls, Ware schoonheid of louter praal. De Bisschoppelijke Bouwcommissie van Roermond en de kerkelijke kunst van Limburg in de twintigste eeuw, Maastricht 2002; M. Steenhuis, Deining in Delft. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 35 on many future architects, like Alexander Kropholler (1881–1973), Cees Pouderoyen (1912–1993), Jan Berghoef (1903–1994) and Her- man Kraaijvanger (1903–1981), but also on non-traditional architects like Gerrit Rietveld (1888–1964), Willem van Tijen (1894–1974), Jaap Bakema (1914–1981) and Mart Stam (1899–1986).70 Granpré Molière converted to Catholicism in 1927.71 He was one of the co-founders of the Katholiek Bouwblad, the Catholic architectural periodical, which from 1929 onwards mainly expressed the ideas of the Delftse School.72 All in all, Granpré Molière played an important role in Van der Laan’s life.73 By applying his attitude to life directly to his education and by his continued search for eternal values, Granpré Molière gave a personal touch to the chair of town planning at Delft University.74 According to the historian Van der Vaart, his fundamental intuition was that architecture is impossible without a clear social and artistic norm and therefore architecture needs philosophy to reach its proper level.75 Granpré Molière was influenced by Neo-Thomistic thinking, following the encyclical Aeterni Patris of Pope Leo xiii in 1879. In addition, one of his students suggested that it was the Platonic notion of fixed laws of ordering which form a higher truth behind the daily

Countouren van het architectuur- en stedenbouwonderwijs 1900–1970, 15–35, http:// issuu.com/steenhuis/docs/deiningindelft (access 20100522). 70 For Catholic architecture in these years e.g. H. Thunnissen, ‘Nieuwe stromingen in de Rooms-Katholieke kerkbouw in Nederland’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 47–53; A. Siebers, ‘Herstel of verval van de kerkelijke bouwkunst? 1900–1953’, in: n.n., Honderd jaar religieuze kunst in Nederland. 1853–1953, Utrecht 1953, 23–27; J. Heer, ‘De Delftsche school en de katholieke architektuur tussen 1945 en 1955’, in: H. Meijer, ed., ‘Rooms bouwen’, Eltheto 64 (1981) 21–105; A. Evers, ‘Rooms bouwen en politiek?’, Bouw 26 (24 Dec. 1983) 24–26. 71 Cfr. M.J. Granpré Molière, Over mijn terugkeer tot de Moederkerk, ’s-Herto- genbosch 1939 [GGG nr. 576]; Id., ‘XXVI’, in: N.G.M. van Doornik, ed., Gij zijt niet langer pilgrims . . . Ervaringen van bekeerlingen binnen de Kerk, Utrecht-Brussel 1950, 275–284; Id., ‘Europa, dierbaar Europa, kom tot bezinning’, Gelderlanderpers (17–18 Dec. 1964). 72 Cfr. n.n., ‘Het bouwblad herrezen’, KB 14 (1946) 1; M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘Ter inleiding’, KB 14 (1946) 2–8; n.n., ‘Onze plaats te midden van de vakbladen’, KB 14 (1946) 9. 73 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 74 Cfr. J. van Geest, S.J. van Embden, Rotterdam 1996, 11. 75 Cfr. F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 3. See also: J.J. Vriend, Nieuwere Architectuur. Beknopt overzicht van de ontwikkeling der architectuur van 1800 tot heden, Bussum 1957, 120; G. Fanelli, Moderne architectuur in Nederland 1900– 1940, ’s-Gravenhage 1981, 172–176; W. van Tijen, ‘De vier uren van de moderne architectuur’, Plan 1 (1970, nr. 9) 531–552. 36 chapter one shadow world that gave Granpré Molière the firm foundations for his work in Delft.76 He called it the privilege of the student of architecture “to be able to search for everlasting truths and to be able to acquire the great wealth of culture, the only everlasting source of all renewal, the only support in the swirl of time”.77 This was an unusual point of departure in Delft, where a fundamental philosophical approach was lacking, a shortcoming which must have been very difficult for a thinker like Van der Laan. It would only be in his monastic education that he would find a proper answer to his philosophical yearning, in which he gave evidence of an Aristotelian leaning: “One needs true wisdom to think through how we must make things and that starts with looking wisely at the things around us”.78 In the autumn of 1925 Van der Laan attended a course by Profes- sor J.A.G. van der Steur (1865–1945).79 The latter had cooperated with L.M. Cordonnier on the design of the The Hague Peace Palace (1913) on the former Sorghvliet estate, where Van der Laan’s grandfather had worked all his life. Van der Laan said that he immediately came into conflict with this professor, who continuously rejected his designs.80 The reason was probably that Van der Steur had a traditional view of architecture and was not open to newer ideas. Van der Laan could be very strong-minded when it came to his own opinions and he was not impressed by those of Van der Steur. However, with many other students he was very positive about Granpré Molière as he taught precisely what students had been waiting for. As one of them said, “he

76 Cfr. J. van Geest, S.J. van Embden, Rotterdam 1996, 12. 77 M.J. Granpré Molière, De moderne bouwkunst en hare beloften, Delft 1924 [address at the acceptance of the professorial status at the Technical University of Delft, 22 Oct. 1924]: “het kunnen zoeken naar de onvergankelijke waarheden, en het kunnen eigen maken van de grote bezittingen van de cultuur, de enige onvergankelijke bron van alle vernieuwing, de enige steun in de wervel van de tijd”. Cfr. also e.g. Id., ‘Bouwen’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 10–14; Id., Zoeklicht op de architectuur. Afscheidscollege op 9 October 1953, feestdag van de heilige Dionysius, Amsterdam 1953; Id., De eeuwige architectuur, t. I, De hedendaagse architectuur in het licht der geschiedenis, Amsterdam 1957; Id., Het Huis in de Twintigste Eeuw, ’s-Gravenhage c. 1960. 78 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105: “Er is echte wijsheid voor nodig om uit te denken hoe wij de dingen moeten maken, en dat begint met verstandig naar de dingen om ons heen kijken”. 79 Cfr. e.g. J.A.G. van der Steur, De opleiding van den architect behoort uitsluitend te geschieden aan de Technische Hoogeschool, Delft 1914; J.A.G. van der Steur, ‘Le Palais de la Paix à la Haye’, De Ingenieur 26 (1911) 913–915. 80 Cfr. HvdL, Prof. Tauber, Vaals 5 Oct. 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 37 was the man who instigated the rebirth of Architecture in Delft. For the first time everything was placed in a much wider perspective”.81 Contrary to the authoritarian approach of Steur, Granpré Molière had a cooperative attitude and was open to discussion with his students. Unfortunately for Van der Laan he was the exception in Delft. Unhappy with his university courses, Van der Laan started a study group, together with Sam Josua van Embden (1904–2000) and other students who were searching for the true foundations of architecture. For the rest of his life he would remain in contact with Sam, who married Thérèse Ort in 1931 after finishing his studies in 1928. When she and her two daughters were baptised at Christmas 1939, Van der Laan expressed the hope that Sam, who was of Jewish origin, would soon follow suit.82 But despite his frequent contact with Catholics like Gran- pré Molière and Van der Laan, Van Embden was never baptised. The origin of their study group dates back to December 1926, when after an evening address titled ‘Onze eigen tijd’ (‘Our own time’), organised by the students association Praktische Studie at Oude Delft 18, Van der Laan suggested continuing the lively discussion about the essentials of architecture a few days later in the attic where he lived.83 Thus the Bouwkundige Studiekring (BSK, Architectural Study Circle) was born. Van der Laan was its president for the first six months. The BSK gathered regularly at the house of professor Granpré Molière, who later wrote that shortly after his appointment he became acquainted with a small group of architecture students, “who had glanced into the depths of confusion and decay in which art and therefore all civilisation had sunk and who were searching, in a manly and sincere way, for a liberating truth regarding this desperate need”.84 The BSK was to

81 J. van Geest, S.J. van Embden, Rotterdam 1996, 10: “Hij was de man die Bouw- kunde in Delft opnieuw geboren heeft laten worden. Voor het eerst werd alles in een veel breder perspectief gezet”. 82 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19391206. 83 Cfr. J.H. van Epen, ‘De geschiedenis van de Kring’, Jaarboek BSK, 1930, 3–11; HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110; J. Krüger, ‘Berghoef: een architect met schippersbloed’, Plan 14 (Apr. 1983) 10; T. Dijkstra, ‘S.J. van Embden: bouwen aan veelzijdigheid’, Plan 14 (Apr. 1983) 21–24; S.J. van Embden, ‘Ordening en eenvoud. Herinneringen aan Dom van der Laan’, Architectuur/Bouwen 9 (1991) 12–13. 84 M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘Het aandeel van de Delftse School’, KB 21 (1952–1953) 322–323: “die een blik hadden geworpen in de diepten van verwarring en verval, waarin de kunst en dus de hele beschaving was verzonken, en die op zoek waren, mannelijk en oprecht, naar een bevrijdende waarheid over deze dreigende nood”. Cfr. J.A. Kuiper, Visueel & dynamisch. De stedebouw van Granpré Molière & Verhagen 1915–1950, Delft 1991, 161–162. 38 chapter one become the cradle of the Delftse School of Granpré Molière, but indirectly also of the Bossche School (School of ’s-Hertogenbosch), for it was here that Van der Laan started his talks about the foundations of architecture.85 His first discourse for the BSK was on the immorality of having a workman make the bolts without allowing him to make the nuts, a criticism of the Taylor system.86 During their meetings, the BSK-members discussed the publications of the De Stijl movement and of Le Corbusier, as well as Granpré Molière’s favourite book, Art et Scholastique, by the convert Jacques Maritain (1882–1973).87 The Neo-Thomist Maritain called art the ‘making of beauty’. According to the influential but not uncontroversial Catholic convert Van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior, 1880–1970), this book satisfied “an unmistak- able desire for clarity, clear definitions and pure insight”.88 Similarly, in Delft, where one was supposed to design everything on the basis of ‘feeling’, Van der Laan searched for a fixed objective starting point contrary to this subjective aesthetic approach.89 It is probably for the same reason that he temporarily supported the Catholic students association Heemvaart, which sought to promote a clear religious and social order.90 It is only in later years that this association took a more radical political approach.91 Under the surface of the exterior study of architecture, a vocation to the monastic life was growing. During these years, Van der Laan was quietly followed by Father De Jonge si. Van der Laan would later write: “He did this because he knew there was a monk inside me, without myself knowing it, for when I went to tell him about the news of my vocation four years later, he said that he had already known it for years, a true Jesuit”.92 Professor Granpré Molière too must have

85 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 86 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to W. van Tijen 19730307. 87 Cfr. J. Maritain, Art et Scolastique, Paris 1921. 88 Cfr. P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), ‘Kunst en Scholastiek’, De Nieuwe Eeuw 189 (1921) 890: “een onmiskenbaar verlangen naar helderheid, naar klare begrippen en zuiver inzicht”. 89 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 90 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Open brief’, Roomsch Studentenblad 17 (28 June 1927) 305–306; B.J.M. van Raaĳ, ‘Geloof als kritiek. De katholieke studentenbeweging Heemvaart, 1920–1935’, Jaarboek KDC (1989) 20. 91 Cfr. B.J.M. van Raaĳ, ‘Geloof als kritiek. De katholieke studentenbeweging Heemvaart, 1920–1935’, Jaarboek KDC (1989) 33–39. 92 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319: “Hij deed dat omdat hij wist dat er een monnik in mij stak zonder dat ik dat zelf wist want toen ik hem het nieuws biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 39 helped nurture Van der Laan’s vocation, considering his personality and their friendship. For Granpré Molière these were years of searching for truth, as he was making a personal interior journey towards his conversion to Catholicism in 1927. It is very likely that some of his own questions must have arisen in his classes and encounters with his students. Van der Laan entered St. Paulusabdij in the same year as the former’s conversion and Granpré Molière was to become very close to the abbey.93 Though he thoroughly enjoyed the encounters with theBSK in Delft, Van der Laan was to leave his architectural studies behind and dedicate his life to a more fundamental choice. In his last address to the BSK, Van der Laan spoke about the composition of the tower of the medieval cathedral of Utrecht (see fig. 1.03). This tower had faci- nated him from the first time he saw it as a child on the inside of the lid of the 2½ cents box of his father’s Sunday cigars, and used it as an example for his block constructions.94 In later years too it would prove to be a source of inspiration to him. In his discourse, Van der Laan tried for the first time to understand the coordination and disposition of the design of a building, which is the basis of his teaching of the later plastic number.95 In a similar way he would study the cathedral of Chartres.96 Many of his questions remained unanswered. Although he learned a lot from the people around him, in the end neither his father, nor his brother Jan, nor even Professor Granpré Molière could provide him with satisfactory answers, and the feeling grew that he had to find them by himself.97

van mijn roeping 4 jaar later ging vertellen zei hij mij dat hij dat al vier jaar wist. Echte jesuiet”. 93 Cfr. HvdL, Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 94 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529. 95 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Levensloop’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstich- ting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp.; ‘Levensloop’ / ‘A life history’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 98–113; ‘Levensloop’, in: L.J.M. Tummers–J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Bloemendaal 2005, 5–6. 96 Cfr. HvdL, Prof. Tauber, Vaals 5 Oct. 1976 [Unp. AVdL]. 97 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110; Letter to J. Dibbits 19851209; Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]; Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 40 chapter one

Fig. 1.03 Utrecht, cathedral tower. Drawing of the proportions by Van der Laan (1983). [AVdL] biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 41

1.3.3. ‘Praying’—Liturgy (1927–1929) Oosterhout Hans van der Laan visited the Benedictine St. Paulusabdij for the first time in 1925 as he cycled to Oosterhout, a brief diversion from an excursion to the Fraters van Tilburg with the mission club of which he was a member.98 This abbey was founded by the Congregation of Solesmes (see fig. C09–C10).99 For a while the French Revolution had made monastic life in France impossible and it was the young French priest Prosper Guéranger (1805–1875), who in 1833 restored Bene- dictine life in Solesmes and became abbot in 1837.100 Dom Guéranger

98 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19450908. Cfr. Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, Vaals 3 Dec. 2006. 99 For the following: M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 1–35. Cfr. also: J. Huijben, ‘In memoriam Dom Jean de Puniet’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 121–127; C. Coebergh, ‘Puniet, Jean de’, in: L. Brinkhoff, ed., et al., Liturgisch Woorden- boek, t. II, Roermond 1968, 2335. See for publications about Benedictine life e.g. S. Hilpisch, Geschichte des benediktinischen Mönchtums, Freiburg 1929; M. Heimbu- cher, Die Orden und Kongregationen der Katholischen Kirche, t. I, Paderborn 1933; A. Genestout, ‘La Règle du maître et la Règle de S. Benoît’, Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique 21 (1940) 51–112; n.n., De heilige Benedictus en zijn orde, Roermond 1947 [St. Paulusabdij]; S. Hilpisch, Benedictinism through changing centuries, Collegeville 1958; C. Damen, De orde van Sint Benediktus in Nederland, Brugge-Utrecht 1965; M. Mähler, Schetsen uit de geschiedenis en de spiritualiteit van de monniken, Oos- terhout 1980; n.n., Benedictus en zijn monniken in de Nederlanden: Benedictus in de Nederlanden, Gent 1980; n.n., Benedictus en zijn monniken in de Nederlanden: Mon- niken en monialen in de Nederlanden, Gent 1980; n.n., Benedictus en zijn monniken in de Nederlanden: Aspecten van het monastiek leven in de Nederlanden, Gent 1980, esp. 102; P. Roose, ‘Monnikengemeenschap als sacrament van de Kerk’, Communio 5 (1980) 226–237; M. van der Plas, et al., Abdijen in de Lage Landen en de mensen die er wonen, Baarn 1989; H. Stufkens–G. Matthijsen, et al., Een innerlijk avontuur. Het Benedictijner kloosterleven van binnenuit belicht, Baarn 1999; J. Rona, Een wereld van stilte. Proef het kloosterleven van de 21e eeuw, Utrecht 2001. 100 Cfr. e.g. P. Delatte, Dom Guéranger. Abbé de Solesmes, t. I–II, Paris 1909–1910; n.n., ‘Een bezoek aan de Abdij Saint Pierre der Benedictijnen te Solesmes’, Maasbode (2 July 1933) 9; J. Hourlier, ‘Guéranger (Prosper)’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. VI, Paris 1967, 1097–1106; G. le Maître, ‘Théologie de la vie monastique selon Dom Guéranger (1805–1875)’, Revue Mabillon 50 (1961–1963) 165–178; A. des Mazis, ‘La vocation monastique de Dom Guéranger. Milieu et influences’,Révue Bénédictine 83 (1973) 119–180; L. Soltner, Solesmes et Dom Guéranger (1805–1875), Solesmes 1974; A. Schilson, ‘Guéranger, Prosper’, in: LThK, t. IV, Freiburg 1995, 1091–1092; P.G.J.M. Raedts, ‘De katholieken en de Middeleeuwen. Dom Prosper Guéranger O.S.B.’, in: Utrechtse bijdragen tot de mediëvistiek, t. XIV, De middeleeuwen in de negentiende eeuw, Hilversum 1996, 87–109; G.-M. Oury, Dom Guéranger. Moine au coeur de l’Eglise, Solesmes 2000; C. Savart, ‘La restauration de Solesmes devant l’opinion’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 123–146; J. Hourlier, ‘Dom Couturier. Témoin de la pensée monastique de Dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Soles- mes 2005, 383–403. 42 chapter one had a great love for liturgy and the early Fathers of the Church. He also founded the nearby convent of Sainte-Cécile, headed by its first Abbess, the young Jenny Bruyère (1845–1909), who took the monastic name Cécile and whom Dom Guéranger had prepared for her first Holy Communion.101 In 1847 a Solesmes monk, Dom Jean Baptiste Pitra (1812–1889), the later Cardinal Prefect of the Vatican Library, visited the Netherlands in search of funding and in long conversations with Mgr Cornelis Ludovicus van Wijckerslooth (1786–1851), at the time the only bishop in the Hollandsche Zending, expressed the hope that there too Benedictine life would flourish one day. Dom Nieuwen- huis of Oosterhout Abbey claimed that in this way it was Holland that helped Solesmes to become ‘a true bulwark in the Church of God’.102 Both monasteries in Solesmes were flourishing and in 1889 two new foundations were started in Wisques, in the north of France. The French anticlerical law of 1901 forced the communities to leave France and it was decided to move to the Netherlands. The Sisters found temporary shelter in an ancient country house in Oosterhout before the construction of Onze Lieve Vrouwe Abdij (Abbey of Our Lady).103 The Brothers first fled to Belgium and followed the Sisters a few years later to Oosterhout, where Dom Paul Bellot constructed St. Paulusabdij. Due to a lack of funds, it was only after the Second World War that a church could be added to the abbey. In 1907 the monks arrived at the abbey in Oosterhout and Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry (1869–1941) was appointed as its first prior and later abbot. The first years especially in Dutch exile were very hard on this devoted Benedictine. He found great help in the words of Dom Delatte (1848–1937), his friend and abbot of Solesmes, who exhorted him to continuously try to realise

101 P. Delatte, Dom Guéranger, Abbé de Solesmes, t. II, Paris 1910, 311–425; A. Houtin, Une grande mystique. Madame Bruyère. Abbesse de Solesmes (1845–1909), Paris 1924; J. de Puniet de Parry, ‘Bruyère (Jeanne, Henriette, Cécile)’, in: Dic- tionnaire de Spiritualité, t. I, Paris 1937, 1972–1974; M.D. Totah, ed., The Spirit of Solesmes, Kent-Petersham 1997; G.-M. Oury, Lumière et force. Mère Cécile Bruyère, première abbesse de Sainte Cécile, Solesmes 1999; J. Maury, ‘Dom Guéranger et la fondation de Sainte-Cécile de Solesmes’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire— Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 405–442. 102 Cfr. J. Nieuwenhuis, ‘De St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout. De kanonieke erkenning’, De Maasbode (27 Aug. 1928) 7. Cfr. also J.B. Pitra, La Hollande Catholique, Paris 1850. 103 Cfr. e.g. M. van den Oudenrijn, ed., Benedictinessen in Oosterhout. De kloostergemeenschap van de Onze Lieve Vrouwe abdij, Amstelveen 1984; J.J.A.M. Gorrisse, ed., De heilige driehoek. Kloosterenclave te Oosterhout, Oosterhout 2002. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 43 the mystery of Christ in himself and to radiate it in his environment.104 It will be seen that both Dom de Puniet and the tradition of Solesmes were to have a great influence on the young Van der Laan. However, he was not impressed by the traditional architecture of the abbey buildings and disagreed with the theoretical approach of architecture as advocated by Dom Bellot. During his first visit to the abbey on the 6th of September 1925 Van der Laan bought a copy of the Rule of St Benedict (see fig. 1.04). Why he so much wanted to visit the abbey is not clear, but it is certain that right from his first visit, the place was to remain in his heart. It can be assumed that in Oosterhout he felt in a mystical way the answer to his desire for a true interior life dedicated solely to God: “After nature and society now followed an exploration of liturgy. Now it was no longer about life and making, but about praying”.105 It was Dom de Puniet who convinced him later to leave his studies and enter monastic life. Van der Laan wrote about that Saturday 22nd May 1926, when he had come to Oosterhout to take a rest from his studies before an imminent exam. During a walk in the garden Dom de Puniet told him: ‘venez donc tout de suite’. And when young Hans said that at least he should pass his exam, the airy answer was: ‘à quoi bon?’ That was the beginning of a life long vocation, not only for him, but soon also for two of his sisters, to whom he later wrote: “Those were true vocations, for which [Dom de Puniet, mpr] pledged himself and which still serve us today. Ah, the delightful life that was consequently given to us!”106 In May 1926, Van der Laan started preparations for his entry into the monastic life. During the year he studied Latin and Greek with Father Karel Wilde si (1858–1936) at the Schola Carolina, which was named after Wilde on the suggestion of Van der Laan, intended as a tribute to this teacher. His spiritual director at the time was a Father Beu kers, who did not wish to disturb the future work of the novice master

104 Cfr. P. Delatte, Letter to Dom de Puniet 22 Apr. 1907 [Unp. Archive Ooster- hout B I.12]. 105 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “Na de natuur en de maatschappij nu een verkenning van de liturgie. Het ging nu niet om dat leven en dat maken maar om het bidden”. 106 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19860522: “Dat waren echte roepingen, waarvoor hijzelf instond & waar wij het nu nog mee doen. Ah, het heerlijke leven dat zodoende voor ons was weggelegd!” Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790520. 44 chapter one

Fig. 1.04 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij (6 Sept. 1925). Rule of St Benedict. Bought by Van der Laan during his first visit to Oosterhout Abbey.[ AVdL] and used to say frequently: “You will be taught that at Oosterhout”.107 Just before his entry into the monastery, Van der Laan made a trip to Lourdes and Solesmes.108 On the 12th of September 1927, he entered St. Paulusabdij in Oos- terhout. It was a true farewell and definitive end to his youth, as the monastic rule decreed that the next time he went home would be after his priestly ordination. He wrote later: “I remember very intensely the moment that Father brought me to Oosterhout, that is to say the moment we were standing together on the doorstep and the front door closed behind us with its familiar sound”.109 Whatever he gave up, he

107 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19480731: “On vous apprendra cela à Ooster- hout”. This probably was the Leiden priest Th.M. Beukers, parish priest of the church of St. Petrus between 1922 and 1954. Another possibility is Father Everard Beukers si (1870–1965). Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19480731. 108 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19450908, 19880319. 109 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880818: “Ik herinner mij heel intens het moment dat Vader mij naar Oosterhout bracht, dat wil zeggen toen wij samen op de stoep stonden en de voordeur achter ons met het vertrouwde geluid dichtsloeg”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 45 was to receive back ‘a hundredfold’ in a very literal way, for he later proudly wrote to his sister that the garden in Vaals was exactly hundred times bigger than their garden in Leiden and the forest one hundred times larger than the Burcht.110 He always cherished his youth, which in his memory “became the most beautiful image of heaven, which cannot be beaten by our most beautiful liturgy”.111 A similar love as experienced as a youngster he hoped to find among his new family, that of his Brothers in Christ in the monastery.112 One month after his entry, on the 12th of October 1927, Van der Laan received the habit (see fig. 1.05). The novice master,Père Maître, was Dom Pierre de Puniet de Parry (1877–1941), the abbot’s brother. After Dom Jean de Puniet, Dom Pierre was also very important for Van der Laan’s spiritual path. For example, during the novitiate Père Maî- tre gave a commentary on the Psalms, in which one can recognise the influence of the doctrine of Dom Delatte, whose writings he edited for publication.113 Van der Laan was very satisfied with his spiritual training and the daily spiritual ‘input’ of monastic life which he found in liturgy, in community life and in reading. Particularly important to him were the spiritual conferences by abbot Dom de Puniet, which he referred to throughout his life. It will be seen in a later chapter that he recognised in them the source of true monastic life and the core of the teaching of Dom Guéranger, Mme Bruyère, Dom Delatte and the entire tradition of Solesmes. It is through this tradition and the emphasis it laid on the importance of the Fathers of the Church that Van der Laan received his monastic training which was later so fundamental to the development of his theory. From the beginning, the monastery used the skills of Brother Van der Laan in different ways. Together with two other novices, Herman Diepen (1908–1960) and Nicolaas Boer (1908–1984), he translated a work on a missionary who was sent to Holland, entitled Vita St. Adalberti by Ruotbert of Mettlach (c. 990).114 This book was to serve as publicity and raise funds for the renovation of St. Adelbertabdij

110 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19880703, 19880818. 111 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880818: “het mooiste beeld is geworden van de hemel waar onze mooiste liturgie niet tegenop kan”. 112 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720. 113 Cfr. P. de Puniet de Parry, Le psautier liturgique à la lumière de la tradition chrétienne, t. I–II, Paris 1934; HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 114 Cfr. R. van Mettlach, Sint Adalbert, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1928 [GGG nr. 264]. 46 chapter one

Fig. 1.05 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, Van der Laan as a young monk (c. 1928). [AVdL] biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 47 in Egmond, which would finally be re-founded in 1935. A little later, Van der Laan was asked to draw a map of Rome for the publication of a little book by a confrère on the ancient Christian basilica.115 Of course, the novices also had to help with the honest manual labour of the abbey. Twice a week one of them had to pump water for one hour in order to fill a tank above the novitiate to maintain the water supply.116 Would this be the reason why Van der Laan was later so keen on designing a pumping station for the abbey in 1936? Electricity was in short supply right before the Second World War and monks would read and study in their cells by the weak light of a gasoline lamp. All this was part of the life of poverty which Van der Laan had adopted as a monk. Though he had been prepared to leave all of his former life behind, the monastic life gave Van der Laan a renewed acquaintance with architecture. Mähler described how the architect in him was attracted to the measurements of the Temple of Solomon (Ezk. 40–43), by the Roman stational churches with their basilical form, and the mosaics depicting Roman clothing in Ravenna and Rome.117 He was also intrigued by the free rhythm and proportion between word and melody in Gregorian chant. The novice master allowed him fifteen minutes a day to read the work of Dom Mocquereau, Le nombre musical, a work that was indirectly of great importance to the development of Van der Laan’s theory.118 Brother Van der Laan had a great understanding of proportion. His fellow novices teased him about this, by asserting that even the stones of the plums on his plate were always ordered in groups of three and four.119

115 Cfr. A. Beekman, De oud-christelijke basiliek, Oosterhout 1930. 116 Cfr. M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 145. 117 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. 118 Cfr. A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma- Tournai 1908; t. II, Paris-Roma-Tournai 1927; HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840305. See for the Oosterhout tradition of Gregorian Chant e.g.: N. Boer, Confes- sio et Pulchritudo. Belijdenis en schoonheid. Commentaar op de Gregoriaanse Mis- en Officiegezangen, t. I–IX, Rotterdam 1952–1954; E. Cardine, Première Année de Chant Grégorien, Solesmes 1975. 119 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. Cfr. also e.g. L. van den Broeck, ‘De architectonische ruimte. Meer dan een halve eeuw architectuuronderzoek / L’espace architectural. Plus d’un demi-siècle de recherches architecturales’, A+ Architektuur 48 chapter one

As in any Benedictine monastery, life in Oosterhout was organised around the opus Dei, the praise of God, seven times a day, as St Bene- dict had decreed in his Rule.120 The language in liturgy was Latin. The order of the monks in the choir stalls and at table was organised according to seniority. Every monk lived in a small cell with a bed and a straw mattress, a small sink, a cupboard for the Sunday habit and a table with a few books ad usum (on loan from the Order). In accordance with the Order’s custom not to have private possessions, Van der Laan always spoke about ‘our’ cell.121 In Oosterhout the French tradition of Solesmes was followed. French remained the official language of life in the monastery although certain exceptions were made, beginning with the canonical independence of Oosterhout Abbey in 1928. The day would typically start at 05:00 with Matins (Nocturns and Lauds), after which private Masses were celebrated. At 07:45 there was Prime and breakfast, eaten while standing, followed by lectio di vina, Terce and High Mass.122 At 12:15 Sext was followed by lunch, during which a text was read from Scripture, from the Fathers of the Church or from another book. It was followed by an hour’s recreation, during which the monks could speak, whereas the rest of the day was spent in silence. Recreation was done in ‘wagens’ (‘carriages’), two lines of about ten monks facing each other, walking up and down the garden lanes, some walking backwards, the others forwards. On certain high ranking feast-days, the abbot would go round offering cigars and ciga- rettes during recreation. On week days, the time between the liturgical Offices was used for manual work or study. Thursday afternoons were set apart for long walks with the community. At 16:15 there was a snack, goûter, followed by None and Vespers. The daily sermon by Father Abbot at 18:30 was followed by dinner and half an hour of recreation. Compline introduced the magnum silentium for the night, which lasted until Prime the next day.

(1992, nr. 115) 60–64; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘De meubels in de architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Antiek 6 (Jan. 1995) 25–33. 120 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, esp. c. 8–20. For the following: P. de Puniet de Parry, La spiritualité bénedictine, Padova 1931 [Studi monastici 13]; P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), Menschen en God 1929–1935, t. II, Utrecht 1946, 245–327; T. van Kalmthout, De verwondering. Uit het bijna 600 dagen durende leven van een aspirant-benedictijner monnik, Amsterdam 2004; C. van Leeuwen, Vuur dat blijft branden. Gesprekken met monniken in Oosterhout, Nijmegen 2005. 121 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19651224; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19811110, 19830628, 19860404, 19880703; Letter to A. Bodar 19880404; Letter to Br. K. den Biesen Maundy Thursday 1991. 122 Cfr. P. Roose, ‘Lectio divina bij monniken’, Communio 11 (1986) 208–217. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 49

Vocations to the monastic life in Oosterhout were flourishing in these years. Heading the third biggest community of the Congrega- tion, Father Abbot was frequently asked to send one or two monks for the completion of specific tasks to Solesmes, Rome, Wisques, Farnbor- ough or Quarr Abbey. Brother Van der Laan took his monastic vows together with Brother Herman Diepen on Trinity Sunday, the 26th of May 1929 in the presence of his father and brothers. The next day he wrote to his mother: “Dearest mother, now I am finally completely a monk and you have returned me completely to Our Lord”.123

1.4. Monastic life in the tradition of Solesmes (1929–1991)

Van der Laan considered the profession of his religious vows in 1929 to have been a key moment in his life.124 He made a clear link between his own life and the categories of liturgical, cultural and natural forms that he later presented in his book Het vormenspel der liturgie (Form- play of liturgy): The earlier searching for an insight into liturgical design was now complemented by the construction of a complete liturgical framework; the first acquaintance with society [culture, mpr] during my studies was complemented by a societal cooperation with an exquisite group of experts who were essential for this framework, and the acquaintance with nature in my youth was now complemented by a continual penetration into the foundations of architecture itself.125 Within this second period of his life, which started in 1929, Van der Laan delineated mainly between the periods in Oosterhout and in Vaals, a distinction also applicable to the next sections of the book.126

123 HvdL, Letter to Mrs. A.M.L. van der Laan-Stadhouder 19290527: “Lieve Moeder, Nu ben ik dan eindelijk heelemaal monnik, & hebt U mij heelemaal aan OLH terug- gegeven”. 124 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529. 125 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “Aan het vroegere zoeken naar inzicht in de liturgische vormgeving beantwoordde nu de opbouw van een volledig liturgisch kader; aan de eerste kennismaking met de maatschappij in mijn studententijd beantwoordde een maatschappelijke samenwerking met een uitgelezen groep van vaklieden die voor dit kader nodig waren en aan de kennismaking met de natuur in mijn jeugd beantwoordde nu een gestadig doordringen in de eigen grondslagen van de architectuur”. 126 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 50 chapter one

1.4.1. Oosterhout (1929–1968) Classical training and the discovery of the plastic number After the profession of his vows, Van der Laan began his studies in philosophy and theology in the monastery. During these formative years he gained much insight in the foundations of architecture, especially through the writings of classical philosophers, and the continued contact with Nico and his former study friends.127 Though he had been extremely happy with his spiritual and monastic training by the novice master and the abbot, he deemed the subsequent philosophical and theological education by the older Fathers in the monastery to be deficient: “There too I had to continue alone in order to gain an insight into the monastic life, which takes place entirely around liturgy”.128 His dogmatic, moral and sacramental education varied according to quality of his teachers who read and commented on the Summa of St Thomas.129 Certain Neo-Thomistic manuals were also used, following the then current ecclesiastical norms.130 Struyken-Boudier confirmed this, quoting Dom Truijen who was Prefect of studies some ten years later.131 Van der Laan supplemented his education by personally copying and studying a series of letters by Dom Delatte on the third book of the Summa contra gentiles by St Thomas, which he considered to be a summary of the teaching of this Angelic Father.132 He was especially taken by the teaching that creation was called to return to God, considering Him as the ultimate end of creation. Another fundamental source in his monastic training were the works of the Fathers of the Church, especially those that were influenced by the Neo-Platonic tradition, which also played an important part in the spirituality of

127 Cfr. HvdL, Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]. 128 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “Ook daar moest ik op mijn eentje doorgaan om een inzicht te verkrijgen in het kloosterleven dat zich geheel rondom een liturgie afspeelt”. 129 Cfr. M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 135. 130 Cfr. e.g. S. Congregatio Studiorum, Decretum, 27 July 1914, in: AAS 6 (1914) 384–386; Pius PP. xi, Litt. Encycl. Studiorum ducem, 29 June 1923, in: AAS 15 (1923) 309–326. 131 Cfr. C.E.M. Struyker Boudier, Wijsgerig leven in Nederland, België en Luxem- burg 1880–1980, t. IV, Een zwerm getuigen, Nijmegen-Baarn 1988, 13–21. Van der Laan is mentioned briefly on page 28. 132 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, Summa contra Gentiles, in: Opera omnia ed. Leo- nina, t. XIII–XV, Romae 1918–1930; P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Somme contre les gentils, Solesmes 1930 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 51

Solesmes and Oosterhout. These authors brought Van der Laan in touch with Plato and Aristotle, whom he called the Fathers of Western thought. In combining all of this with the rest of the Benedictine tradition, there must have been a constant tension and interaction between a pure Neo-Platonic or Neo-Thomistic approach on the one hand and the mystical-intellectual spirituality of, for example, Pseudo-Dionysius on the other. Struyken-Boudier recognised this in the work of Dom Jacobus Huijben (1894–1948), an Oosterhout scholar and the first prior of Egmond in 1935.133 Philosophy taught Van der Laan that the intellect is initially a tabula rasa, which must be written on by experience. However, he concluded from his earlier observations of nature, and especially from observing the reptiles in his terrarium, that the process of knowing is a living process. He considered the process of gaining knowledge as fertile procreation, which he equated to the essence of life itself. It is with reference to the spiritual child Socrates drew from the mind (‘womb’) of the student that Van der Laan wrote: “I considered that tabula rasa to be the sensibility of a virginal womb, itself open to provoke procreation and I understood that this is how we derive our knowledge from things”.134 He claimed to have kept this discovery to himself in order to learn from it by means of analogies. In 1928 Van der Laan was asked to design new choir stalls for the abbey church, which were to replace the stalls that the monks had brought from Wisques. This can be considered to be his first ‘plastic’ product since his entry in the monastery (see fig. 1.06; C11).135 The term ‘plastic’ is used as a generic term referring to any three- dimensional artefact or architectural object. For the design he returned to the scheme of the tower of Utrecht, which he had studied during his final year in Delft. He wrote: “After a year they stood in the church, just like a chair made for Father Abbot, all following the same arithmetical

133 Cfr. C.E.M. Struyker Boudier, Wijsgerig leven in Nederland, België en Luxem- burg 1880–1980, t. IV, Een zwerm getuigen, Nijmegen-Baarn 1988, 25. 134 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105: “Ik beschouwde die tabula rasa als de ontvankelijkheid van een maagdelijke schoot die zelf de voortplanting uitlokt en ik begreep dat wij zo onze kennis aan dingen ontlenen”. Cfr. Plato, Theaitetos, in: E. Chambry, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. III, Paris 1938, 149a–151c. 135 Cfr. n.n., Photo book of Oosterhout, offered to H. van der Laan on the occasion of the golden jubilee of his profession by the monks of Oosterhout, Oosterhout 26 May 1979 [Unp. AVdL]. 52 chapter one

Fig. 1.06 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, draft design for choir stalls (1928) by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 53 proportions, but the effect was very bleak”.136 At this point he was about to discover the proportional system which he later would call the plastic number. Very important for this discovery was Van der Laan’s acquaintance with the architect Dom Paul Bellot (1876–1944), a monk of Solesmes Abbey, and the architect of ‘good standing’ who had designed St. Pau- lusabdij in Oosterhout (1907) as well as Quarr Abbey (1914) on the Isle of Wight and several churches in France, Belgium, Canada and Por- tugal.137 While he lived in Oosterhout between 1906 and 1928, he was often consulted on construction projects outside of the abbey, mainly concerning churches and schools.138 Like Van der Laan, he was born into a family of architects and entered the monastic life only in 1902 after his architectural studies and after having gained some working experience. Dom Bellot was a member of L’Arche, an organisation that promoted the use of modern materials and art for religious purposes. His designs searched for harmony by applying the proportions of the sectio aurea, the golden section. Like Van der Laan would do later, Bellot had created his own design tool: a triangle with the proportions of the golden section. His ingenious schemes can best be observed in the façades of the buildings he designed. When Bellot tried to explain the importance of the golden section, Van der Laan did not see the connection with architecture. To him it was an arbitrary mathematical formula like many others. It did however stimulate him to develop his own theory of architecture.

136 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529: “Na een jaar stonden zij in de kerk en ook de zetel van vader abt, alles volgens de zelfde telkundige verhoudingen, maar het effect was erg schraal”. 137 Cfr. e.g. P. Bellot, De religieuse bouwkunst, Oosterhout 1927 [Unp. Archive Oosterhout]; B.J. Koldewey, ‘Het werk van Père Bellot’, RKB 1 (1929, nr. 1) 5–8, (1929, nr. 2) 4–6, (1929, nr. 5) 57–60; HvdL, Lezing voor de leden van de A.K.K.V., Oosterhout 5 June 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; P. Bellot, Propos d’un bâtisseur du Bon Dieu, Montréal 1948; HvdL, ‘Dom Bellot’, KB 17 (1950) 198–199; M. Culot– M. Meade, ed., Dom Bellot. Moine-architecte 1876–1944, Paris 1995 [Institut Français de l’architecture]; F. Huiting, De architectuur van de St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout, Oosterhout 12 Sept. 2004 [Unp. Archive Oosterhout]; P. Willis, Dom Paul Bellot. Architect and Monk and the Publication of Propos d’un bâtisseur du bon Dieu 1949, Newcastle upon Tyne 1996; E. Heathcote,—I. Spens, Church builders, Michigan 1997, 66. 138 Cfr. M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 157–158; J.Y.H.A. Jacobs, ed., Gaandeweg aaneengesmeed. Geschiedenis van het bisdom Breda, Nijmegen 2003, 91. 54 chapter one

Dom Bellot returned to France in November 1928. Shortly afterwards, a parish priest from a town in the neighbourhood, Baarle-Nassau, came to ask for help with the design of a small devotional chapel. Brother Van der Laan threw himself into the task with great passion. The novice master allowed him to work on it for only half an hour each day and it took the young monk several weeks to reach the core of the matter. Already by this time, he wanted to design things that were inherently good and beautiful.139 For this assignment, his points of departure were the golden section of Dom Bellot and the proportions of the tower of Utrecht.140 His problem was the paradox between the flat surface of the façade and the solid tower that the parish priest had ordered. It was the third dimension of the tower that brought him to correct the golden section and find his plastic number. Some sixty years later he still vividly remembered the moment of discovery of the solution: I only remember the moment when walking towards the refectory, a few metres from the door, when I had a clear insight into what later would be called the ground-ratio, and then, during the meal, I saw the calculations of the measurements of the system which followed from it. They were very near to the arithmetical proportions of the tower [of Utrecht, mpr]. I shall never forget the experience of having found the firm basis I had always been looking for in Delft. It represented the conclusion of that time and even of the whole period of my youth.141 This fundamental intuition formed as a ground-ratio the basis of all Van der Laan’s further work. Later it received the name ‘plastic number’. While eating, he made the three-dimensional calculations, checking his intuition. This moment was followed by a period during which he measured everything he saw in order to verify this ground-ratio and to further explore its properties. For example, the talks by Dom de Puniet on the Apocalypse were of a great help, for Van der Laan could use the figures that appear in St John to verify his calculations. He wrote: “The

139 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 140 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870824. 141 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529: “Ik herinner mij alleen het moment bij het gaan naar de refter, op enkele meters van de deur, dat ik een helder inzicht kreeg in wat later de grondverhouding zou heten, en daarna de berekening onder het eten van de maten van het stelsel dat eruit voortvloeide. Ze lagen vlak tegen de telkundige verhoudingen aan van de toren [van Utrecht, mpr]. Nooit zal ik de ervaring vergeten de vaste grondslag te hebben gevonden waar ik mijn hele delftse tijd naar had gezocht. Zij sloot die periode voor goed af en zelfs de gehele periode van mijn jeugd”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 55 first thing I designed was a prayer-stool in front of the chair of Father Abbot in the choir and the result was no longer bleak”.142 Nico van der Laan always carefully preserved a picture of the little tower in Baarle- Nassau, considering it the beginning of the work with his brother.143 Van der Laan said that in the monastery, as in earlier periods of his life, first came the exterior answers and then the interior ones. For him, the word ‘exterior’ referred to his architectural studies, and ‘interior’, to his private relationship with God. For example, he held that he discovered the essence of the theory of the ground-ratio in 1929 and that only in 1931 did he discover the essence of the monastic life of Solesmes. Neither outwardly or innerly was he satisfied with following the example of others, but searched in both spheres for a firm ground, a kind of ground-ratio.144 He claimed that he never was to find a true teacher in the field of architecture and had to resort to his own intuitions and studies. However, he declared that in his spiritual life he received great help from others. It is because of the teachings of the Benedictine tradition of Solesmes, that he discovered the basis of his interior life with God deep in himself.

Liturgy and architecture in the monastery In 1930 the Brothers Hans van der Laan and Nicolaas Boer were employed in the vestments studio of the abbey above the sacristy. This was headed by the sacristan, Dom Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior, 1903–1933), who was to die young. Dom Pieterke, as he was lovingly called, was a mystic and had a great influence on Van der Laan’s spiritual life through his example and writings.145 Though they were never published, Van der Laan copied these writings in his own hand and referred to them throughout his life.146 Dom Pieter helped Van der Laan to truly understand what it meant to be a monk of Solesmes.147 For example, in his meditation about

142 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529: “Het eerste wat ik . . . tekende was een bidstoel vóór de zetel van vader abt in het koor en de indruk was niet schraal meer”. 143 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870507. 144 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 145 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19400830, 19441218, 19450908, Holy Saturday 1952, 19560908, 19681101, 19790520, 19871219, 19890615; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803; Letter to N. van der Laan 19850201. 146 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan c. 1957, 19671010, 19720307, 19720706, 19720903, 19740217. 147 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906. Cfr. P. Van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior), Carnet des notes, Oosterhout 1919–1932 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., 56 chapter one the feast of Saints Peter and Paul, Dom Pieter wrote that one should never forget that St. Pierre de Solesmes is the monastic rock to which the monks should turn to for support.148 Later it will be seen that a similar attachment to the ideal of Solesmes can be recognised in Van der Laan’s work, especially in his letters, but also in his devotion to sources that were very popular in the Solesmes tradition. Dom Pieter desired to formulate an answer to the love of Jesus with his own life. On this idea a confrère wrote: “His faithfulness in responding to love with love was uncompromising. He recognised an image of it in the rhythm of Gregorian chant, of which the great wave carries every secondary movement without resting before the final cadence: ‘That is what Solesmes is about, you see, one moves towards an end’ ”.149 Van der Laan later saw a parallel between the rhythm of Gregorian chant and his newly discovered plastic number. Pieter had been baptised at the age of seven, along with his father after his conversion to Catholi- cism. Dom de Puniet wrote that, as of that day, Pieter desired to become a monk. When Dom Delatte visited Oosterhout in 1919 for a prolonged stay, Pieter got very attached to this abbot, whom he used to call le Grand Père Abbé.150 Van der Laan followed this example in his own letters to distinguish Dom Delatte from Père Abbé du Ciel, who was Dom Jean de Puniet. Pieter had a strong relationship with the Divine, which he was able to communicate to those around him: “Father Pieter had a sort of second vocation which was to encourage in those around him a taste and an instinct for prayer”.151 Reading this testimony, it is easy to recognise where Van der Laan learned to

Traité sur la vie spirituelle & la vie d’oraison, Oosterhout 1925 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Lettres au P. Rahder, 1929–1931; Id., Lettres au P.B. de Poulpiquet du Halgouet, 1931; Id., Lettres au P.J. Hessing, 1931–1932; Id., Lettres à ses parents, 1931–1932; Id., Prières & traités, Oosterhout 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Agnès, Oosterhout Mar. 1932; Id., La Samaritaine, Oosterhout 1933 [Unp. AVdL]. 148 Cfr. P. Van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior), ‘Le 29 juin ’29’, in: Carnet des notes, Oosterhout 1919–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. 149 B. de Poulpiquet du Halgouet, Père Pieterke, s.l. 14 Apr. 1944 [Unp. AVdL]: “Sa fidélité à rendre amour pour amour était intransigeante. Il en voyait une image dans le rythme grégorien dont la grande vague emporte tous les mouvements secon- daires sans se reposer avant la cadence finale: ‘C’est tout Solesmes cela, voyez-vous, on va vers une fin’”. 150 Cfr. e.g. P. Van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior), Lettre au P. de Poulpiquet du Halgouet, 1931 [Unp. AVdL]; J. de Puniet de Parry, Quelques souvenirs touchant la vie & la mort prématurée de notre Père Pierre van der Meer de Walcheren, Ooster- hout 27 Oct. 1933 [Unp. AVdL]. 151 Cfr. J. de Puniet de Parry, Quelques souvenirs touchant la vie & la mort pré- maturée de notre Père Pierre van der Meer de Walcheren, Oosterhout 27 Oct. 1933 biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 57 pray. In 1931 Dom Pieter was called to come to Haarlem, where Dom de Puniet needed treatment after an operation in the Mariastichting. The surgeon in charge was Wim van der Laan, Hans’ brother. Van der Laan often went to Haarlem to visit his abbot and Dom Pieter. It was a time he never forgot, spent in intimacy with these two great examples of the monastic life.152 Two years later, on the 1st of Febru- ary 1933, Dom Pieter died suddenly from Spanish flu, causing Van der Laan much grief and driving Dom Pieter’s parents temporarily into the monastery.153 After Dom Pieter’s death Van der Laan was made responsible for the vestments studio and in 1936 he was made head sacristan, a post that he would hold until his departure to Vaals in 1968 (see fig. 1.07). As he now was responsible for every object that was used during liturgy, his tasks further introduced him to the world of liturgical vestments, vessels and the furnishing of the abbey church as a whole. This must have broadened his view on architecture, the idea that the task of the architect is to make an overall design, one which includes even the smallest detail of the building and its usage. The sacristy took up a great deal of Van der Laan’s time between the liturgical Offices. The great feast-days in particular involved a lot of work. However, he always found a profound joy in his tasks, which helped solidify his faith. He regarded his work as a direct service to the Lord and did not rest until he had completed all of his tasks. For example, he showed his dedication and his devotion when he explained to his sister that before getting some rest after Christmas Midnight Mass, he would celebrate his own three Masses, just after Lauds, between one thirty and three o’clock in the morning.154 For the Easter Triduum there were candles to be painted, silver to be polished, vestments to be repaired and so on, so that he commented: “Afterwards I am like a squeezed lemon, for I am given no chance to catch my breath after these great feast days, but the joy remains in my heart and that is my

[Unp. AVdL]: “il y eut comme une sorte de seconde vocation chez le P. Pierre de répandre autour de lui ce goût & cet instinct de prière”. 152 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19550814, 19771104; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. Cfr. P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior), Lettres au P.J. Hessing, 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. 153 Cfr. P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), Menschen en God 1929–1935, t. II, Utrecht 1946, 228–327; Id., Alles is liefde. Léon Bloy, Raïssa Maritain, Christine en Pieterke, Brugge 1960, 130–138, 146; A. Helman, Vriend Pieter. Het levensavontuur van Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren, Brugge 1980, 183–185. 154 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19351223. 58 chapter one

Fig. 1.07 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, Van der Laan in the sacristy of the abbey (c. 1933). [AVdL] biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 59 only prayer”.155 He had a great eye for the importance of the essential, as revealed by his detailed attention to the care for sacred objects. Thus he wrote for example: “It is an excellent precaution to keep the altar stainless, for it is something infinitely holy”.156 One example of how everything he did externally also played its part in his interior life is his remark that the painting of the sacristy offered him the chance to ‘whitewash’ himself on the inside too.157 In the vestment studio, Van der Laan worked alongside several monks. He was responsible for the design of the vestments, which he and Dom George Smeets (1907–1986) sewed. Dom Nicolaas Boer and Brother Servatius van Kessel took care of the embroidery.158 Van der Laan’s understanding of liturgical vestments emphasised their simplicity and their essential forms. After vestments, he started designing liturgical objects such as chalices and other artefacts as varied as jugs, crosses, candle sticks, carpets and so on. Between 1948 and 1960 Van der Laan worked on a series of 17 articles on liturgical vestments with Dom Franciscus Xaverius Botte (1907–1991) of St. Andriesabdij in Zevenkerken, Belgium. He was the editor of the periodical L’Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques (AAL), and ‘a very precise and careful aesthetic’.159 It was the start of a life-long cooperation and friendship. This was in spite of Van der Laan’s sometimes fierce reactions when his texts were not published exactly as he had envisioned them.160 Apart from his contributions on liturgical vestments, Van der Laan contributed to a series of articles on ecclesiastical architecture.161 In 1950 the name of the periodical was changed to L’Art d’Eglise (AE) and, upon the appointment in 1958 of Dom Frederic

155 HvdL, Letter to St Gertrude 19470402: “Depuis je suis comme un uitgeknepen citroen, car on ne me laisse pas reprendre haleine après ces grandes fêtes, mais la joie demeure au coeur & c’est là toute ma prière”. 156 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19441218: “C’est une excellente préoc- cupation de garder l’autel sans tache, car c’est une chose infiniment sainte”. 157 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19431130. 158 Cfr. n.n., ‘Ateliers van de eredienst’, in: n.n., Kroniek van de kloosterbedrijven der Sint-Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 1944, 304ff [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. 159 Cfr. C.P. de Morchoven, De Sint Andriesabdij Zevenkerken, t. II, Nieuwe uitdagingen voor dom Théodore Nève 1912–1963, Tielt 2002, 344. 160 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19480904, 19481109, 19481205, 19481221, 19530113, 19540627, 19540801, 19540927, 19550215. 161 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Comment se pose le problème de l’art d’Église IV. Principes élé- mentaires d’architecture religieuse’, AE 22 (1954) 301–304; ‘Comment se pose le pro- blème de l’art d’Église V. Déterminations naturelles ou surnaturelles pour la forme de l’église’, AE 23 (1955) 1–4). 60 chapter one

Debuyst, to Art d’Eglise. In his first article, Dom Debuyst wrote very positively about Van der Laan’s work.162 He later maintained that Van der Laan was the mind behind the periodical, until this collaboration stopped abruptly in 1960 due to a change of direction by Dubuyst.163 Still, in later years the periodical gave publicity to his book Le nombre plastique.164 A foretaste of Van der Laan’s post-war architectural work can be seen in the occasional construction project in the 1930s. In 1930 he was commissioned to enlarge the chapter wing of the abbey (see fig. C12).165 However, this cannot have been a very satisfying job, as he had to closely follow the original style of Dom Bellot, with whose principles he disagreed. In 1935 the ancient St. Adelbertabdij in Egmond was re-founded as a priory and many monks from Oosterhout were sent there to form the new community.166 It seems surprising that Van der Laan was not asked to design the new abbey. At the time there was a certain rivalry between two groups in Oosterhout Abbey, understandable given that some one hundred people lived at close quarters in one house. On the one hand there was ‘the sacristy’, the circle of monks around Van der Laan. On the other hand there was ‘the library’, named after the place where this group of monks usually gathered, which opposed the strong French influence and the constant use of the French language in the monastery.167 This

162 Cfr. F. Debuyst, ‘Le problème actuel de l’art sacré’, AE 26 (1958, nr. 105) 141. 163 Cfr. F. Debuyst, Letter to A. Geux, 24 Feb. 2008 [Unp. AVdL]; C. Voet, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan en zijn publicaties der kerkelijke architectuur in L’Art d’Eglise’, in: D. Bauer–M. Bauer, ed., Cum tanta sit in amicizia vera perfectio. Liber amicorum Raoul Bauer, Kapellen 2009, 127. 164 Cfr. n.n., ‘Vient de paraitre: Le nombre plastique’, AE 28 (1960, nr. 112) D. 165 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Oosterhout’, Studien O.S.B. 48 (1930) 33–34; M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 154; n.n., Besluit RZ-2000–578, 4 [Unp. Archief St. Paulus- abdij. Rijksdienst voor de Monumentenzorg]. 166 See about the history of Egmond Abbey and its re-foundation e.g. J. Huijben, De abdij van Egmond en haar historische beteekenis, Egmond 1940; J. de Puniet de Parry, ‘Toespraak bij de eerste steenlegging van de priorij te Egmond, 15 september 1934’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 136–137; K. Lelyveld, ed., et al., Benedictijns leven in Egmond. Het Sint-Liobaklooster en de Sint-Adelbertabdij, Amstelveen 1985; G.N.M. Vis, ed., Egmond tussen Kerk en wereld, Hilversum 1993; J. Hof–C. Visser, De abdij van Egmond, Egmond 1995; G.N.M. Vis, ed., De abdij van Egmond. Geschreven en beschreven, Hilversum 2002. 167 Cfr. T. van Schaik, ‘Stempel van de ‘sacristie’ op benedictijnen in Vaals’, Trouw (14 Nov. 2001) 14; F. Huiting, ‘Herinneringen aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Thema- tismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 6.12. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 61 opposition could be considered as the external reason for the conflict, but personal tensions also played a role. Part of the reason was probably the great influence which Van der Laan had on the daily life of the monks by governing both the sacristy and the liturgical vestments studio, combined with his strong personality. Dom de Puniet originally intended to give Van der Laan the supervision of the construction plans for the newly re-founded priory in Egmond. This was strongly opposed by the supporters of ‘the library’, many of whom were sent to Egmond. In the end, the design of the buildings was entrusted to the influential Dutch architect Alexander Kropholler.168 Kropholler converted to Catholicism in 1908 and was a student of the Delftse School of Gran- pré Molière, the main characteristic of which was the use of traditional materials and designs. His designs exude a sober solidity, with accentuated elements such as large hinges and door handles. Just as Van der Laan, Kropholler was inspired by H.P. Berlage. Van der Laan never referred to the work and thought of Kropholler in his writings with the exception of a description of the style of the new church of Oosterhout, adding that the design by Johan Sluymer was a very weak imitation of the style of Kropholler or Koldewey.169 The latter, Ber- nard Koldewey (1895–1958), was another traditionalist architect, who succeeded Kropholler halfway through the project as the architect of Egmond.170 Because of their traditional approach these architects had no influence on Van der Laan.

168 Cfr. e.g. A.J. Kropholler, Gedachten over kerkbouw, Amsterdam 1925; Id., De abdij van Egmond. Herbouw, ontwerp, Haarlem 1934; Id., Onze Nederlandsche baksteen-bouwkunst, Den Haag 1941; Id., ‘Over hedendaagse bouwkunde met betrekking tot de Kerkenbouw’, TvL 36 (1952) 152–155; Id., Wat is bouwkunst? Afgezien van de kunst om zich tegen kou, vocht en ongewenst bezoek te vrijwaren, Den Haag 1965. See also e.g. H. van Heyningen, ‘De Bossche School beschreven’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (15 Nov. 1996) 23; J. Roding–T. Boersma–D. Segaar, A.J. Kropholler (1881–1973). Terugkeer tot de Hollandse architectuurtraditie, Rotterdam 2002. 169 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826. 170 Cfr. A.J. Kropholler, ‘Regale abdij van Egmond’, RKB 3 (1932) 321–329, 331; Id., ‘Het plan voor den herbouw der regale abdij van Egmond’, RKB 3 (1932) 337–345; B.J. Koldewey, ‘De regale abdij van Egmond’, Klei 26 (1934, nr. 15) 117–123; A.J. Kropholler–J.A.C. Tillema, ‘De Egmondse abdijplannen’, KB 17 (1949–1950) 225–233; N. Molenaar–B.J. Koldewey, ‘De abdijkerk der Regale Adbij van St. Adel- bert te Egmond’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 257–264; L. Moonen, ‘Ora et labora. De monniken van de abdij St. Benedictusberg, 1951–2005’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, et al., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 2005, Val- kenburg aan de Geul 2005, 156. 62 chapter one

Fig. 1.08 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, work in progress for the guest house (1939). Van der Laan (middle) discusses the design with Fried de Bonth (left) and Nico van der Laan (right). [AVdL]

Van der Laan did not remain idle in these years. Despite the monastic rivalry he was asked to design several items for the liturgical refurbishing of the newly founded abbey, such as an altar, a procession cross, a ciboria and an ostensory.171 In 1936 he designed a small pump station in the garden of Oosterhout and a year later re-furnished the sanctuary of the church of St. Willibrord in Zierikzee.172 All his preceding work was insignificant compared to the construction of a new guest wing in Oosterhout, to free up space for the rapidly increasing numbers of monks living in the abbey. At the time Nico Van der Laan was working at the studio of Granpré Molière, Verha- gen and Kok in Rotterdam and he lived in Delft with his brother’s

171 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Monstrans voor de nieuwe priorij der Benedictijnen te Egmond’, De Maasbode (30 Oct. 1935) 5; A. Beekman, Inventaris van de belangrijkste kunstvoorwerpen, Egmond 1951 [Unp. Archief St. Adelbertabdij]. 172 Cfr. C.S.M. Rademaker–A. Verdaasdonk, Een kleine kerkgeschiedenis. Sint Willibrordskerk in Zierikzee, Zierikzee 1995, 52–55. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 63 friend and studying partner, Sam van Embden.173 Since Nico had finished his studies in 1937, the two brothers had been collaborat- ing on the development of an architectural theory based on Hans’s initial discovery of the plastic number. The guest house was the first time the theory was meticulously applied.174 According to Mähler, the design drew attention from the architectural world both for its balanced proportions and its traditional construction techniques.175 Unlike Van der Laan’s earlier works in the abbey, its design did not follow the original architectural style of the abbey designed by Bel- lot (see fig. 1.08–1.09; C13). The abbot and the monks were initially opposed to the plans. It was only through the mediation of Granpré Molière, a good friend of the abbot, that the design for the guest house

Fig. 1.09 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, work in progress for the guest house (1939). Masonry of the foundations. [AVdL]

173 Cfr. HvdL, Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988. 174 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19390709; Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 175 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]; H.J. van Balen, ‘Een tegenstelling’, KB 24 (1957) 337–345. 64 chapter one was completed. The building contractor, Fried de Bonth (1913–1998), would become a friend of the Van der Laan family and work on many of Hans’s future projects with his brother Sjef and his two sons.176 On its completion on the 11th of July 1939 abbot Dom de Puniet was so satisfied with the work that he promised Van der Laan that he would design the new abbey church although the Second World War caused the project to be postponed.177

Discovery of the true interior life The years of the novitiate and Van der Laan’s early monkhood must have been years of searching for what is right and good, as they are for any serious monk. He claimed to have discovered the true interior life with God on the evening of the 30th of August 1931. That evening he had an intense experience which deeply confirmed his monastic vocation in the Congregation of Solesmes.178 What exactly happened that evening in August has not been recorded, but it can be assumed that it is the moment that he became deeply aware of God’s great love for him and that he felt an urgent necessity to respond to this love. The result was a life-long dedication to God in the monastic life. During his life, Van der Laan only spoke twice about this evening—sitting beside a lake with his sister Gertrude, and during a wartime night walk with his brother Nico.179 A week after the experience, Van der Laan travelled to the mother house of the Servantes des Pauvres in Angers together with Dom de Puniet de Parry who received the simple vows of Sister Gertrude on the 8th of September 1931.180 This trip was a confirmation of his vocation and therefore was also very important to him.181 Brother Van der Laan was ordained a priest together with Brothers Nicolaas Boer and Bertrand de Poulpiquet du Halgouet on the 2nd of September 1934 by the Bishop of Breda, Mgr Petrus Hopmans

176 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19390716; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19710830, 19711116, 19790520. 177 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 178 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19400830, 19430919, 19581001, 19710830, 19720903, 19870512. 179 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19581001, 19630804, 19810804, 19801224, 19870512, 19890615. 180 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906, 19620904. 181 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19450908, 19460607, 19480907, 19510906, 19620904, 19710719, 19710830, 19720903, 19721228, 19771104. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 65

Fig. 1.10 Breda, Van der Laan’s ordination certificate (2 Sept. 1934). Signed by Mgr P. Hopmans, Bishop of Breda. [AVdL] 66 chapter one

(r. 1914–1951), in Onze Lieve Vrouwe Abdij in Oosterhout (see fig. 1.10). He celebrated his first Mass on the 12th of September 1934 in the church of St. Willibrord in Oegstgeest, where his parents were living at the time. As a Benedictine monk, he did not consider priesthood his foremost vocation and sometimes even called it pure luxury.182 However, the fact that he was able to celebrate the Sacrifice of Mass was always very important to him. The words of the consecration in the Eucharist, ‘hoc facite in meam commemorationem’ (‘do this in memory of me’), which he translated as doing the Will of the Lord day after day, were central to his spiritual life.183 His ideal was to maintain the spirit of the liturgical prayer in his daily activities.184 Van der Laan was always very busy, to the extent that he was sometimes overworked. It must therefore have been an ongoing interior fight to always choose the truly essential. The distraction from his prayer life caused by his love for architecture, which he called the ‘old thorn of attachment’, was to be an enduring problem.185 He often wrote about the need for a good balance between Martha and Mary in the monastic life, between work and prayer (cfr. Lk 10:38–42).186 For him the limitations of human life worked as a true clôture, a monastery wall that helped someone refrain from searching everywhere for what one could only find at the bottom of one’s heart.187 He took very seriously the Benedictine motto ‘ora et labora’, as he wrote to his sister: “I am sure that you too know that beatitude, which consists of a very regular life, which places oneself completely in the shadow. In this way one is able to find oneself in the successive occupations of a daily schedule”.188

182 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19590519. 183 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19380606; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19420913. 184 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19421026. 185 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19480311. 186 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19390910, 19430704, 195206, 19640720; Letter to N. van der Laan 19400421; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19420913, 19480215, 19790520, 19801002, 19821126. 187 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 194004. 188 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19390910: “Je suis sûr que vous connais- sez aussi cette béatitude, qu’est une vie toute régulière, qui vous met tout à fait dans l’ombre. Il y a comme ça une manière de se recueillir dans les occupations successives d’un programme de chaque jour”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 67

Van der Laan had an important spiritual influence on many of his younger Brothers in the monastery. Not because of extensive spiritual conversations, but mainly because of his approach to daily life.189

Sources of inspiration: the development of a theory Van der Laan was undoubtedly influenced by his confrères in the monastery, who would often hand him scraps of paper with quotations from great thinkers that they had copied for him.190 A good example of this is his relationship with the philosopher Dom Pieter Talma (1886– 1978). Van der Laan recalled: “Dom Talma became a monk at the same time as I did, but at that time he was 42 years old (1886). He had studied mathematics and physics and received a cum laude PhD in the calculus of probabilities”.191 Later Talma studied philosophy and was in contact with a group of artists in Bergen, inspired by Paul Cézanne (1839–1906), among others.192 Talma became a Catholic in 1926 and a short time later entered the monastic life.193 In the novitiate he gave Van der Laan works of Plato to read. They had long discussions about philosophy which stimulated Van der Laan’s intellectual development.194 In the 1960s Talma was one of the professors of the Cursus voor Kerkelijke Architectuur (CKA, Course for Church Architecture).195

189 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19480311; F. Huiting, ‘Herinneringen aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 6. 190 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]. 191 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870507: “Pater Talma werd monnik tegelijk met mij, maar was toen 42 jaar (1886). Hij had wis- en natuurkunde gestudeerd & gepro- moveerd cum laude op een proefschrift over kansberekening”. Cfr. P. Talma, Over kans en kansberekening. Beschouwingen en critiek, Utrecht 1921. 192 Cfr. W. Vroom, De nieuwe kring in Bergen (N.-H.). Filosofen en kunstenaars in Bergen 1916–1919, Bergen 2006; P. Luykx, ‘Daar is nog poëzie, nog kleur, nog warmte’. Katholieke bekeerlingen en moderniteit in Nederland, 1880–1960, Hilversum 2007, 134–139. 193 Cfr. P. Talma, ‘Katholiek en protestant’, Roeping 24 (1947) 580–598; Id., ‘Naschrift’, Roeping 25 (1948) 111–117; N.G.M. van Doornik, ed., Pelgrims naar de Una Sancta. Hedendaagse belijdenissen, Utrecht-Brussel 1948, 356–375; P. Talma, ‘Uit de geschiedenis mijner bekeering’, Egmondiana 11 (1950) 3–11. 194 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870507; L. Moonen, Pater Hans van der Laan O.S.B.: zijn werk als monnik van de St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout, Vaals 1998. 195 Cfr. e.g. P. Talma, Maatschappij, kunst, godsdienst, s.l. 16 Feb. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Twee fragmenten: onze intellectie—de zichtbare wereld, s.l. 27 Apr. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., De sociale beteekenis van het kunstenaarschap, s.l. 25 May 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Cultuur en beschaving, s.l. Nov. 1963–Jan. 1964 [Unp. AVdL], Id., De taak van de kunstenaar bij den opbouw van de maatschappij, s.l. Mar.–Apr. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Het einde der middeleeuwen, s.l. May 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., 68 chapter one

Another monk, also a philosopher, with whom Van der Laan had a lot of contact was Dom Frans Huiting (b. 1923).196 He entered Oosterhout in September 1942 and was made an assistant sacristan. Van der Laan often asked him to be the first to listen to his talks on church architecture.197 Later in Vaals, the prior, Dom Pieter Roose (b. 1926), was asked to do the same.198 Van der Laan often discussed the philosophy of architecture with him and together they would visit projects he was working on.199 Dom Roose was to give the homily at the 50th anniversary of Van der Laan’s profession and at Nico’s funeral.200 Another source of inspiration was found outside the monastery. Though Jan van der Laan had a more traditional view of architecture than his brothers, in the end their conversations must have pleased him, for in 1939 he asked Hans to give a lecture in Leiden about the theory of the plastic number.201 The written preparation for his talk helped Van der Laan to clarify his thought, and he discovered how his spiritual education at Oosterhout had helped him enormously in this field.202 The difficulties he encountered in writing he attributed to his faulty secondary school training at the HBS. His audience consisted of young architects, with whom the Van der Laan brothers had studied in Delft. Present too, on Van der Laan’s specific request, was professor Granpré Molière, although like Jan he had difficulty in truly accept- ing Van der Laan’s ideas.203 Among the other participants were Wim van Dael (1912–1985), Sam van Embden, Cees Pouderoyen, Jan van Dongen (1896–1973) and Wim de Bruyn. In Leiden, Van der Laan

Inspiratie en rede, s.l. Sept. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Het uitgangspunt van de schilderkunst, s.l. Mar. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]. 196 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19851029. 197 Cfr. F. Huiting, ‘Herinneringen aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 11; Interview Dom Frans Huiting osb, Teteringen 17 Feb. 2007. 198 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19731221; Letter to R. Padovan 19870507; Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, Vaals 15 Jan. 2007. 199 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127, 19730327, 19820325, 19870512, 19890402; Letter to Dom N. de Wolf 19720101; Letter to N. van der Laan 19860716; Letter to A. Bodar 19880728. 200 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19790713, 19860921. P. Roose, Homilie op het 50 jarig professiefeest van Pater Hans van der Laan, Vaals 26 May 1979 [Unp. AVdL]; Preek bijzetting Nico van der Laan, Vaals 25 Sept. 1986 [Unp. AVdL]). 201 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Mr J. van der Laan 19390804, 19390814; Letters to N. van der Laan 19390816, 193909; Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 202 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19390910; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 194005. 203 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110; Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 69 achieved what he had wanted to do in Delft with the BSK. 204 Though he declared each encounter to be the last, others followed, so that eight lectures in total were given, alternating between Jan’s house at Rijns- burgerweg 160, in Leiden and Nico’s, first in the Rietveldsche toren in Delft and later at Torenveltstraat 6, in Oegstgeest.205 Here Van der Laan expressed the fundamental ideas of his theory and he considered these meetings to be of the utmost importance.206 Though the formulation or expression of the theory would change over the years, the principles that were laid down in these lectures were so fundamental that afterwards they were never questioned nor changed in any sig- nificative way. Step by step Van der Laan discovered the elements that give meaning to the traditional forms of churches.207 Important in this discovery was the search for the fundamental principles of ancient monuments like the Parthenon, which those attending the meeting decided to study in detail after the second conference in Leiden.208 Moreover, Van der Laan was reading Vitruvius’ famous work, Ten books on architecture.209 The importance he attributed to the study of ancient architecture is demonstrated by his suggestion to Nico that he dedicate one or more years to the study of its principles. Though the initiative led to nothing it is telling that in his eagerness to realise such a project he even sought financial aid from a Mr Asberg, the Catholic director of an Amsterdam art shop.210 Nico continued his study of the Parthenon as he set up as an independent architect.211 Later the brothers would also study other

204 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400205. 205 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939, 7 July 1940, 16 Jan. 1943, Nov. 1945, 19–20 Apr. 1947; Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940; Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941, 26 July 1943. 206 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19401113. 207 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19410116. 208 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19400205, 19400617; Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19400508. 209 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, ed: C. Fensterbusch, Darmstadt 1991. Van der Laan used another edition: Id., De architectura libri X, ed: F. Krohn, Lipsiae 1912. 210 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19360822, 19361028, 19420526, 19430829; Letter to Mr Asberg 19420526. 211 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19420614, 19420628, 19420810,19421113; Letter to F. Siebers 19430308 70 chapter one monuments such as an Italian house and Stonehenge.212 These studies confirmed the universal applicability of the theory.213 In order to explain his system in a detailed and ordered manner, between 1944 and 1946 Van der Laan wrote a series of twelve letters to Dom Pierre Nau (1902–1978), a French Solesmes monk who had been wounded as a soldier in the Second World War and spent a year in Oosterhout convalescing with a broken leg.214 Dom Pierre Nau’s brother was also a Solesmes monk.215 Though educated as an architect, Dom Nau never practised the profession in the monastery. He and Van der Laan remained lifelong friends. From his earliest years, Van der Laan tended to be clear and cat- egorical in his opinion on other writers and architects. For example, in the 1940s he openly criticized the approach of the Thomist Father Petrus Hoenen si (1880–1961), who wrote a book on the philosophy of nature.216 He similarly strongly rejected the ‘rigid Thomistic approach’ of a certain Father Doodkorte. This is probably Albertus Doodkorte op (1896–1938).217 He further disagreed with the Neo-Thomistic writer, Maritain, whom he accused of being too metaphysical, and advocated a more practical approach where the forms of human artefacts were concerned. Over the years the differences between Van der Laan and Granpré Molière became more clearly visible. Van der Laan considered his former professor to be stuck in the romantic era of the previous century.218 He mainly objected to his traditional ideas concerning archi-

212 Cfr. HvdL, Architectonische analyse van een Italiaans huis, Oosterhout 15 June 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Inleiding Stonehenge, ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]. 213 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19440305. 214 Cfr. L. Soltner, ‘Dom Pierre Nau (1902–1978)’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 5 (1979, nr. 19) 3–24. Cfr. HvdL, Douze lettres sur l’architecture. Adressées au R.P. Dom Pierre Nau, moine de Solesmes, pour résumer une doctrine sur la génèse de la forme [Unp. AVdL]: 18 Jan. 1944, 14 Feb. 1944, 3 Mar. 1944, 4 Apr. 1944, 3 May 1944, 9 June 1944, 27 July 1945, 7 Sept. 1945, 3 Oct. 1945, 3 Jan. 1946, 15 Mar. 1946, 28 Mar. 1946; Letter to N. van der Laan 19440306; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan, 19771104. 215 Cfr. L. Soltner, ‘Dom Paul Nau (1901–1984)’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 11 (1985, nr. 2) 4–23. 216 Cfr. P. H. Hoenen, et al., Vraagstukken uit de natuurphilosophie, Nijmegen 1940 [Annex to Studia Catholica]; HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan c. 1940, c. 194004; n.n., Liber Annualis, Roma 1962, 114–118 [Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana]. 217 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400910. Cfr. F.L.R. Sassen, Wijsbegeerte van onzen tijd, Antwerpen-Nijmegen 1938, 181; C.E.M. Struyker Boudier, Wijsgerig leven in Nederland, België en Luxemburg 1880–1980, t. II, De dominicanen, Nijmegen- Baarn 1988, 57–62. 218 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19440306. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 71 tecture. He had the same problem with the views of others such as his father, his brother Jan and Dom Bellot.219 At the same time, he also rejected more modern currents of architecture, especially those that let functionality prevail over form. The fact that he never found a proper master strengthens his claim to have developed his theory himself, aided only by his brother Nico.

Great loss during the war Though many people were gravely affected by the atrocities of the Sec- ond World War, life in the abbey went on relatively undisturbed. It was the abbot’s wish to disappear from the view of the outside world, regarding their main task to be prayer. An example of this is when a magnificent procession was held around the premises of the abbey with the relics of St Eligius of Noyon (c. 588–560), which had found a safe haven in Oosterhout during the Great War.220 In 1940, Dutch troops on their way to Moerdijk occupied several floors of the abbey for the night. Van der Laan was strongly inspired by the example of Dom de Puniet, who simply remained working at his desk, even during the most severe bombardments of the fortifications at the canal behind the abbey.221 This is where the monastic vow of stability took on its deepest meaning.222 Van der Laan warned Nico against the activities of dubious people; in these days his faith in particular should be his guiding light, as this was a period of tribulation and a time for standing firm.223 It was very difficult to find candles for Mass and other supplies. For example, Van der Laan made chasubles from the silk of English parachutes.224 During the war, Van der Laan had to suffer a number of personal losses. It was at this time that he lost his great spiritual Fathers, the

219 Cfr. e.g. against M.J. Granpré Molière: HvdL, Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19421025; Letter to R. Padovan 19800624; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. Against Dom Bellot: Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 195206, 19640720; Letter to N. van der Laan 19531024; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19681101, 19870723; Letters to R. Padovan 19830802, 19840529, 19870507, 19870824, 19871118. Against S.J. van Embden: Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. Against some other modern architects: Letter to I. Tie- man 19851127; Letter to W. Lockefeer 19900517. 220 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 194005, 19410324; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19421026. 221 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 194005. 222 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19410116. 223 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19400331, 19400705, 19430311, 19430606. 224 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan In Albis 1945. 72 chapter one

Fig. 1.11 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, tomb of Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry (1941). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] novice master Dom Pierre de Puniet († 4th of April 1941) and abbot Dom Jean de Puniet († 28th of September 1941), from whom he had learned so much about spiritual life (see fig. 1.11). His mother († 28th of June 1941), his father († 17th of March 1942) and his sister Jo († 16th of May 1942) also passed away, all of whom he had dearly loved and from whom he had learned a great deal about life in general and about the essentials of faith. Van der Laan designed their tombstone (see fig. 1.12). Furthermore his childhood friend Maria Dries- sen († 22nd of February 1944) was killed during the bombardment of Nijmegen. By the end of the war, the abbey was close to the fighting. The sound of bombs falling all around the abbey sometimes made it hard for the monks to hear their own voices in the Office. However, the only damage the abbey suffered was the shattering of a church window by a tiny shell which fell on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament. Van der Laan described a Sunday Mass in the crypt of the abbey, where some 100 refugees had found shelter. And then, while the four farms that surrounded the abbey were in flames, an English soldier came to biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 73

Fig. 1.12 Oegstgeest, tombstone of Anna, Leo and Jo van der Laan (1941–1942). Designer Dom Van der Laan. In 2010 the stone was placed in a side chapel of the church of Onze Lieve Vrouw Hemelvaart—St. Joseph in Leiden. [Photo: mpr] 74 chapter one announce the end of the war to the monks. Van der Laan ascribed their protection to the Holy Angels, to St Eligius and to Père Abbé du ciel, Dom de Puniet.225 Dom Maximiliaan Mähler (1905–1991) was chosen as successor to Dom de Puniet in 1941. Under Dom Mähler, life in Oosterhout was not the same as before. He had a different charisma and did not have de Puniet’s spiritual weight and vision. Several monks found the new abbot to be too precise and strict.226 Van der Laan wrote to Nico asking him to pray for the abbey: “I’d probably prefer to be outside the abbey with Père Abbé [de Puniet, mpr], than in it without him”.227 Though this should be seen as an expression of his grief, he clearly was not as happy under Dom Mähler as he was under Dom de Puniet.228 Here also the situation in the abbey should be taken into account. A degree of tension between the monks of ‘the sacristy’ and ‘the library’ was to become more apparent under the abbatiate of Dom Mähler. Mean- while, new novices kept coming, so that in 1945 a new foundation was started at Slangenburg in Doetinchem.229 Van der Laan made a draft design for the new abbey which was never used. One positive aspect of the destructiveness of the war was that subsequently Van der Laan could further develop his theory with the reconstruction of destroyed churches. During the years after the war the Van der Laan family seemed to be omnipresent. Architects often came to consult Dom Hans van der Laan, both for the construction of churches and on architecture in general and he became quite well known in these years. Along with Nico he had a seat in the interdioc- esan commission for consultation on the reconstruction of churches and ecclesiastical buildings.230 Nico was also asked to take part in a diocesan commission which was to help with the reconstruction of

225 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 194411. 226 Cfr. C. van Leeuwen, Vuur dat blijft branden. Gesprekken met monniken in Oosterhout, Nijmegen 2005, 28. 227 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19411124: “Ik geloof dat ik liever met Père Abbé buiten de abdij zit als zonder er in”. 228 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19651224. 229 Cfr. e.g. J. Berends, ‘Vijftig jaar Benedictijns leven in de Slangenburg 1945– 1995’, Tijdschrift van de oudheidkundige kring ‘Deutekom’ en de oudheidkundige verenigingen ‘Salehem’ en ‘Gander’ 19 (1995) 57–84. 230 Cfr. e.g. n.n., Uitnodigingsbrief, ’s-Hertogenbosch 16 Apr. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]; n.n., Presentielijst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 29 Apr. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 75 churches in the diocese of ’s-Hertogenbosch.231 Jan was a member of a similar group in the diocese of Haarlem, the Sint Pieterskring.232 He and Nico were also involved in a commission for future church architecture of the Catholic Society of Artists, the A.K.K.V.233 In these years they were in contact with the periodicals Bouwkundig Weekblad (BW) and L’Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques.234 According to Van der Laan, the Katholiek Bouwblad (KB), co-founded by Granpré Molière, was not open enough to the ideas of the courses in Breda and ’s-Herto- genbosch and he contemplated publishing the results of their work himself.235 However, Van der Laan was not exclusively occupied with architecture. His main occupation always remained the opus Dei, the prayer life in his monastic community, and his services as sacristan and head of the vestments studio. In these years too he gave evidence of his broad range of interests and eye for detail, an example of which being a letter to a confrère in Solesmes about the way he deemed monks should shave their tonsure.236 In 1948, the abbey was connected to the telephone network (secret number 281), which in later years allowed for more frequent communication between Van der Laan and Nico. However, this led to their less frequent exchange of letters, an important historical source for this study.237

CKA 1946–1952: A good start in Breda and ’s-Hertogenbosch The post-war church re-building initiatives offered Van der Laan the chance to further develop his theory. The future Bishop of Breda, Mgr Joseph Baeten (r. 1951–1962), invited him to become a member of a diocesan commission on this matter. His name had been put forward by the architects Phons Siebers (1893–1978) and Wim van Dael.238 It

231 Cfr. H.M.A. van Helvoort, Letter to N. van der Laan, ’s-Hertogenbosch 15 July 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. 232 Cfr. G.J.M. Sarlemijn, Letter, Feb. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. 233 Cfr. G.J.M. Sarlemijn, Letters to members of the commission, Amsterdam 4 Dec. 1947, 10 Sept. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]; Id., Groep bouwkunst van de A.K.K.V., 47Bo 16 no. 757 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. 234 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19460514; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19480904. 235 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19461209. 236 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom J.T. de la Pintière 194605. 237 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19480510. 238 About these architects e.g. N. van der Laan, ‘H. Hart kerk te Bergen op Zoom’, KB 21 (1953) 17–19; Id. , ‘Een koepelkerk in Philippine’, KB 21 (1954) 401. 76 chapter one was expected that a monk-architect would be able to give indications concerning the liturgical ‘usability’ of churches. But here they had made a misjudgement, for according to Van der Laan the first liturgical demand was that a church must simply be a truly good building. Cooperation within the commission was difficult, as not all members were of the same opinion. Van der Laan was also asked to lead a group of some 18 diocesan architects that had to reconstruct the destroyed churches of the diocese. Between April 1946 and March 1947 they regularly met in the chapter room of the Begijnhof in Breda. The morning sessions were dedicated to lectures on the theory of architecture and in the afternoons concrete plans were discussed.239 Here, the theory of the plastic number was further developed. These encounters in Breda represented Van der Laan’s breakthrough. Nico would use his brother’s notes for his own classes in ’s-Hertogenbosch. The text of the lectures was printed and distributed to a small circle.240 The original plan was to give twelve classes on the theory of architecture, followed by twelve classes on architectural construction elements and six classes on liturgy. As not all classes have been preserved in the AVdL, it is not completely clear whether or not Van der Laan concluded the series.241 In 1952, he would give some more lectures in the Begijnhof.242 After the liberation of the North, the Breda initiatives were picked up by the Archbishop of Utrecht and later Cardinal Johannes de Jong (r. 1936–1951). On the 5th of August 1945, he gathered a group of forty architects to discuss the theme of church reconstruction. It was decided to set up three institutes: a study centre for religious architecture, a means of publication and a course for church architecture.243

239 Cfr. HvdL, Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]. 240 TheAVdL contains a series of seventeen classes in the Begijnhof of Breda: Werk- groep kerkelijke architectuur I–XVII, Breda 1946–1947 [Unp. AVdL]: I, 6 Apr. 1946; II, 16 Apr. 1946; III, 27 Apr. 1946; IV, 7 May 1946; V, 25 May 1946; VI, 11 June 1946; VII, 22 June 1946; VIII, 6 July 1946; IX, 20 July 1946; X, 3 Aug. 1946; XI, Oosterhout 31 Aug. 1946; XII, Oosterhout 14 Sept. 1946; XIII, 26 Oct. 1946; XIV & XV, 11 Jan. 1947; XVI, 8 Feb. 1947; XVII, 22 Feb. 1947. 241 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19480305; St. Joost, Breda 13 Sept. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 242 Cfr. HvdL, Kunst en kerk, Breda 12 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Kunst en maatschappij, Breda 28 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Kunst en persoon, Breda 6 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Drie voordrachten over kunst in het Begijnhof te Breda. Kunst en kerk. Kunst en maatschappij. Kunst en persoon, Amster- dam 2003, 2008 [Van der Laanstichting]. 243 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. Cfr. n.n., ‘Cursus voor kerkelijke bouwkunst. Instelling van de R.K. Leergangen’, De Tijd (14 Dec. 1945) 5; J.A. Bor- newasser, Vijftig jaar Katholieke Leergangen. 1912–1962, Tilburg 1963, 168–171, biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 77

The first two did not last long, but the Cursus voor Kerkelijke Architec- tuur (CKA, Course on Church Architecture) was more successful.244 It was begun in ’s-Hertogenbosch under the direction of the local Bishop, Mgr Wilhelmus Mutsaerts (r. 1943–1960), who appointed Nico van der Laan as its director, assisted by Cees Pouderoyen. TheCKA was supported by a foundation, named after Mgr Gerardus Wilhelmus van Heukelum (1834–1910).245 Rector H.M.A. van Helvoort (1902–1990) was appointed chairman and Nico van der Laan, secretary.246 Van Helvoort was director of the architectural office of ’s-Hertogenbosch diocese and had worked with Granpré Molière.247 Other members were Piet van Kessel, assistant director of the municipal reconstruction works and J.J. van Dillen of the Katholieke Leergangen (Catholic Education). The costs were shared between the Leergangen and the diocese, until a few years later when the government decided to sub- sidise the CKA’s work. The CKA’s mission was to prepare architects to the specific task of designing catholic churches. It would signal the beginning of a proper architectural current, initially mockingly named the Bossche School (School of ’s-Hertogenbosch).248 Van der Laan was able to continuously

230–231; A.F.J. van Kempen, Dertig jaar Katholieke Leergangen. 1962–1992, Tilburg 1992, 22; T. Schouw, Muzikaal, kleurrijk en vol taal. Fragmenten uit het leven van de Katholieke Leergangen, Tilburg 1997, 163. 244 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘De wederopbouw van onze kerken’, Bouw, (15 June 1946) 560– 561; J.Y.H.A. Jacobs, ed., Gaandeweg aaneengesmeed. Geschiedenis van het bisdom Breda, Nijmegen 2003, 101. 245 Cfr. e.g. H.P. Rosenberg, De 19e eeuwse kerkelijke bouwkunst in Nederland, ’s-Gravenhage 1972, 51f. 246 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Fr H.M.A. van Helvoort, 19460223, 19460409, 19470423; n.n., ‘De tentoonstelling ‘Nederlands Nieuwe Kerken’, Forum (1948) 147; H. van Hel- voort, ‘De situatie van de kerkenbouw in Nederland na de oorlog’, Katholiek Archief 7 (1952) 1017–126; F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 15. 247 Cfr. e.g. H. van Helvoort, ‘De nieuwe kapel van het Groot-Seminarie te Haaren’, De Maasbode (22 May 1939) 2. 248 For works about the Bossche School see e.g. J. de Jong–N. van der Laan, ‘R.k. kerk Sint Lukas te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, BW 82 (1964, nr. 16) 192–195; H.E. van Gelder, et al., Kunstgeschiedenis der Nederlanden, t. IX, Negentiende en twintigste eeuw, Zeist 1965, 1698; A. van Oirschot, ‘De Bossche School: geen na-bouw, wel nieuw-bouw’, Monumenten 7 (1986, nr. 1) 16–17; E. van Berge Henegouwen, ‘Bos- sche school: Architectuur op muziek’, Het Stadsgewest (12 Apr. 1989) 13; J. Palm, Kloosters in Nederland. Plaatsen voor bezinning en inspiratie, Baarn 1991, 160–164; H. van der Laan (Junior), ‘Brabant bouwt in baksteen. Bossche School, leer, stijl en middelen’, Brabantia (June 1993) 3–5; P. Post, ed., Een ander huis. Kerkarchitectuur na 2000, Baarn 1997, 67–71; F.J. van der Vaart, Bedelordekloosters. ’s-Hertogenbosch en de Bossche School: studies over architectuur en stedenbouw, Nijmegen 1999, esp. 78 chapter one refine his theory of the plastic number largely due to his involvement in the CKA, where he would teach until its dissolution in 1973. The establishment of the three year course for church architecture was almost entirely based on his theory, linking liturgy and architecture.249 Its work was founded on canon 1164 of the Code of Canon Law: “The ordinaries should take care that, having heard the advice of experts if necessary, the forms that have been received from the Christian tradition and the laws of sacred art are observed at the building or restoration of churches”.250 Nico wrote that the three starting points of

165–223; W. Goddijn, ed.–J. Jacobs–G. van Tillo, Tot vrijheid geroepen. Katho- lieken in Nederland: 1946–2000, Baarn 1999, 75–77, 213–218; n.n., ‘Het begrijpelijk maken van de ruimte’, Het Landelijk Dagblad 1 (2001) 24–26; J. Gladbaard, ‘Inter- nationale belangstelling voor de Bossche School blijft groeien’, Het Stadsblad (13 June 2001); H. Haarsma, ‘Silenthotel. In de stad zonder prikkels’, Trouw (4 Jan. 2002) 12; R. Dettingmeijer, ‘De kerk uit het midden: van godshuis tot ‘een of ander huis’. Het belang van de kerken in de Wederopbouw’, Bulletin KNOB 1 (2002) 1–15; H. van der Laan (Junior), ‘Kloosters in de 12e en de 20e eeuw. Laboratoria voor fundamenteel architectuuronderzoek’, in: M. Ackermans–T. Hoogbergen, ed., Kloosters en religieus leven. Historie met toekomst, Den Bosch 2002, 88–99; D. van den Heuvel– M. Steigenga–J. van Triest, ed., Lessen: Tupker/Risselada: dubbelportret van het Nederlands architectuuronderwijs 1953–2003 / Lessons: Tupker/Risselada: a double portrait of Dutch architectural education 1953–2003, Amsterdam 2003, 61, 78, 96; H. de Haan, ‘Architectonische harmonieleer ging vóór babymelk’, De Volkskrant (6 Febr. 2003) 11; H. Karels, ‘Kloosters in de 12e en de 20e eeuw, laboratoria voor fundamenteel architectuuronderzoek’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 7; N.J.M. Nelissen, Strijd om Architectuur in Europa. Een kleine ‘mars’ door de geschiedenis, Nijmegen 2003, 178–184; A. Bodar, ‘Dopend uit de stoere vont’, Brabants Dagblad (25 Aug. 2004) 6; H. de Haan, ‘De levende erfenis van Dom Hans van der Laan’, BladNA (Dec. 2004) 10–13; J. Pouls, ‘Bossche School’, in: G. Harinck, ed., Christelijke Encyclopedie, t. I, Kampen 2005, 236–237; H. van Helmond, ‘Bossche School ook buiten de eigen parochie?’, Archined (7 Mar. 2007), http://www.archined.nl/nieuws/bossche-school- ook-buiten-de-eigen-parochie (access 20100522); L. van Meijel, Cees Pouderoyen (1912–1993). Architect en stedebouwkundige in dienst van de wederopbouw, Nijmegen 2009; H. van der Laan (Junior)–B. Backs, Bureau Van der Laan, opvattingen, ontwerpen en uitgevoerde projecten, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2009. 249 Cfr. e.g. N. Molenaar, ‘Om het gouden kalf’, KB 15 (1948) 187–190; M.J. Gran- pré Molière, ‘Gewijde kunst. Rede bij de opening van de cursus ‘Kerkelijke Archi- tectuur’ van de R.K. Leergangen, gehouden te ’s-Hertogenbosch, Maart 1946’, in: M.J. Granpré Molière, Woorden en werken van prof. ir. Granpré Molière. Bijeenge- bracht door zijn vrienden en leerlingen, Heemstede 1949, 89, 91; G.J. Sarlemijn, ‘De vernieuwing der kerkelijke architectuur na de oorlog’, KB 20 (1952–1953) 339–348; H.F.J.M. van den Eerenbeemt, Geschiedenis van Noord-Brabant, t. III, Dynamiek en expansie, Amsterdam 1997, 135–136; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, Gebouwen van het Plastische Getal. Een lexicon van de ‘Bossche School’, Haarlem 2010, 116–251. 250 CIC 1917, c. 1164 §1: “Curent ordinarii audito etiam, si opus fuerit, peritorum consilio, ut in ecclesiarum aedificatione vel refectione serventur formae a traditione christiana receptae et artis sacrae leges”. Cfr. G.J.M. Sarlemijn, ‘De plastische en ruimtelijke elementen van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (30 Oct. 1948) 13. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 79

Fig. 1.13 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, model of an early Syrian church (1948). Architect Dom Van der Laan; execution cabinet maker J. Engelberts. This model was used by Van der Laan in his classes for the CKA. [Photo: mpr] the CKA were the study of the general rules of architectural design in ecclesiastical architecture; a systematic documentation of these rules based on the monuments of tradition; and the application of these rules in the design of churches.251 Van der Laan would later summarise the foundations of the CKA saying that ecclesiastical architecture, essential for the restoration of liturgy, has its basis in cultural architecture, and not the other way round.252 It will be seen that this is the foundation of his later book Vormenspel. Courses started on the 23rd of March 1946. Though Dom Nicolaas Boer gave the opening lecture, titled ‘Kerk en kerkgebouw’ (Church and church edifice), it was written by Van der Laan, who was absent at the time.253 Despite Van der Laan’s doubts about the Katholiek Bouwblad,

251 Cfr. N. van der Laan, ‘Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, KB 15 (1947–1948) 11. 252 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19821126. Cfr. also e.g. A. Siebers, ‘Nieuwe stromingen in de kerkbouw’, KB 17 (1950) 277–279. 253 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Fr H.M.A. van Helvoort 19460316; Id., Kerk en kerkgebouw, 80 chapter one this periodical published the program and some of the conferences of the CKA.254 These articles show the wide range of subjects for the courses, including liturgical clothing, sacred art, sacred music and architecture, and the history of ecclesiastical architecture.255 This was in line with Van der Laan’s intention to introduce the architects of the CKA to a universal framework of thinking.256 Even the influence of nature and supernature on architecture was discussed.257 There was a great interest in ancient architecture and the Greek Parthenon, the Roman Colosseum and the Byzantine Hagia Sophia were studied in detail.258 Study trips were made to take measurements of some important monuments, trying to identify the plastic number in their proportions. This proved to be the case especially for early Christian basilicas and some Romanesque churches. Van der Laan himself studied the architecture of Syria between the 4th and 6th centuries.259 He had a scale model made of a small Syrian church, which was later used for the classes (see fig. 1.13).260 In 1948 Hans and Nico used their research in the design of an octagonal chapel in Helmond dedicated to St Joseph.261 Nico’s architectural studio developed the design. After the guest house of Oosterhout, this was the first full application of the theory of the plastic number and it subsequently served as a practical example for the courses given in ’s Hertogenbosch (see fig. 1.14; C14).

’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; N. Boer, ‘Kerk en kerkbouw’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 16–19. 254 Cfr. e.g. N. van der Laan, ‘Cursus ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’ te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, KB 16 (1948) 84; Id., ‘Cursus ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’ ’s-Hertogenbosch’, KB 18 (1950) 12. Cfr. also e.g. n.n., ‘De Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur in ’s-Hertogenbosch’, GB 32 (1950) 83–84. 255 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Liturgie en architectuur, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 98–104; N. Boer, ‘Gewijde kunst’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 133–138 [written by HvdL]; N. Boer, ‘Kerkmuziek en architectuur’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 219–222, 243–249, 284–286; F. van der Meer, ‘Historische gegevens betreffende de wezenlijke elementen van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948–1949) 15; C. Pouderoyen, ‘Kenmerkende vormen van de elementen van de kerkbouw’, KB 16 (1948–1949) 21–23. 256 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 257 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19480710; ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 16–18. 258 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840122. 259 Cfr. H.C. Butler, ed., Early Churches in Syria. Fourth to Seventh Centuries, Leiden 1929; HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840122. 260 Cfr. HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]. 261 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 194505, 19450613, 19450724, 19480602; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19450715, 19480716; Letter to R. Padovan 19840122. Cfr. also HvdL–N. van der Laan, ‘Kapel te Helmond’, BW 69 (1951) 319–321. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 81

Fig. 1.14 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, scale model (1948). Architects Hans and Nico van der Laan; execution cabinet maker J. Engelberts. The model was used during classes for the CKA. [Photo: mpr] 82 chapter one

The reference of the CKA to the sense of proportion in ancient architecture had its effect on its constructions, which provoked criticism by other architects. For example, the churches designed by Nico in Heusden (1950) and Gennep (1953) show a clear resemblance to ancient basilicas.262 The same can be said of the churches constructed by other members of the CKA.263 This was the reason that they came to be called Basiliekbouwers (Builders of basilicas). Accused of using traditional forms, ‘Bossche School’ became a term of mockery, which, according to Van der Laan, was better used as little as possible: “It is a name which one receives, nothing can be done about that, but in first instance it was a term of abuse”.264 Van der Laan consequently spoke of the Cursus voor Kerkelijke Architectuur (CKA), an example that will be followed in this book. Because of the link to tradition and a sense for history, which people thought they recognised in for example the chapel of Helmond, the CKA was considered to be part of the traditional Delftse School inspired by Granpré Molière.265 However, as Cees Pouderoyen said, it was not the intention of the CKA to create a neo-current and to copy the early basilicas, but to cultivate a mentality and an orientation of constructing which is based on a correct insight into architecture.266 Where Granpré Molière intentionally used traditional forms because of their long history and use, Van der Laan only wanted to learn from

262 Cfr. e.g. N. van der Laan, ‘De Sinte Catharinakerk te Heusden’, KB 18 (1951) 225–230; S. Stehman, ‘Comment se pose le problème de l’art d’Église VIII. Une architecture à la recherche de l’ordre’, AE 24 (1956) 113–116; G.J.M. Sarlemijn, ‘Une voie nouvelle pour l’architecture des églises, AE (1956) 117–124. 263 Cfr. e.g. A. van Kranendonk, ‘Twee bekroonde eindprojecten van de cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur’, KB 19 (1952) 177–183; N. Molenaar, ‘R.K. Kerk en klooster ‘De Carmel’’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 273–283; n.n., Architecten Van der Laan en Van Hal. Documentatie ’80. Een keuze uit het werk van 1946 tot nu toe, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1980 [Unp.]. 264 H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Bossche School’, in: Een onderwerp van voortdurende zorg. Het na-oorlogse bouwen in Nederland, Utrecht 1983, 80: “Het is een naam die je krijgt, daar doe je niks aan, maar het was in de eerste instantie een scheldwoord”. Cfr. e.g. W. Hagemans, ‘Architectuurvisie ontwikkeld in ‘vrienden-club’. Bossche School leeft nog steeds’, Brabants Dagblad (13 Jan. 1992) 7. 265 Cfr. e.g. J.J. Vriend, ‘Netherlands’, in: G. Hatje–W. Pehnt, ed., Encyclopaedia of modern architecture, London 1963, 212; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, Plastisch Lexi- con, Haarlem 1996, 13. Cfr. also e.g. M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘Het teken van Jonas’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 257–259, and the reply by a follower of the CKA: J.A.C. Tillema, ‘Repliek’, KB 17 (24 May 1952) 260–263. 266 Cfr. C. Pouderoyen, ‘Moderne kerkelijke architectuur’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 309–311; J.A.C. Tillema, ‘Vragen’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 312–314. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 83 the past in order to discover the true foundations of architecture, coordination and disposition. He was strongly opposed to giving precedence to function over form. Based on the insight gained from the study of the basilica, the CKA argued, for example, that columns were of essential importance for the proper proportions of a building.267 However, opponents of the CKA such as Father Cons tantinus ofm cap (J.N. Reijgersberg, 1885–1970) reacted strongly to what they called the ‘romantic approach’ of the basilica, which they deemed to be derived from a feeling of uneasiness in a new age.268 Father Con- stantinus feared the preponderance of architecture over liturgy and put a ban on columns, trying to answer to the liturgical functionality of the time by giving the faithful a full view of the altar and to assist in their participation in liturgy.269 It may be noted that the Jesuits had already done this centuries before.270 For Constantinus, architecture should be subservient to liturgy. Conversely, Van der Laan and the

267 Cfr. N. van der Laan, ‘Naar een nieuwe richting in de kerkelijke architectuur van Nederland’, TvL 35 (1951) 296–300. A reaction to this article: A.J. Kropholler, ‘Kerkbouw quo vadis?’, TvL 36 (1952) 43. Cfr. also e.g. P.R. Régamey, Art sacré au XXe siècle?, Paris 1952, 302–322. 268 Cfr. e.g. J.N. Reijgersberg (P. Constantinus), ‘Terug naar de Romantiek’, TvL 36 (1952) 40–43; Id., ‘Richtingen in de naoorlogse katholieke kerkbouw in Neder- land’, Katholiek archief 8 (1953) 994–1004; Id., ‘Basilicale Romantiek: in de twintigste eeuw!’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (29 Mar. 1952) 7; Id., ‘Romantiek in de moderne Kerkbouw’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (14 June 1952) 7; Id., ‘Nieuwe stromingen bij kerkbouw en kerkinrichting (Theologische en Liturgische verantwoording)’, GB 36 (1954) 35–42; Id., ‘Kerkelijke bouwkunst’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ‘s-Gravenhage 1955, 557–566; Id., Kunst in dienst van de Kerk, Helmond 1958, 149–179; Id., Eigentijdse liturgische kunst, Rotterdam 1961, 108–117. Contrary to, for example, F. van der Meer, he also favored celebrating Mass facie ad populum: cfr. e.g. J.N. Reijgersberg (P. Constantinus), ‘Prof. F. van der Meer over Kerkbouw’, De Stem (20 Nov. 1957) 5. 269 Cfr. e.g. J.N. Reijgersberg (P. Constantinus), ‘Kunst en eenvoud’, TvL 35 (1951) 330–333; Id., ‘Drie richtingen in de moderne Nederlandse kerkbouw. Hui- ver voor het gebruik van beton’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (24 Dec. 1952) 9; Id., ‘Een kleine opheldering’, TvL 37 (1953) 44–45; Id., ‘Moderne Nederlandse kerkbouw’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (10 Jan. 1953) 7–8; Id., ‘Geef ons kerktorens! Beter een halve toren dan helemaal géén . . .’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (11 Apr. 1953) 8; Id., ‘Talrijke kerken, talrijke stijlen. Hon- derd jaar kerkelijke architectuur’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (9 May 1953) 11; Id., ‘Hedendaagse kerkbouw in Nederland. De basiliekbouw van de ‘Bossche richting’ getuigt van een eenzijdige kijk op kunst en leven’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (24 Dec. 1953) 11; Id., ‘Nieuwe ideeën bij kerkbouw en kerkinrichting’, TvL 40 (1956) 224–229; H.P.R. Rosenberg, De 19e eeuwse kerkelijke bouwkunst in Nederland, ’s-Gravenhage 1972, 14–16. 270 Cfr. e.g. G. Sacrato, et al., Lettera a Francesco Borgia, Ferrara 14 Oct. 1570, in: P. Pirri, Giovanni Tristano e i primordi della architettura gesuitica, Roma 1995, 236–237; G. Sale, Pauperismo architettonico e architettura gesuitica. Dalla chiesa ad aula al Gesù di Roma, Milano 2001. 84 chapter one

CKA defended the value of architecture in itself. Basing their designs on what they called the universal laws of architecture they were convinced that the careful application of these rules would always lead to a building that was both beautiful and suited to the celebration of liturgy. Constantinus and other opponents would continue to disagree with this approach.

A new church in Oosterhout and a more profound interior life In 1949, abbot Dom Mähler asked Van der Laan to develop a plan for the extension of Oosterhout Abbey, which would include the construction of a new church. This was not the first time that the subject had been raised. In September 1941, just before his death, Dom de Puniet had written to Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior) about a project for the extension of the existing oratory which Van der Laan was preparing.271 The war caused the plans to be postponed. Through- out 1946 money was being raised for the extension. Nico often came to see his brother in Oosterhout and together they completed the plans for a new church in November 1949.272 These plans provoked much opposition from the community. Many held Dom Bellot’s architecture in high regard and it was impossible to reconcile their position with Van der Laan’s plans. Dom Mähler later wrote: “The plan presented by Van der Laan implied that the new church had to join with the existing sanctuary (designed by Bellot). In the opinion of many monks, the contrast between the two construction styles would not lead to a satisfying solution”.273 Despite the opposition, Van der Laan strongly believed that he was right and wrote that the choice was between giving the abbey the appearance it was worthy of in line with the ideals of its founder Dom de Puniet, or giving it “a worldly and infantile face”.274 He might have found solace in the words of Peter the Vener- able, abbot of Cluny. With a great understanding of human psychology

271 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. 272 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19490501, 19491102, 19491115. 273 M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oos- terhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]: “Het plan dat Van der Laan indiende, hield in dat de nieuwe kerk moest aansluiten bij het bestaande sanctuarium (ontwerp Bellot). Naar het oordeel van velen bleek het contrast tussen de twee bouwstijlen geen bevredigende oplossing te zullen geven”. 274 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19500104: “un visage mondain & enfantin”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 85 in reacting to conservative monks that were not open to new forms of art this abbot stated: “The new irritates the human intellect which is used to other customs and it is difficult for that intellect to like what it is not used to seeing . . . This we encounter in people who look at the face and do not pay attention to what goes on in the intellect”.275 Obviously this was a very difficult time for Van der Laan, during which he felt that he stood alone.276 To take a break from these frustrations, he was allowed to make a trip to France in September 1953 with his brother Jan and his wife Els. They were accompanied by Jan’s secretary Jeanne-Daisy Kluyskens (1920–2001), who was to become a good friend of his.277 These were not very productive years for Van der Laan. Between 1950 and 1952 he was only allowed to draw up the plans for a stable barn for the abbey farm (see fig. C15).278 He did however write a book review, the only one of his that is known.279 Though an article on the history of ecclesiastical architecture was published under his name, it is unlikely that he is the sole author given the amount of historical data it contains, united with the fact that in no other text did he give evidence of having studied the history of architecture in detail.280 The period of uncertainty lasted until the autumn of 1953, when it was decided definitively that the design for a new church would be granted to the architect J. Sluymer. In a letter to his brother, Van der Laan summed up the main reasons offered by the abbot: theBossche School would be too abstract, too absolute and too exclusive in its principles, as other architects would not be familiar with them. Moreover, its style did not correspond with the style of Dom Bellot.281 Van der Laan said later in an interview: “They wanted something romantic and

275 Petrus Venerabilis, Epistolarum Lib. VI, Ep. IV, in: PL CLXXXIX, 405: “Exas- perant mentem aliis assuetam usibus nova instituta, nec facile potest ei placere, quod non consuevit videre…Hoc tamen apud eos, qui vident in facie, et non attendunt quod versetur in mente”. 276 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19530325, 19531025. Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19530330, 19540919, 19550714. 277 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19531014. 278 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906, Holy Saturday 1952. 279 Cfr. HvdL, ‘C. Holzmeister, Kirchenbau ewig neu, Insbruck 1951’, Roeping 27 (1950–1951) 558. 280 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kerkelijke bouwkunst’, in: J.E. de Quay, ed., Het nieuwe Brabant, t. I, ‘s-Hertogenbosch 1952, 283–314; C. Slootmans, ‘‘Het nieuwe Brabant’. Veel- belovend eerste deel van belangrijk standaardwerk’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (7 Mar. 1953); K. Meeuwesse, “Het nieuwe Brabant”, Elseviers weekblad (21 Mar. 1953) 27. 281 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19531024. 86 chapter one that is precisely what I did not want. It is a great misunderstanding that a monastic church needs to have arches and vaults”.282 The decision to reject Van der Laan’s design deepened the tensions between ‘the sacristy’ and ‘the library’.283 This must have been one of the reasons why his confrère Nicolaas Boer left Oosterhout to help found a new abbey in Martinique.284 Although Van der Laan wrote at the time that all this could not affect him, saying that he simply accepted the setback and continued living, his illness of a few years later should be at least partly ascribed to this painful episode. Van der Laan’s interior life, on the other hand, was a great source of consolation and strength. He saw a strong unity between the daily celebration of liturgy and all other aspects of daily existence, a unity that grew stronger as he got older.285 He had discovered this reality, which links the interior and the exterior life, in his monastic youth while working with Dom Pieter in the vestments studio. He was aware that, in the end, only one thing is necessary in life and he dedicated himself entirely to his life as a monk. He had a great devotion to the holy Angels and often invoked them, in line with the Solesmes tradition.286 For example, during the war the prayer of the Guardian Angels was said daily and a Mass was offered on the altar of the Holy Angels to ask for protection for the abbey and the monasteries of the Congregation.287 When his sister had to undergo a small operation his prayer for the surgeon was: “The Holy Angels must guide his hands, able as they are, in order to be able to touch on the mysteries of our hidden organs, which are not made to be touched or to be seen. I pray therefore that

282 F. Lammers, ‘Bouwen en leven als één grote symfonie van sobere lijnen’, Trouw (21 Aug. 1991) 2: “Men wilde iets romantisch hebben en dat wilde ik nu juist niet. Het is een groot misverstand dat een kloosterkerk bogen en gewelven moet hebben”. 283 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19500104; F. Huiting, ‘Herinneringen aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 6,12. 284 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19530809; Letter to Dom N. Boer 19620331. 285 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan Holy Saturday 1952. 286 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19360421, 19421026, 19560826; Let- ters to Sr G. van der Laan 19410116, 19440107, 19500104, 19560807, Christmas 1968, 19751222, 19880319, 19890615; Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121. Cfr. Ps. 7,10; S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula 7,14. 287 Cfr. M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 199. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 87 your surgeon participates a little in the divine wisdom, which alone knows how to probe loins and hearts, and all will go well”.288 Van der Laan was a faithful monk who did not want to live for himself. This of course caused him some interior battles, but the monk usually won. For example, when he desired to visit his sister, he did not wish to ask Father Abbot for special permission, but patiently waited for the opportunity to arise.289 Note that once he had obediently accepted an architectural project, he insisted on the execution of every detail according to his own design. Nevertheless, when the theoretical work in Breda and ’s-Hertogenbosch was developing and flourishing, he realised that it was nothing compared to the real discovery—that of his vocation and his relationship with the Lord.290 He was very attached to the daily celebration of Mass and his desire was to live a tranquil life in the midst of all this activity.291

CKA 1953–1956: Size and Le nombre plastique In 1953, the location of the classes for the CKA was moved to the Kruithuis in ’s-Hertogenbosch. It was a former gunpowder store, built in “the strict military architectural style of around 1600”.292 This may be regarded as the start of a new phase in the development of the CKA. The same can be said about Van der Laan’s involvement and he now started teaching on a more regular basis.293 He wrote very matter-of- factly about the rejection of his plans for the church of Oosterhout: “These plans were not realised, but they were the occasion for a series of 16 classes from 1953 to 1956 in the Kruithuis”.294 He hoped that this course would help him to produce the manuscript for a book on the

288 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19480710: “Il faut que les Saints Anges gui- dent ces mains, quelque habiles qu’ils sont, pour savoir toucher aux mystères de nos organes cachés, qui ne sont pas faits pour être touchés ni pour être vus. Je prie donc que votre chirurgien participe un peu à la sagesse divine qui seul sait scruter les reins & les cœurs & tout ira bien”. 289 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19500813. 290 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 195111 291 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19540919, 19610601. 292 HvdL, Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]: “de strenge militaire architectuur van omstreeks 1600”. 293 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Mededeling’, KB 21 (1953) 42; P. van Amiëns, ‘Studiebijeenkomst Kerkelijke Architectuur’, KB 21 (1953) 67–69; N. van der Laan, Letter to H. van der Laan, Spring 1953 [Unp AVdL]; HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 294 HvdL, Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]: “Deze plannen werden niet gerealiseerd, maar zij werden aanleiding tot een serie van 16 lessen gedurende de jaren 53–56 in het Kruithuis”. 88 chapter one subject.295 The fact that in 1953 the architects of the CKA published a series containing some important lectures shows that they were aware of the relevance of what was being discussed there.296 The first and third numbers of this series, which was discontinued, contained lectures by Van der Laan.297 Criticism to what was seen as the CKA’s traditionalist approach to architecture grew stronger in this period, and the Course was accused of living in the past.298 Gabriël Smit in particular was very negative in this sense.299 One reaction came from Geurt Brinkgreve (1917–2005) who defended the CKA.300 Father Constantinus (Reijgersberg), its constant opponent, argued that, given the differences between peoples, there cannot be one general school of composition.301 This is the complete antithesis of what Van der Laan and the CKA had always taught. But criticism did not only come from the outside, it was also present within the organisation itself. According to Koldewey, it was the confrontation between traditionalism and functionalism that caused these problems. An indication of these difficulties can be found in the fact that the CKA deemed it necessary to organise a study meeting on the future of church construction, its own responsibilities and the new demands and possibilities of the time.302

295 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19531024. 296 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19530511. 297 Cfr. HvdL, Muziek en architectuur, s.l. 15–16 Sept. 1951 [Unp. AVdL]; Het domein van de kunst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 8–9 Nov. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952 [Mgr. van Heukelumstichting. Kerkelijke architectuur, I]; Muziek en architectuur, Antwerpen 1952 [Mgr. van Heukelumstichting. Kerkelijke architectuur, III]. Cfr. F. Huiting, ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’, Speculator 2 (Sept. 1953) 68–69; F. Huiting, ‘Beschaving en kunst’, Speculator 4 (Sept. 1955) 68–70. 298 Cfr. e.g. A. van Kranendonk, ‘Kritische kanttekening’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 179–183; J.M.J. Waterkamp, ‘Uit Boek en Tijdschrift’, GB 34 (1952, nr. 3) 52–55; H. Thunnissen, ‘De academie voor kerkelijke kunst te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, GB 35 (1953) 75–76; B. Koldewey, ‘De komende kerken van gewapend beton?’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 81–83, 116–120, 148–151, 177–181, 225–228, 289–291; P. Janssens, ‘Moderne kerkenbouw in Nederland en België’, TvL 39 (1955) 351–354. 299 Cfr. G. Smit, ‘Kerkelijke bouwkunst of bouwkunde?’, Roeping 28 (1951–1952) 263–267 [Also published in KB 19 (1951–1952) 348]. 300 Cfr. G. Brinkgreve, ‘Vooruit of achteruit?’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 346–347. 301 Cfr. J.N. Reijgersberg (P. Constantinus), ‘Het compositieprobleem in de kerkelijke architectuur’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (23 Jan. 1954) 8. 302 Cfr. Dillen, J. van, Notulen van de vergadering van het dagelijks bestuur van de cursus ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’, ’s-Hertogenbosch 17 Mar. 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière, 17 Mar. 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; B. Koldewey, ‘Explosies in het Kruithuis’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 282–283. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 89

In 1955 a competition was announced for the construction of a sanctuary in Syracuse, Italy.303 The only Dutch contribution was by a former CKA-student, Jan de Jong (1917–2001).304 Granpré Molière liked the design, even though it was made in line with the CKA tradition.305 But De Jong did not win the competition. Both the Katho- liek Bouwblad and the Bouwkundig Weekblad were positive about the winning design by the French architects Michel Andrault and Pierre Parat, and, surprisingly, the former did not even mention De Jong’s design.306 For Van der Laan it was a reason to warn against the danger of considering the material form alone as the highest goal. For him, modern architectural designs were disruptions of the harmony of the construction process. He argued that in the winning design for Syracuse, as in the chapel of Notre-Dame-du-Haut by Le Corbusier in Ronchamp, the fundamental function of the house (i.e. as a dwelling), was made subordinate to the choice of material elements. As a sign of this he mentioned the fact that the architects shaped the building after a basilical umbrella instead of searching for the plastic proportions which were the foundation of architectural coordination (see

303 Cfr. n.n., ‘Prijsvraag voor Basiliek te Syracuse’, KB 23 (1955–1956) 282. Cfr. also H. Schnell, ‘Der internationale Wettebewerb in Syrakus für den Bauern Wallfahrts- kirche der ‘Weinenden Madonna’’, Das Münster 10 (1957) 188. 304 Cfr. n.n., ‘Een Nederlands plan voor Syracuse. Kerk geen gigantische toren maar grote basiliek’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 10. For other works of Jan de Jong see e.g. N. van der Laan, ‘Kerk van O.L. Vrouw ten Hemelopneming te Bakkum N.H.’, KB 19 (1952) 57–58; J. de Jong, ‘Klooster in Maarssen’, BW 85 (1967, nr. 2) 24–29; H.J. van Balen, ‘Een machtsgreep op de ruimte’, KB 25 (1958) 289–293; J. Huisman, Lelijk gebouwd Nederland. De grootste 50 missers, Den Haag 1991, 100–101; A. Ger- ritsen, ‘Een grote naam achter een eenvoudige kerk. Dom van der Laan en de Kerk van Sint Benedictus te Rijswijk’, in: W. van der Ende, Historische Vereniging Rijs- wijk. Jaarboek 2000, Rijswijk 2000, 92–111; K. Wijnen, ‘Jan de Jong. Vurig aanhanger van Bossche School’, Brabants Dagblad (3 Aug. 2001) 15; H. de Haan, ‘Twee kerken van Jan de Jong met sloop bedreigd’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 14; G. Brüg- gemann, ‘Parkeergarage? Plots toont de priorij haar verborgen pracht’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 18–19. 305 Cfr. M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘De mythe der ‘reine’ architectuur’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 10; Id., ‘Plannen voor het heiligdom van de Moeder der Tranen te Siracuse’, Katholiek Archief 12 (21 June 1957) 649–658. 306 Cfr. H.J. van Balen, ‘De bedevaartkerk van Syracuse’, KB 24 (1956–1957) 385–390; R.F. Bauer, ‘Vernieuwing in de religieuze architectuur en de prijsvraag van Syracuse’, BW 75 (1957) 485–489; R. Schwartz, ‘Architecten als pelgrims. Mariahei- ligdom voor Syracuse. Bekroond ontwerp ontstaan uit de beste tradities der Franse architectuur’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 9–10; F. Debuyst, ‘Revue des revues’, AE 26 (1958, nr. 102) 20–24. 90 chapter one fig. 1.15).307 What must Van der Laan have felt, now that a design that stood for everything he was fighting against had won and that a design which was made entirely according to his principles had been rejected? Despite all the discussion it raised, the winning design was never constructed.308 However, the CKA went on about its work and Van der Laan quietly continued with his own research for the foundations of architecture.309 For him, these foundations could not be separated from liturgy. He wrote that the course was fully permeated with the liturgical principle of form as discovered before and developed during the war: “Just as earlier on I had discovered life in nature, and ‘making’ in society, now it became clear that the forms of liturgy do not involve their own forms, separate from society, but are outstanding examples of cultural forms”.310 Van der Laan claimed that therefore one cannot speak of specific ecclesiastical architecture.

307 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Vernieuwingen in kerkenbouw te Ronchamp en Syracuse. Archi- tectonische ordonnantie en plastische verhoudingen’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 9. Cfr. also J. Engelman, ‘Bouwwoede als te Beauvais. Een wedergeboorte der bouwkunst? Verandering bij kerkelijke authoriteiten’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 10; n.n., ‘Bossche Studiebijeenkomst hedendaagse kerkenbouw. Is kapel te Ronchamp architectuur?’, De Tijd (5 July 1957) 3; n.n., ‘Sombere klanken in het Bossche Kruithuis. Fundamentele en actuele aspecten van de hedendaagse kerkbouw’, De Maasbode (15 July 1957) 3; A.J.J. van Rooij, ‘Het Mariaheiligdom voor Syracuse. Een prijsvraag die problemen oproept’, De Maasbode (20 July 1957) W1; J.N. Reijgersberg (P. Constantinus), ‘De Bossche richting en Syracuse. De Basiliekstijl is zijn eigen weg gegaan’, De Tijd (31 July 1957) 5; F. de Blauwe, ‘Het heiligdom te Syracuse. De menselijke maat in de moderne architectuur. Individu en massa’, De Tijd (19 Aug. 1957) 3; n.n., ‘Heiligdom voor Syracuse. Het doodgewone huis. Klooster een structuurfout’, De Tijd (30 Aug. 1957) 6. See for Ronchamp also: M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘Ook Le Corbusier onder de profeten. Naar aanleiding van de kapel van Ronchamp’, BW 75 (1957) 490–492; Id., ‘Ook Le Corbusier onder de profeten’, De Tijd (28 Sept. 1957) 9; Id., ‘Ook Le Corbusier onder de profeten’, Bouw 12 (1957, nr. 44) 1094–1096; Id., ‘Een brief over Ronchamp’, Schets 10 (1957, nr. 3) 77–82; F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 32–35. 308 Cfr. n.n., ‘Beslissing over Syracuse eerst dit najaar. Nog geen verzoek ingediend bij de betreffende regeringsinstantie’, De Tijd (20 July 1957) 3. 309 Cfr. e.g. J. Henselmans, ‘Zielzorg en kerkbouw’, TvL 42 (1958) 214–219; N. van der Laan, ‘Beantwoording aan de consequenties van de kenmerken van de Kerk in haar eigentijdse viering van de eredienst vanuit de architectuur’, TvL 43 (1959) 254– 261; R. van Brabant, ‘Liturgie en kerkbouw’, KB 26 (1959) 408–411; J. van Rooy, Nederlandse kerkbouw op een keerpunt, Haarlem 1960; A.H. Groothuis, ‘Neder- landse kerkbouw op een keerpunt’, KB 28 (1961) 112–115; n.n., ‘In het Bouwkundig Weekblad’, Katholiek Archief 16 (1961) 589–590. 310 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zoals ik vroeger in de natuur het leven en in de maatschappij het maken ontdekte, zo bleek het nu bij de vormen van de liturgie niet te gaan om eigen biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 91

Fig. 1.15 Syracuse, design for a sanctuary (1955). Architects Andrault and Parat. Van der Laan disagreed completely with the design. [AE 102 (1958) 22]

Van der Laan also continued to find analogies between his work in these fields and that of the theory of music, with special interest in Gregorian chant.311 For example, in 1959 he thought of constructing

vormen, onderscheiden van die der maatschappij, maar om eminente specimen van die vormen”. 311 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19380327, 19540919, 19590519, 19701220; Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460520. 92 chapter one a simple organ, on which the modalities of Gregorian chant could be played. To this purpose he got in touch with the organ builder Ber- nard Pels (1921–1996).312 A few years later, Van der Laan managed to visit him and was excited to hear the result as it demonstrated the correctness of his theoretical assumptions in practice, at least for the field of music. In 1960 the first edition of his series of classes on the theory of the plastic number was published in French under the title Le nombre plastique.313 The Dutch manuscript was translated by his good friend and editor Dom Xavier Botte, with whom he worked closely on the subject.314 June 1959 Van der Laan had asked for and obtained the necessary nihil obstat from the Vicar General of the diocese.315 It had not been easy to find a publisher. Desclée de Brouwer in Paris and Gris- bergen in Zürich had refused.316 In the end, the international editor Brill in Van der Laan’s hometown Leiden was interested. The abbey stood surety for publication, which was made possible because of a special fund, created for Van der Laan by his architect friends on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of his priestly ordination and which contained over ƒ 2,300.317 The remainder was paid for by his brother Jan.318 The fund also proved to be useful for the publication of his later books. The Dutch version, Het plastische getal, followed in 1967 with the help of Dom Botte, Dom Allard and Dom Smeets.319 An English translation was prepared but never published.320 Soon after the publi-

312 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19591220, 1964, 19640720. 313 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique. Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique, Leiden 1960. 314 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19580307, 19581024, 19590202, 19590401, 19591227; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19580519; Letter to N. van der Laan 19590607. 315 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Mgr W.M.J. Koenraadt 19590614. 316 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19580112, 19580519, 19580701, 19581024, 19590202; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19580519, 19580629, 19590426. 317 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19590808. 318 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19591220, 19660803; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19590927; Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19600602. 319 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19610907, 19620810; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19620904; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803. 320 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710609; Letters to P. Botte 19711005, 19720506. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 93 cation of his first book, Van der Laan started thinking about a book on architectural space which would complete the theory.321

Artistic inspiration Between the 26th of February and the 15th of March 1955, Van der Laan made a trip to Rome with his brother Jan, his wife Els and Jan’s secretary Jeanne-Daisy Kluyskens.322 He considered this trip to be a concession from his abbot, because he had not been allowed to construct the church in Oosterhout.323 On the way back from Rome, he paid a short visit to the painter Théodore Strawinsky (1907–1989) and his wife Denise. Théodore had inherited his love for art from his father, the famous musician Igor Strawinsky.324 Van der Laan and Théodore became close friends. The latter reinforced Van der Laan’s hope that others would be able to affirm his ideas in different fields of art. He felt that, as in his own case, Strawinsky’s work was closely intertwined with his prayer life, searching for the essence of art.325 Van der Laan considered the art of Strawinsky to be the only sort that could adorn his buildings and wrote to him: “our churches support no other paintings than yours”.326 Strawinsky was the main proof reader for Le nombre plastique.327 He also was the ‘house artist’ of architects of the Bossche School after the 1960s. For example, in 1968 he decorated the wall of the church of St. Willibrord in Almelo designed by Jan de

321 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19600325; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19620618; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720. 322 Cfr. HvdL, Reis naar Rome 26 Feb.–26 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19550814; Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Verslag van een reis naar Rome tijdens de vasten in 1955. Naar Rome met Jan, Els en Jeanne Daisy, Amsterdam 2004, 2008 [Van der Laanstichting]. 323 Cfr. HvdL, Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983. 324 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19550409. Cfr. e.g. T. Strawinsky, ‘En quête de l’art sacré’, AE 24 (1956) 65–69; HvdL, ‘Théodore Strawinsky aux Pays-Bas’,La liberté, (1 Apr. 1967) [Fribourg]; S. Stehman, ‘Langue d’Église et art sacré. Réflexions sur un texte d’Igor Strawinsky’, AE 24 (1956) 80; M. Zermatten, Théodore Strawin- sky, Paris 1984. 325 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890520. Cfr. also HvdL, La forme des églises, 14 [Unp. AVdl ]. 326 HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19860920: “Nos églises ne supportent d’autres peintures que les vôtres”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690316; Letter to B. Bremer 19870611; n.n., ‘‘Weet u wel dat u een meesterwerk in huis heeft?’’, De Limburger (28 Aug. 2007) 11; B. Jansen, ‘Muurschildering van zoon componist betiteld als ‘meesterwerk’’, De Gelderlander (29 Aug. 2007); n.n., “U hebt een meesterwerk in huis”, De Limburger (30 Aug. 2007) 13. 327 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19581024; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19590426. 94 chapter one

Jong, and in 1977 the church of St. Lucas in ’s-Hertogenbosch built by Nico.328 In Waasmunster in 1977, Strawinsky painted the Madonna with Child after an ancient depiction in the crypt of St Peter’s Basilica which had made a strong impression on Van der Laan during his first trip to Rome.329 In his comment on the painting, Van der Laan admitted that his architecture was very austere, saying that “the painting partly eliminates the astringency of the architecture and makes the space somewhat more intimate”.330 Another painter whose art Van der Laan liked was Rosemarijn van der Does de Willebois. She tried to translate his architectural work into painting.331 Over the years, he was very happy with her approach. He spoke at the opening of an exhibition of her work and they remained in frequent contact.332 For example, Van der Laan gave Rosemarijn and her brother Jan seven classes on the proportions of the human body, and said he hoped that she would start working with insight as well as with feeling.333 A few years before, he had explained to her in detail how to study the elements of the human body by asking a ‘well- formed’ farmers girl, ‘with waist and breasts well in place’, to pose for her in a very simple gown, also described in detail, which would allow her to reveal one part of the body after the other.334 This innocent remark by Van der Laan is related to his interest in the proportions of the human body.

Vaals and the price of hard work and disappointment Construction of the new church designed by Sluymer for Oosterhout started in September 1954 and it was consecrated on 6 July 1956 (see fig. C16). It was a bitter irony that as a sacristan Van der Laan, whose design had been rejected, had to prepare everything for the consecra-

328 Cfr. HvdL, Een recent gebouw van de Bossche School, s.l. 21 Aug. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., ‘R.-k. St. Willibrorduskerk te Almelo. Architect: Jan de Jong’ BW 86 (1968) 343–348; Id., Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19680808, 19690316; Id., Letter to B. Bremer 19870611; J.F. Holtmann, ed., De Willibrordkerk. Bossche School in Almelo, Almelo n.d.; Id., De Willibrordkerk Almelo. Het erfgoed van Dom Hans van der Laan, Jan de Jong en Théodore Strawinsky/ The Willibrordkerk Almelo. The legacy of Dom Hans van der Laan, Jan de Jong and Théodore Strawinsky, Almelo 2004. 329 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750323. 330 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770908: “De schildering heft de strengheid van de architectuur een beetje op en maakt de ruimte iets intiemer”. 331 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19670327. 332 Cfr. HvdL, De schilderkunst, Meteren 1 Sept. 1973 [Unp. AVdL]. 333 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19711116; 19731014. 334 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19680926. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 95 tion ceremony. He fulfilled this task with total devotion and dedication, though he could not reconcile himself to the design which he considered more a ‘pious song’ than a proper Gregorian chant.335 Given the lack of recognition for his work in his community, it must have been a great consolation that on the evening of the consecration of the church of Oosterhout, Dom Vincentius Truijen (1916–2006), prior of Abdij St. Benedictusberg in Vaals, invited him to design a new church with a crypt to complete the abbey complex there.336 The strong élan of the young community and Dom Truijen’s love for Van der Laan’s work must have contributed much to the decision to ask Van der Laan as an architect. An advantage over the situation in Oosterhout was that the community did not yet have an affective bond with the architecture of the existing abbey. Furthermore, against the general current of criticism of the time, certain monastic writers were enthusiastic about Van der Laan’s work.337 In 1951, fourteen monks from St. Paulusabdij in Oosterhout had founded a community under a prior in Vaals after the deportation of the German monks of the Congregation of Beuron who had lived there before the war.338 The abbey buildings of Abdij St. Benedictusberg had been constructed in 1923 by the German architects Dominicus Böhm and Martin Weber as a new home for Benedictine monks from the abbey in Merkelbeek.339 These monks belonged to the German province

335 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19560807; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826. 336 HvdL, Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989, 3; L. Moonen, ‘Abdij St. Benedictusberg’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 2004, Valkenburg aan de Geul 2004, 289. 337 Cfr. e.g. F. Debuyst, ‘Le problème actuel de l’art sacré’, AE 26 (1958, nr. 105) 141; Id., ‘Het huidige probleem van de gewijde kunst’, Katholiek Archief 14 (1959) 500. 338 Cfr. V. Truijen, ‘De abdij St. Benedictusberg bij Vaals’, Benedictijns tijdschrift 18 (1957) 127–140. 339 See for publications about the history of the Abbey St. Benedictusberg e.g. C. Damen, ‘De benedictijnen in Merkelbeek’, Land van Herle 2 (1952) 99–105; Id., De orde van Sint Benediktus in Nederland, Brugge-Utrecht 1965, 145–153; n.n., Sint Benedictus in de Benelux, Vaals 1965, 23–30; J.J.W.M. Smeets, 100 Jaar parochiekerk Merkelbeek, Oirsbeek 1979, 30–38; n.n., Abdij Sint Benedictusberg Mamelis Vaals, Maastricht 1980; R. Haacke, ‘Von Subiaco nach Siegburg’, in: Germania Benedictina, t. VIII, Nordrhein-Westfalen, München 1980, 558–575 (esp. 561–569); n.n., ‘Toeristi- sche informatie. De abdij Mamelis op de Benedictusberg’, De Zuid-Limburger (10 July 1980); H. Reissner, ‘Nur Eines ist notwendig. Die Abtei St. Benedictusberg bei Vaals’, Grosser Ruf (Oct. 1980) 130–131; B. Kominiak, Loci ubi Deus Quaeritur. Die Benedik- tinerabteien auf der ganzen Welt, St. Ottillien 1981, 310–311; C. Hafkamp, ‘De abdij St. Benedictusberg te Mamelis’, Land van Herle 31 (1981) 15–19; W. Verleyen, Negen eeuwen Affligem 1083–1983, Affligem 1983, 248–250; L. Moonen, ‘De stichting van de abdij S. Clemens in Merkelbeek’, Monastieke informatie 24 (1993, nr. 149) 233–234; 96 chapter one of the Congregation of Subiaco and later to that of Beuron. Abdij St. Benedictusberg was an impressive building in brick, sitting on top of the hill with its two mighty towers, more like an ancient castle than an abbey (see fig. C17). The locals would often refer to the building as the ‘Gottesburg’ or ‘Civitas Dei’.340 Because of the financial crisis of the 1920s an abbey church had never been constructed.341 From the beginning of the newly founded community, Van der Laan helped in Vaals with the inventory of the sacristy and with general architectural advice.342 It was, for example, on his advice that the red tiles on the roof were replaced with grey ones (see fig. C18–C20).343 Meanwhile, life in Oosterhout Abbey continued. Though the tensions in the community were not yet overcome, on a more positive note Van der Laan was chosen in 1957 as a member of the abbey Council. In that same year Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior),344 a man who was quite progressive in his search for ‘renewal’, became sub-

W. Verleyen–L. Moonen, ‘De abdij St. Clemens te Merkelbeek 1893–1923’, in: Jaarboek Onderbanken, Schinveld 1995, 52–62; D.C. Takens, ‘Architectuur- en cultuurhistorische achtergronden van abdij St. Benedictusberg’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 1998, Valkenburg aan de Geul 1998, 47–100; S. Petzolt, ‘Vaals (St. Benedictusberg Mamelis-V.)’, in: Lexikon für Theologie und KircheX, Freiburg 2001, 506; L. Moonen, ‘Das Kloster St. Benediktusberg in Vaals—die Leere des Raums füllen’, in: G. Bayer- Ortmanns–D. M. Meijering, ed., Braucht Glaube Kunst?, Aachen 2006, 86–97. 340 Cfr. J. van Acken, Christozentrische Kirchekunst. Ein Entwurf zum liturgischen Gesamtkunstwerk, Gladbeck 1922; B. Kahle, Deutsche Kirchenbau des 20. Jahrhund- erts, Darmstadt 1990, 3; D.C. Takens, ‘De bouwgeschiedenis van de abdij St. Bene- dictusberg in Mamelis’, in: Fr. G.H.M. Crutzen, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 1997, Valkenburg aan de Geul 1997, 78. 341 About the design by Böhm and Weber e.g. I. Jacobs, ‘Abtei St. Benediktsberg’, Studien O.S.B. 42 (1923–1924) 331–333; n.n., ‘Die Abtei St. Benediktsberg. Ein moderner Klosterbau’, Alte und neue Welt 63 (1929) 737–742; Stassen, J., ‘Gedachtenis aan Prof. Dominikus Böhm’, KB 23 (1955–1956) 145–151; A. Hoff, et al., Dominikus Böhm. Leben und Werk, München-Zürich 1962. 342 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906. 343 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19540416. Cfr. also D.C. Takens, ‘De bouwgeschiedenis van de abdij St. Benedictusberg in Mamelis’, in: Fr. G.H.M. Crut- zen, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 1997, Valkenburg aan de Geul 1997, 130; G. Wallis de Vries–H. Vekemans, ‘Domini- kus Böhm en Martin Weber, Dom Hans van der Laan. Abdij St. Benedictusberg’, in: H.E.M. Berens—D.L. Camp, ed., Baksteen in Nederland, Den Haag 1991, 173–188; J. Fink, ed., Benediktinerabtei St. Benediktusberg, Regensburg 1991, 19982 [Schnell 1886]. 344 Cfr. J. de Ridder, Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren, Brugge 1970; Id., ‘Meer de Walcheren, jhr. Petrus Balthasar Albertus (Pieter) van der’, in: Biografisch Woor- denboek van Nederland, t. III, Den Haag 1989; T. Kroon, Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren, Lelystad 1980, 399–401. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 97 prior.345 Van der Meer had converted to Catholicism in 1911, shortly after his encounter with the French writer Leon Bloy.346 Ten years later he became editor of the culture section of the progressive weekly De Nieuwe Eeuw. Through his work, he influenced a whole generation of young artists, writers and poets. Did he also inspire Van der Laan? As a friend of Oosterhout Abbey, Van der Meer (Senior) helped him to get in touch with possible teachers for the CKA.347 Shortly after the death of his wife Christine in 1953, Van der Meer entered Oosterhout Abbey, and was ordained a priest three years later. From Oosterhout he continued to give talks on his life and work, adding several volumes to his autobiography.348 Given his earlier work-experience at the Paris publishing house Desclée de Brouwer, Van der Meer suggested to Van der Laan in 1958 to have his book published there. However, Desclée refused.349 Van der Laan hardly mentioned Van der Meer in his letters, though he strongly disapproved of the fact that the latter had encouraged his daughter Christine in her decision to leave the convent.350 Because they worked in different fields and given their totally divergent characters and views, it can safely be assumed that, contrary to his son Dom Pieter (Junior), Pieter Van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior) did not have much influence on Van der Laan, either then or later. In these years, when life in the monastery was not easy for Van der Laan, he threw himself wholeheartedly into the construction project at Vaals Abbey. He also received many requests for help by people from ‘outside’, who he did not wish to let down. In the spring of 1958, he had a breakdown just after Easter, forcing him to take some months of rest. These he spent partly in Vaals, where he felt truly at home, both with the community and in the architectural work he undertook there.351 However, he continued to work in a reduced capacity, so his brother Jan, his wife Els and Jeanne-Daisy took him on a three-week

345 Cfr. F. Huiting, ‘Herinneringen aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 12–13; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19740217. 346 Cfr. P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), Mijn dagboek. November 1907– juni 1911, Bussum 1913; Id., Van het verborgene leven, Bussum 1919. 347 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19511011. 348 Cfr. e.g. P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), Gods uur. Beschouwing en getuigenis, Utrecht 1950; Id., Dagboek 4. 1936–1953, Brugge-Utrecht 1963; Id., Dagboek 5. 1954–1962, Utrecht 1963; Id., Dagboek 6. 1962–1964, Utrecht 1965; Id., Maak alles nieuw, Utrecht 1969. 349 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19580112, 19580519, 19580701; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19580519, 19580629. 350 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19720307, 19740217. 351 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19580519. 98 chapter one trip to France and Switzerland that summer to have a proper rest.352 His breakdown lasted for many months, for in October of that year he wrote to his sister that he still did not have the energy he had before.353 For the remainder of his life, there would be periods of utter exhaus- tion during which he had to take a full rest from all his work. These breakdowns could at least partly be attributed to the great disappointment of not being allowed to construct the church of Oosterhout and to the climate of change in the monastery. They could similarly be due to the extreme hard work and his devotion to many visitors and the requests for help which had to be fitted in between the monastic duties of the Office and the sacristy. By the end of 1958, Van der Laan was able to make a design to modernise a Trappist abbey in Zundert and especially the Neo-Gothic church, of which he said that “it was a ‘vulgar’ little church”.354 Here too his search was for simplicity: the Jugendstil wall paintings had to disappear and the pilasters and the capitals simplified. Everything was plastered in the same grey cement tone. Van der Laan also designed a new, grey habit for the monks, who themselves “helped with ham- mer or pickaxe to chip off the painted plaster that had been applied with so much love by former generations. Many a plaster statue also fell under the pounding sledgehammers”.355 Around the same time, Van der Laan was asked to give advice for some radical reconstruction works at St. Andriesabdij in Zevenkerken-Brugge in Belgium. The plan, which was never executed, included a new entrance, access lane, cemetery, and a restructuring of the church and adjacent buildings.356 Such rigorous renovation was not uncommon. For example, even a

352 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to E. van der Laan-Claessens 19580507; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19580519. 353 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19581001. 354 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19591220: “’t Was een zeer vulgair kerkje”. Cfr. P. Diderich, et al., Broeders te wezen, Zundert 2000, 34, 65–66, 91, 131, 188–195 [Abdij Maria Toevlucht]. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804. 355 G. Langerwerf, ‘In memoriam Dom Emmanuel Schuurmans’, Monastieke Informatie 27 (1996, nr. 162) 84: “hielp mee om met moker of houweel het geschil- derde pleisterwerk dat met zoveel liefde door vorige generaties was aangebracht, af te bikken. Ook menig gipsen beeld viel onder de mokerslagen”. Cfr. G. Langenwerf– P.A. Steffen, ‘Broeder Jeroen Witkamp 30 jaar abt in Zundert. 1967–1997’, Monas- tieke informatie 28 (1997, nr. 168) 54–60. 356 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19630714, 19640116; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 99 traditional architect like Granpré Molière was said to have initiated a peaceful ‘iconoclasm’ in his days.357 The crypt of Vaals was blessed in February 1962 (see fig. C21). After the bishop, Van der Laan was the next to celebrate Mass on the main altar. This is at least remarkable, as one would expect the prior to have this honour. It shows the high esteem the community had for his work. Several abbots were asked to consecrate the altars.358 In November 1964 the monastery in Vaals was restored to the dignity of an abbey and, at the age of 34, Dom Nicolaas de Wolf (b. 1931) was chosen to be abbot.359 Soon he and prior Roose wished to initiate the construction of the church, in accordance with the almost ten-year-old plan by Van der Laan.360 The church was consecrated on the 4th of May 1968 (see fig. C22–C23). It is striking that even after the completion of the church, Granpré Molière was not able to affirm its beauty and that, though he spoke at table during lunch on the day of the consecration, he did not make as much as one reference to the design of the church.361 This was because he increasingly disagreed with Van der Laan’s ideas.362 Still, on a personal level the relationship with the professor continued.

CKA 1960–1968: Form and criticism After having studied the problem of size between 1960 and 1962, a second part of the course for church architecture dealt with the problem

357 Cfr. n.n., ‘Vreedzame beeldenstorm. In de St. Josephkerk te Delft’, De Maas- bode (10 Aug. 1939) 5; A.J.H. Haak, ‘Architectuur en liturgie. Criteria op basis van geschiedenis, architectonische waarden en pastorale praktijk van herindeling, en in het bijzonder voor sluitingen van kerkgebouwen’, TvL 86 (2002) 244–254. 358 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19620228; n.n., Kroniek van de abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Feb. 1962 [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg]. 359 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Dom Nicolaas de Wolf, abt Mamelis-abdij’, Limburgsch Dagblad (14 Dec. 1964) 3; n.n., ‘Benedictijnen in Mamelis hebben nieuwe abt’, De Nieuwe Lim- burger (15 Dec. 1965); n.n., ‘Rome gaf verlof tot benoeming van jonge prelaat Dom de Wolf. Abt Benedictijner-abdij Mamelis morgen gewijd’, De Tijd (29 Jan. 1965) 7; W. Rutten, ‘St. Benedictusberg. Van Merkelbeek naar Mamelis’, De Nieuwe Lim- burger (30 Jan. 1965). 360 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19650403; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19650701. 361 Cfr. M.J. Granpré Molière, Na de consecratie van de abdijkerk, Vaals 4 May 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 362 Cfr. n.n., Kroniek van de abdij van Vaals, Vaals 4 May 1968 [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg]; M.J. Granpré Molière, Critiek ‘systeem van der Laan’ tegenover Gulden Snede, c. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Letters to H. Bruins 19880802, 19880909, 19880927. 100 chapter one of form.363 This series of fourteen lectures on architectural form was the basis for the later book, De architectonische ruimte (Architectural Space). The construction of the crypt of Vaals had led Van der Laan to some new insights, which could not be incorporated into the design of the church, because the finished crypt required a certain layout for the abbey church. However, these new insights found a place in Van der Laan’s course for the CKA.364 Criticism grew in these years and the CKA was accused of being either too traditional or too modern. According to Van der Vaart, many authors in the early 1960s believed the influence of theCKA as a leader had waned.365 The main complaint remained that theCKA was considered too traditional and not modernist enough in its approach.366 However, the fact that Van der Laan was asked to coach the architect Aldo van Eyck (1918–1999) in his construction of the Pastoor van Arskerk in The Hague should be interpreted as a sign of appreciation of his work.367 Still, even if one was familiar with Van der Laan’s

363 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische dispositie I–XIV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1960–1962 [Unp. AVdL]. 364 Cfr. e.g. C.H. Bekink, ‘Bespreking eindproject cursus voor kerkelijke architectuur’, KB 30 (1963) 505–508. 365 Cfr. F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 36. Cfr. also n.n., ‘Verantwoording’, Kunst en religie 39 (1957, nr. 1) 1–2; n.n., ‘Moderne kerkbouw’, Kunst en religie 41 (1959) 34; n.n., (L.T.), ‘Kentering sedert 1956. Kerken van deze tijd. Tentoonstelling in bisschoppelijk museum te Haarlem’, De Tijd-Maasbode (12 Dec. 1959) 3; n.n., ‘Vertraging in wijziging van Kath. kerkbouw. Gebrek aan levend verlangen en religieuze uitdrukkingskracht’, Brabants Dagblad (22 Dec. 1959) 7; A.J.J. van Rooij, ‘Discussies rond de kerkelijke architectuur. Orthodox werk uit de Bossche School’, KB 27 (1960) 301–316. 366 Cfr. e.g. C.H. Bekink, ‘Bespreking eindproject cursus voor kerkelijke architectuur’, KB 30 (1962–1963) 505–508. Cfr. also the discussion between Van Rooij and Siebers: n.n., ‘‘Wachten op het mirakel’. Kerkenbouwzondag. Bouwprogramma voor 1962 vraagt investering van 40 miljoen gulden’, De Stem (4 Feb. 1962) 9; A.J.J. van Rooij, ‘Kerk baken langs de weg der mensheid’, De Stem (17 Feb. 1962) 9; A. Siebers, ‘Kerkenbouw is te vondeling gelegd. Wat te denken van de nieuwe architectuur?’, De Stem (3 Mar. 1962) 9; A.J.J. van Rooij, ‘Realiteitszin en kerkelijke architectuur’, De Stem (17 Mar. 1962) 9; A. Siebers, ‘Antwoord aan mr. A.J.J. van Rooy. Bouw- kunst kan niet alles en nog wat uitdrukken’, De Stem (4 Apr. 1962) 11; A.J.J. van Rooij, ‘Redeneren en creativiteit in kerkelijke architectuur’, De Stem (13 Apr. 1962) 9; A. Siebers, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur in het Bisdom Breda’, De Stem (8 May 1962) 7; A.J.J. van Rooij, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur in het Bredase bisdom’, De Stem (18 May 1962) 2; A, van Kranendonk, Rede gehouden bij de opening van de afdeling der Bouwkunde van de Technische Hogeschool te Delft op 24 september 1962, Delft 1962, 6–7; T. Nix, ‘Eigen wijsheid’, KB 30 (1963) 586–587; P. Janssens, ‘Liturgie en eigentijdse sacrale kunst’, TvL 38 (1954) 190–191. 367 Cfr. e.g. F. Strauven, Aldo van Eyck. Relativiteit en verbeelding, Amsterdam 1994, 494–502; W. Goddijn, ed.–J. Jacobs–G. van Tillo, Tot vrijheid geroepen. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 101 thought, for many it remained difficult to recognise its truth. For example, after having read the greater background of the theory in Het Vormenspel der liturgie, the scholar Peeters would later strongly criticise the concept of the plastic number.368 There also was the growing contrast between theBossche School of Van der Laan and the more traditional Delftse School of Granpré Molière. Where Granpré Molière, who was concerned about a number of developments in the Church, sought to use certain proportions to create ‘beautiful architecture’ (the ‘beaux arts’ of Maritain), Van der Laan turned this around: if he could recognise the plastic number in architecture, then a building was by definition beautiful.369 The main point of diversion was the use of traditional architectural forms and materials by the Delftse School. Though the Bossche School also regularly referred to the ancient basilica, for example, the gradually more absolute abstraction of the historical form-language by Van der Laan, who searched only for the pure architectural expression and not for traditional forms as such, contrasted with Granpré Molière’s strong sense for history and tradition. In answer to a letter from Granpré Molière, in which the latter expressed his concern, Van der Laan wrote that the fundamental ideas of the CKA had never changed, but that Granpré Molière had difficulty in truly understanding these ideas.370 The conflict did come out in the open at least once, followed by mutual letters of apology and expressions of respect, but the difference in approach remained.371 Other criticisms were more concerned with the foundations of the theory of the CKA. For example, the Dominican Bernard Barendse op (1906–1977) had already questioned its Thomistic background some

Katholieken in Nederland: 1946–2000, Baarn 1999, 216–217; S. de Jonge–P. Post, ‘Hemelse wielen: Aldo van Eycks Pastoor van Ars-kerk te Den Haag’, Jaarboek voor liturgie-onderzoek 15 (1999) 55–73; Valentijn, D., ed., et al., De Wederopbouw. Haagse gids voor architectuur en stedebouw in de periode 1945–1965, Den Haag 2002, 295; K. Doevendans–G. van der Harst, ed., Het kerkgebouw in het postindustriële landschap / The church in the post-industrial landscape, Zoetermeer 2004, 180. 368 Cfr. C.J. Peeters, ‘Kerkelijke kunst en religieuze kunst’, in: Religieuze kunst vandaag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1987, 28. 369 Cfr. e.g. M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘Beschaving en architectuur. Naar aanleiding der kerkbouwdag in het Bisdom Haarlem’, De Linie (12 Sept. 1953) 13; Id., ‘Nieuwe stap in het Bisdom Haarlem’, De Linie (2 Oct. 1954) 6. 370 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19641228. 371 Cfr. M.J. Granpré Molière, Letter to H. van der Laan, 15 Jan. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19650121. 102 chapter one

20 years before.372 In June 1958, Barendse had been part of a CKA study meeting, along with his confrère Edward Schillebeeckx op and ten years later Van der Laan would express admiration for his work.373 However, he did not believe in Van der Laan’s empirical-phenomenological approach and thus rejected the possibility of reducing the concrete reality to fundamental definitions. In this way, Barendse preferred individual experience over the objective truth for which Van der Laan and the CKA were searching. Another critic of the CKA, Pieter Dijkema (1920–2010), continued to use the plastic number in his architecture, thus recognising the fundamental truth taught by the Course.374 However, Van der Laan strongly objected to the rig- orism with which Dijkema applied the plastic number, calculating proportions with an arithmetic exactness Van der Laan himself never advocated. Instead, the latter advocated playing within the margins.375 Moreover in later years the CKA continued to raise protest from other architects, and even from its board of directors. They said that it was not the time for philosophising, but instead to engage trustingly with the modern world and its desires.376 In 1964 a series of meetings in Oosterhout with the professors of the CKA was held, with the intention of re-discovering the fundamental principles of their architectural theory.377 The bishops of Breda and ’s-Hertogenbosch, Mgr Gerardus de Vet (r. 1962–1967) and Mgr Wilhelmus Bekkers (r. 1960–1966), were no longer convinced by the work of the CKA. Athough at the end of March 1965 Bernardus Cardinal Alfrink (r. 1955–1975), Archbishop of Utrecht, invited Van der Laan to come and see him in order to learn more about the principles of the CKA, this was not to help its position. The architectural commission of the diocese of Breda, on which Van der Laan had a seat for 20 years, was disbanded in 1965. It was re-established in the same year, without Van der Laan. He himself said

372 B.A.M. Barendse, ‘Over de graden in het zijn’, Tijdschrift voor Philosophie 11 (1949) 155–202. Cfr. also e.g. Id., ‘Gedachten over de Bossche Cursus’, KB 30 (1962– 1963) 485–486. 373 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to E. van der Laan-Claessens c. 196906. 374 Cfr. P. Dijkema, Innen und Aussen, Hilversum 1960; Id., ‘Denktucht of denkschraalheid’, KB 30 (1962–1963) 586; Id., ‘De nieuwe vleugel van het Stadhuis’, in: G.Th.M. Lemmens, ed., Het stadhuis van Nijmegen, Nijmegen 1982, 90. 375 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XV,14) 134. 376 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19580302. 377 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19640116. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 103 that this was because he never had changed his view and that it was not appropriate to stick to principles at the time.378 Van der Laan felt that it could not be a coincidence that there was so much opposition to their work exactly at a time of great turbulence within the Dutch Church, and he wrote: “More than ever strong Christians are needed, who stand firmly because of an intense interior prayer and who lean quietly on the certainty of the presence of Jesus in our soul”.379 Here his interior life came very close to his exterior convictions, for in a similar way Van der Laan continued to believe profoundly in the principles of architecture as he had expounded them over the years at the CKA.

1.4.2. Vaals (1968–1991) The Swinging Sixties: from Oosterhout to Vaals The 1960s were a turbulent time for the Church in the Netherlands.380 Van der Laan had been very concerned about the developments inside and outside the monastery since the Second Vatican Council (1962– 1965). His main worries concerned the open insubordination against the teachings of the Council and the Church in general. He especially disliked the press, for “there, slander and lies are normal and they stain the holiest things, like the Council, with their dirty hands”.381 He also wrote: “I wonder sometimes how this time will be recorded in the history books and then I think that much of it will not even be mentioned. Usually only the things that have served for what came afterwards are preserved. What is happening now is more a breaking down of what once was”.382 In the liturgical field too there were changes that were

378 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19650701. 379 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19650403: “Meer dan ooit zijn er sterke christenen nodig die rotsvast staan door een intens innerlijk gebed & rustig steunen op de zekerheid van Jezus’ tegenwoordigheid in onze ziel”. 380 Cfr. e.g. A.J. Simons–L.G.M. Winkeler, Het verraad der clercken. Intellectuelen en hun rol in de ontwikkelingen van het Nederlandse katholicisme na 1945, Baarn 1987, esp. 55–63; W. Goddijn, ed.–J. Jacobs–G. van Tillo, Tot vrijheid geroepen. Katho- lieken in Nederland: 1946–2000, Baarn 1999, esp. 69–83. 381 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720: “Laster & leugens zijn daar de gewoonste zaak & de heiligste dingen, zoals ook het Concilie, besmeuren ze met hun vuile handen”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19580302, 19650701 382 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19650701: “Ik denk wel eens hoe zal deze tijd later in de geschiedenisboeken staan & dan denk ik eigenlijk dat heel veel ervan er niet in zal staan. Meestal blijft alleen bewaard wat gediend heeft voor wat later komt. Wat er nu gebeurt is veel meer een afbrokkelen van wat er geweest is”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19670423. 104 chapter one unacceptable to Van der Laan. In 1963 he celebrated the marriage of his nephew Dick van Dam and Cécile de Puniet and a few weeks later that of another nephew, Johannes van der Laan, and Veroon Habets.383 In his homily, he emphasised the essence of the Sacrament which was being celebrated and the effect of its liturgy.384 But he refused to celebrate later marriages, for ‘the manners of the world’ were so different from those he firmly believed in, making him write to his sister: “Such a modern Dutch liturgy is nothing to me and the recent kinds of liturgy being performed are truly not fit to be seen. My conscience does not allow me to participate in something like that”.385 Though he had great admiration for the Novus Ordo for liturgy, he feared that it was not likely to be accepted in the Netherlands and that it might lead to liturgical division.386 In these years, Van der Laan once again stood alone, recognising this as his personal strength: “In fact, I have never learned something submissively . . . But apparently my strength is to think things over determinedly without consulting many books or people, and in the life that I have chosen that fits very well”.387 During the construction of the crypt and the church of Abdij St. Benedictusberg, Van der Laan had to spend a lot of time in Vaals, where he found himself very much at home, also because there were ‘fewer wild experiments’ than in Oosterhout, and this was ‘beneficial for the monastic life’.388 The abbot of Oosterhout, Dom Mähler, resigned in 1965, and Van der Laan expressed his dislike for the direction of life in the abbey when the community chose Dom Henricus van Cranen- burgh (1915–2001) to be the new abbot.389 Some months before, Dom

383 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19630807. 384 Cfr. HvdL, Preek huwelijk van Dick van Dam en Cécile de Puniet de Parry, s.l. 3 Aug. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Preek huwelijk van Hans v.d. Laan met Veroon Habets, s.l. 7 Sept. 1965 [Unp. Archief familie Van der Laan]. 385 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127: “Zo’n moderne Hollandse liturgie is niks voor mij, en de laatste edities van liturgie die men presteert zijn werkelijk ontoonbaar. Ik zou het niet op mijn geweten durven te nemen om daaraan mee te doen”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19700319. 386 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19691216, 19700325; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19691216, 19700319; Letter to T. Strawinsky 19691224. 387 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19650701: “Ik heb eigenlijk nooit gedwee iets geleerd… Maar mijn fort ligt blijkbaar in het eigengereid uitdenken van allerlei dingen zonder veel boeken of mensen te raadplegen & in het leven dat ik heb gekozen past dat eigenlijk goed”. 388 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19661230; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19801122. 389 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19651216, 19851029; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19651224, 19670423. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 105

De Wolf had been elected abbot of Vaals. That year, Van der Laan was recovering from a breakdown and spent much time at Vaals. He did however find time to correct the proofs for the Dutch edition of his book on the plastic number, which came out in May 1967.390 One cannot miss the sarcasm when Van der Laan said that the newly established Dutch Congregation of Benedictine monasteries (Oosterhout, Egmond and Doetinchem) had been ‘blessed’ with new constitutions ad experimentum: “But neither the one who made them, nor those who have to experiment with them know exactly what they are about”.391 This could be considered an accurate description of what happened in the Church in the Netherlands of those years. When the community of Vaals voted against the Dutch Congregation with more than the necessary 2/3 of the votes and remained united with Solesmes, Van der Laan thought this would help to sort out his own situation.392 He formally requested to be transferred to Vaals. The main reason was that it reminded him so strongly of the old Oosterhout which he knew from his youth, but placed in what he called ‘a better architectural environment’.393 On the 18th of October 1968, Van der Laan definitively moved from Oosterhout to Vaals, where he was officially inaugurated as a member of the community of Abdij St. Benedictus- berg on the 6th of January 1970. Van der Laan was not the first member of the community of Ooster- hout to be transferred to Vaals. Among the fourteen founding monks in 1951 there were the prior Dom Vincentius Truijen, Dom Robertus Allard (1901–1989), Dom George Smeets and the artist Dom Jaco- bus van der Mey (1888–1969). The latter returned to Oosterhout in 1955. On the whole, there was quite a coming and going of monks between the two abbeys in the early 1950s. Dom Pieter Roose arrived at Vaals in 1953 and soon became sub-prior and in 1964 prior. More- over, several monks left the Order entirely. Dom Nicolaas Boer, who

390 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19670327; Het plastische getal. XV lessen over de grondslagen van de architectonische ordonnantie, Leiden 1967. 391 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19670423: “Maar noch degene die ze gemaakt hebben, noch zij die ze moeten experimenteren weten precies waar het om gaat”. 392 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19680818, 19681101. Note that the Dutch Congregation was discontinued in 2004. The Abbeys of Oosterhout and Doet- inchem joined the Congregation of Subiaco and the abbey of Egmond joined the Con- gregation of the Annunciation (cfr. D. Hanssens, ‘Nederlandse congregatie (OSB) wordt opgeheven’, Monastieke informatie 36 (2005, nr. 215) 23–27). 393 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19681101, Christmas 1968, 19690917; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19681216, 19691216. 106 chapter one had been in a monastery in Martinique for several years, came to Vaals in 1957. The former abbot of Egmond, Dom Paulus Andriessen (1909–1977), asked in 1967 to be accepted into the community of Vaals, where he was buried in 1977. Like Van der Laan, Dom Augusti- nus van Berkum (b. 1924) also moved from Oosterhout to Vaals in 1969.394 In the same year, other monks moved from Vaals to Ooster- hout. However, one cannot speak of a true exodus from Oosterhout to Vaals when the latter was the only Dutch Benedictine monastery that remained a member of the Congregation of Solesmes, and thus opted for tradition and continuity rather than for renewal in the form in which it was manifested at the time in the Netherlands. It is paradoxical that these monks found this continuity by transferring to another place, especially when keeping in mind the stabilitas loci advocated by the Benedictines. Despite its sometimes lonely position within the quickly changing ecclesiastical situation in the Netherlands, the abbey was flourishing with vocations during these years. Until 1972 abbot De Wolf and some monks supported a group of Limburg priests, who desired to study the documents of Vatican II in union with the Church.395 In Vaals Van der Laan was appointed sacristan, just as he had always been in Oosterhout, and he continued designing and making vestments.396 Here he rediscovered a true monastic life and a Father abbot who could advise him, things which he had had to forego for so many years.397 Being the architect of all of the the living areas of the monastery, he had a continuous influence on daily life. Dom De Wolf must have been aware of this and greatly valued his advice. In turn, Van der Laan was very glad to be able to discuss the contents of his lectures with both Father Abbot and Father Prior.398 On the 16th of January 1973 the community of Vaals showed its trust in Van der Laan, when it chose him as a member of the Council of the com-

394 Cfr. Interview Dom Augustinus van Berkum osb, Vaals 3 Dec. 2006. 395 Cfr. e.g. P. Andriessen, ‘De derde dag verrezen uit de doden’, De Tijd (2 Apr. 1969) 12; N. De Wolf, ‘De Kerk waarin wij geloven’, De Tijd (28 June 1969); N. De Wolf, ‘De kern van het priesterschap’, De Tijd (31 Dec. 1969); J.A.G.M. van Mont- fort, Waarheid en leven (1969–1989). Een orthodox katholiek tijdschrift, Venlo 1992; L. Moonen, ‘Abdij St. Benedictusberg’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, ed., Histo- rische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 2004, Valkenburg aan de Geul 2004, 306–307. 396 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19681110. 397 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19690316, 19691216. 398 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690504. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 107 munity. He considered Vaals, like the old Oosterhout, to be truly the antechamber of heaven.399 And in this antechamber he was to live hap- pily until his death 23 years later.

CKA 1968–1973: space and the completion of a theory After having studied the problem of size from 1953 to 1956, and that of form from 1960 to 1961 and 1965 to 1967, the third part of the course, taught between 1968 and 1973, concerned space and led to the publication of De architectonische ruimte (Architectural space).400 In thirty years the initial nutshell of the theory as presented in 1939 had become a complete doctrine: “This we must simply consider as something very special and therefore preserve it as a precious inheritance and pass it on”.401 But now the continuation of that work was in question. In 1968 Van der Laan wrote to his brother that the CKA was on the verge of total destruction. An unsuccessful attempt was made to merge the CKA with the institute of higher education (HBO) of Tilburg, where since 1966 the theory of the plastic number had been taught by Wim Hansen, who also worked at Nico’s studio.402 However, with the student rebel- lions of 1968 strong protests rose against the principles of the CKA and the traditional Catholic intellectual environment connected to it. These protests continued in the years that followed. As the number of faithful quickly decreased after the ‘wild’ 1960s, there was no longer a need for new churches. Though the interest in Van der Laan’s theory was waning in the Netherlands, interest abroad increased. In 1972 a group of French architecture students came to Vaals for a two week seminar with Van der Laan. In the beginning they were shocked by the bare architecture: “They were not able to dismiss the idea of a prison, but gradually a world opened for them and then they could not get

399 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19700325, 19701220. 400 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110. 401 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan Pentecost 1968: “Dit moeten wij doodgewoon beschouwen als iets heel bijzonders & daarom als een kostbare erfenis bewaren en doorgeven”. Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]. 402 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803; W. Tuinstra–H. Peter- meijer, 50 jaar architectuuronderwijs. De geschiedenis van de architectenopleiding in Tilburg, Tilburg 1987, 42–44; J.P.A. Petermeijer, ‘Laan, Dom Hans van der (1904– 1991). Architect’, in: J. van Oudheusden, ed., et al., Brabantse biografieën. Levensbe- schrijvingen van bekende en onbekende Noordbrabanders, t. III, Meppel-Amsterdam 1995, 72–75. Cfr. also Interview Hans van der Laan (Junior), ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 Oct. 2007. 108 chapter one enough of it”.403 Van der Laan later went to visit them in France and other students followed.404 However, as a result of the developments in the Netherlands it was decided in 1973 to disband the CKA. Since its inception in 1946, the course for church architecture had formed several generations of architects in the specific field of church architecture, and more specifically in the theory of architecture as developed by Van der Laan. Because of the events in the years before the end of the CKA, the architects of the Bosche School had been forced to turn their attention more exclusively to secular architecture. The shift from designing churches to designing dwellings was not very complex, as the CKA and Van der Laan considered a church simply as the most elevated exponent of human accommodation where the rules for pure architecture are consequently applied. In spite of the end of the CKA, Van der Laan continued steadily to work on his book on architectural space, which in essence was ready in 1970.405 Whereas in the early years the pagan Greek temples and early Christian basilicas were the main source of information, in 1973 Van der Laan asked some friends to take measurements of Stonehenge, the megalithic monument in the South of England.406 He even got in touch with professor Richard Atkinson (1920–1994), who had restored the monument around 1958. The discovery of Stonehenge influenced his final lectures in 1973 and the examples used in his bookDe architectonische ruimte, published in 1977. Brother Kees Pouderoyen proof- read the manuscript.407 All drawings were made by Van der Laan himself, who personally delivered the manuscript to Brill in Leiden.408

403 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19721108: “Zij konden het idee gevange- nis niet van hun afzetten, maar langzamerhand is een wereld voor hun opengegaan & toen konden zij er niet genoeg van krijgen”. See also HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720903; Schema lessen Parijse studenten, Vaals Oct. 1972 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to ‘Domitille’ 1972. 404 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19721228; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19730417. 405 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19701114, 19711116, 19731014, 19731115, 19731221, 19741012; De architectonische ruimte, Leiden 1977; Letter to R. Padovan 19870318. 406 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Inleiding Stonehenge, ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19730520; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750928; Letters to R. Padovan 19820813, 19830519, 19870318; Lettter to W. Lockefeer 19830406. 407 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19741012. 408 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19760326. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 109

It was paid for by the fund, which by 1975 contained ƒ17.000.409 The book was a success, notably so, as he observed, among black students of architecture in Kaapstad, led by professor Ivor Prinsloo, who visited him several times.410 In the book Van der Laan presented his full theory on architecture, trying to help people ‘to move from a purely utilitarian approach to a house to recognising the great pleasure its architecture may give to the intellect’.411 The deepest foundation for his approach to architecture in his book was always the individual’s interior relationship with God: “Of course I do not speak about this explicitly in these lessons, for they have been written for architects, but the good ones will be able to pick it up”.412 Therefore, the whole theory should be seen in the largest perspective, which necessarily involves the relation of the architect as an author with the Creator of heaven and earth: “As I am a religious they tell me that I must do everything as a religious; but I would rather turn things around and say that everything I do must render me religious. And that goes for the whole world”.413 Even though he did not speak much about his interior life, it always remained his inner source of joy, recognisable in passing remarks in his letters. He often asked to pray for the conversion of people he met: “A guest who is here, a wonderful person, is recommended to you; with a little push of a fervent prayer he shall simply tumble down into our life”.414 Personal devotions continued to be important to him. For example, when sending his sister a rosary he wrote: “Father Abbot has blessed it and I have prayed with it for a couple of days”.415 The next chapter will demonstrate how for

409 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750928. 410 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19860828; Letter to I. Prinsloo 19861029. Cfr. I. Prinsloo, ‘Homage to Genius and Wisdom: Le Corbusier and Dom Hans van der Laan. Towards a comparative study of La Tourette and St Benedictusberg’, Architec- ture South Africa (Jan.–Feb. 1988) 31–39. 411 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19751222. 412 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19751222: “Expliciet praat ik daar natuurlijk niet over in die lessen, want het is voor architecten geschreven, maar de goeie zullen het er uit weten te halen”. 413 HvdL, Letter to J. Garreton 19801013: “Puisque je suis religieux on me dit que je dois tout faire en religieux; mais je tourne volontiers les choses en disant que tout ce que je fais doit me rendre religieux. Et cela compte pour tout le monde”. 414 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710106: “Een gast die hier is, een pracht- kerel, wordt je aanbevolen, met een douwtje van een vurig gebed tuimelt die zo ons leven binnen”. 415 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19721228: “Le P. Abbé l’a béni & je l’ai prié pendant quelques jours”. 110 chapter one him the relation between the material world and man’s interaction with it should be considered against a greater backdrop, which Van der Laan discovered in his interior life of faith.

The work continues The 1970s too were busy years for Van der Laan. He was often asked for advice for the refurbishing of sanctuaries. His designs provoked mixed reactions. For example, in 1971 the angry reply was that he had only been asked to design an altar, ‘not to propose a full reconstruction’.416 As always, Van der Laan was very direct in expressing his opinion. After a visit to the Carmelite convent in Beek, he commented: “Such a Carmelite Sister chapel is like a kind of kindergarten classroom. They have no notion whatsoever of how to make an ‘oratory’ of it”.417 There- fore, he was very glad to be able to design an entire abbey for the Marian Sisters of St Francis in Waasmunster (see fig. 1.16; C28–C32). This abbey is among the finest examples of his architectural style. Unlike Vaals, there was no existing architecture to adapt to. A civil house which he designed a few years later in Best for his old friend Jos Naalden was based on the same principles applied in Waasmun- ster (see fig. C37–C38). Van der Laan had met Naalden at Oosterhout in 1951, when the latter was working on a project about Dom Bellot for his architectural studies, and for which Van der Laan wrote the introduction.418 Apparently the Congregation of the Marian Sisters was very satisfied with the new abbey, for in 1977 Van der Laan was asked to help with the reconstruction of the mother house in Waasmunster (see fig. C33–C36). Illness forced him to postpone this work but in July 1978 he was able to present his draft plan. The final drawings were done mainly by Rik van der Laan together with the studio of Van der Laan & Van Hal in ’s-Hertogenbosch in cooperation with the Bel- gian studio of E. and P. de Vloed.419 The baroque church in the midst

416 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710403. 417 HvdL, Letter to Dom N. de Wolf 19720101: “Zo’n carmelitessenkapel is net een soort bewaarschoolklas. Zij hebben niet de minste notie hoe ze er een ‘oratorium’ van moeten maken”. 418 HvdL, ‘Ter inleiding’, in: J. Naalden, De Refter der St. Paulusabdij te Ooster- hout. Arch. dom Paul Bellot O.S.B., Tilburg 1951; n.n., (P.S.), ‘De refter van de St Paulus- Abdij te Oosterhout’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 407–409; H. de Haan, ‘‘Een woonhuis als embryonale stad’. Jos Naalden, opdrachtgever en eerste bewoner’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 3–6. 419 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19790814,19800327, 19801002, biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 111

Fig. 1.16 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, work in progress (1975). Van der Laan explaining his ideas to the contractor. [AVdL] of the strictly squared design, Van der Laan described as ‘a chique brooch on a sober dress’, thus giving a positive turn to what he must have experienced strongly as a clash of styles.420 During the process his health forced him several times to postpone all work.421 Construc- tion started in August 1981. He followed the work from a distance, for eight months later he wrote to his sister that he had not yet been there.422 In 1984 he came to Waasmunster for the first time in a year and the work was finished in 1985.423

19810428; n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in Waasmunster’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 2. 420 Cfr. H. de Haan, ‘De ontdekking van het herbouwde kloostercomplex in de Kerkstraat te Waasmunster’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 33; Interview director Fr Henri Raemdonck, Waasmunster 26 May 2008; Interview Mother Agnes Vanhecke, Waasmunster 26 May 2008; Interview Sr Rosa Engels, Roosenberg 26 May 2008. 421 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790520. 422 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19820325. 423 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840614. 112 chapter one

In the meantime, work on the theory of liturgy and architecture continued. In 1974 Mgr Joannes Gijsen (r. 1972–1993), Bishop of Roer- mond diocese, had asked Abdij St. Benedictusberg to teach Scripture and liturgy to the students of the new diocesan seminary Rolduc. Each week the seminarians came for a full day to Vaals for their courses. For many years Van der Laan was charged with the courses on liturgy, which formed the basis for the later book Het Vormenspel der liturgie (Form-play of liturgy).424 In 1976 he gave a class at Eindhoven Uni- versity, which was published as an article.425 A year later, the Dutch contribution to an international exhibition in München consisted of an enormous picture of the church of Vaals with its furniture and liturgical objects.426 Van der Laan complained that the Germans did not understand his architecture very well, as it reminded them of the Weimar art-school Bauhaus.427 He continued to search for the essence of architecture and kept making new discoveries, especially by playing with his morphoteque, the form-bank which he had designed.428 Nico’s son, Rik Van der Laan, was especially influenced by the theory and Van der Laan was very proud when in 1977 Rik won the first prize for a theatre design in Venlo, together with the former CKA-student Koos de Haan (1933–2009).429 In the same year, his other nephew, Hans van der Laan (Junior), became an associate of the office of his father Nico Van der Laan and Harry van Hal.430 It is with this studio and with Rik that Dom Van der Laan would continue to collaborate closely until his death. In these years, his relationship with his sister Gertrude grew ever deeper. A few words sufficed to express their deepest feeling: “Dear sister, I am just chatting away, for there is so little to say between us: ‘Ce matin moi aussi j’ai taillé mes roses’! and thus it is good; somewhat like two communicating vessels where we keep each other at the

424 Cfr. HvdL, Het vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985. 425 Cfr. HvdL, TH Eindhoven, Eindhoven 4 Nov. 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Het menselijk verblijf; grootte, vorm, ruimte’, Plan 8 (1977, nr. 4) 41–46. 426 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770328. 427 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19830116; Letter to N. van der Laan 19840513. 428 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19770729. 429 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19761115, 19770328, 19770908; T. Maas, ‘Visie op Bossche school van architect v.d. Laan’, NRC (1 Apr. 1982) A12; H. van der Laan (Junior), ‘In memoriam Koos de Haan (1933–2009)’, Thematismos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 26–27. 430 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770908. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 113 correct height”.431 The quotation is from A. de Saint-Exupéry; it was all two gardeners had to say to each other after years of separation: “This morning I have trimmed my rose-bushes”.432 On the 26th of May 1979 Van der Laan celebrated the 50th anniversary of his profession. During Mass he again read the charte containing his monastic vows of 1929, and after having laid it on the altar, just as 50 years before in Oosterhout, he sang three times the Suscipe me (Receive me), standing in the middle of the church constructed entirely according to his own design.433 Certain people who had helped Van der Laan throughout his life with the execution of his designs were personally invited to the celebration.434 Jan Noyons (1918–1982) always made the sacred vessels. Fried de Bonth was the contractor of Oosterhout, Vaals and other projects. Josef Engelberts (1915–2009) was the cabinet maker who helped Van der Laan create his furniture and morphoteques.435 Niel Steenbergen (1911–1997) made statues and Rosemarijn van der Does painted icons for the churches. In the same year, Van der Laan preached a retreat for the preparation of the sacristan, Brother Ad Lenglet (b. 1946), for his priestly ordination.436 This is the only formal spiritual work known from the hand of Van der Laan and the first and only time he preached a retreat. He usually only discussed his interior life in his letters to his sister Gertrude.437 It was a source of grief for Van der Laan when his health did not allow him to keep up the full monastic regime. He continued to treat the things around him in a careful manner, for he was aware that these might lead him to God. Not the things in themselves were impor-

431 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770908: “Lieve zus, ik zit maar wat te kletsen, want wij hebben elkaar zo weinig meer te vertellen: ‘Ce matin moi aussi j’ai taillé mes roses”! en zo is het goed; een beetje als twee communicerende vaten waarbij wij elkaar op hoogte houden”. 432 Cfr. A. de Saint-Exupéry, Citadelle, Paris 1948, 219: “Ce matin j’ai taillé mes rosiers...”. 433 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790713. 434 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790520; Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989, 3–4. 435 Cfr. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Meubels voltooien ruimtes. Dom Hans van der Laan en Josef Engelberts’, Het houtblad 14 (Dec. 2002) 38–41; W. Lockefeer, ‘De schrijnwerker zonder zijns gelijke: Josef Engelberts (1915–2009)’, Thematismos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 22–25. 436 Cfr. HvdL, Zeven dagen voorbereiding op de priesterwijding, Vaals 7–13 Sept. 1979 [Unp. AVdL]. 437 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19801122. 114 chapter one tant, but the fact that they could serve as a mirror for the interior life as children of God (cfr. IJn. 3:1).438 In 1983 he was ill again and needed to take a complete rest. But the reflection did not stop.439 He was no longer able to celebrate Mass, which must have been very difficult for him.440 In April 1984 his right eye was operated on for a cataract.441 When he came back after the operation he said: “I did not know that the church was this beautiful!”442 Over the years, Van der Laan was able in Vaals to realise his architectural dream (see fig. C24–C27).443 Though the execution of his initial design had been spread out over some thirty years, he saw no need for major adaptations to the design. He claimed that this was only possible because architecture had its own unchanging background, as shall be studied in the next chapter. This background formed the basis for the entire work of the CKA in ’s-Hertogenbosch, subsequently expressed in an exhibition in 1982, which travelled from Maastricht to ’s-Hertogenbosch and Eindhoven. Van der Laan described this unchanging background in his last book, Het vormenspel der liturgie, which was published in 1985.444 In it, he managed to include his theory of architecture in the totality of the created world, which uses liturgical forms to reach out to its Creator. He hoped that it would help his readers both to restore proper external liturgical forms, ‘which were suffering everywhere’, and to find inspiration for their interior lives.445 For this book too he personally brought the manuscript to Brill in Leiden.446 It was financed with gifts from his friends on the occasion of the anniversary of his priestly ordination in September 1984 and the Association for Latin liturgy.447 When finishing the draft design for a convent in Mariavall (Tomelilla, Sweden) on the feast of St Benedict, Van der Laan fell down the stairs

438 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19800603. 439 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19830223; 19831112. 440 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840906. 441 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840410. 442 Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, Vaals 8 Nov. 2007: “Ik wist niet dat de kerk zo mooi was”. 443 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 444 Cfr. HvdL, Het vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985; Letters to A. Mertens 19861108, 19870105. 445 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19841019, 19850318, 19850701. 446 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840906. 447 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19850618. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 115

Fig. 1.17 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, crypt, inscription in the ‘founder’s wall’ (1986). Designer Dom Van der Laan. Behind these inscriptions Nico and Hanny Van der Laan-Tummers are buried. [Photo: mpr] and broke some teeth (see fig. C39–C45). Once again he had worked so hard that his health suffered from it. In his cell a comfortable chair replaced the one he had designed himself as his physical abili- ties declined.448 On the 20th of September 1986, Nico died: “He died brilliantly, just like Jo and Father, completely prepared and conscious until the end and closely united with God”.449 Dom Van der Laan piously designed the letters for the funeral monument in the crypt of Vaals, where his brother would be buried (see fig. 1.17).450 At his funeral Dom Pieter Roose said that without the reciprocal inspiration and cooperation between Nico and Dom Van der Laan, the church of Vaals would never have been built.451

448 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19860404. 449 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19860921: “Hij is schitterend gestorven, net als Jo & Vader, geheel voorbereid & tot het einde toe bewust & innig met God verbonden”. 450 Cfr. A. Evers, ‘In memoriam. Architect ir. Nico van der Laan’, Mededelingen- blad BNA (1986) 122. 451 Cfr. P. Roose, Preek bijzetting Nico van der Laan, Vaals 25 Sept. 1986 [Unp. AVdL]. 116 chapter one

The divulgation of a theory Van der Laan considered several people as having had great influence on the spreading of his theory. The publisher Brill sent the bookDe architectonische ruimte (1977) to the periodical Architectural Design, which asked the architect Richard Padovan (b. 1935) to write a review, because of his knowledge of the Dutch language.452 Padovan dedicated most of his time to writings on architecture and teaching at Buck- inghamshire College of Higher Education. He visited Van der Laan for a first time in August 1980. It was the beginning of a professional friendship and a long correspondence about the theory of architecture. Padovan was fascinated by Van der Laan’s theory and started an in-depth study, supported by professor Christopher Cornford (1917– 1993).453 He wrote several articles and books about Van der Laan and the Bossche School.454 In their correspondence, Van der Laan explained his theory in detail to Padovan.455 Though most of their correspondence was about architecture, Van der Laan was very glad to learn that this architect’s Italian parents were Catholic and that his book seemed to help Padovan to reconsider the fundamentals of his life: “I would want him to penetrate into the great thought which is behind [the

452 Cfr. R. Padovan, ‘Laugier to van der Laan’, Architectural Design 49 (1979, nr. 12) 324–326. 453 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19840322; Letter to T. Maas 19840322; Letter to C. Cornford 19840718; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19871111. 454 Cfr. esp. R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amster- dam 1994. Cfr. also e.g. Id., ‘H. van der Laan’, AIII Times (1984, nr. 4) 8–9; Id., ‘A Necessary Instrument?’, The Architect (Apr. 1986) 54–57; Id., Dom Hans van der Laan, architecture and the necessity of limits / Dom Hans van der Laan: architectuur en de noodzaak van begrenzingen, Maastricht 1989; Id., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Nature, art and architecture’, Media Development 3 (1990) 14–17; Id., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’, The Independent (1 Oct. 1991) 27; Id., ‘Dom Hans Van Der Laan and the Plastic Number’, in: K. Williams, ed.–J.F. Rodrigues, Nexus IV: Architecture and Mathematics, Fucecchio 2002, 181–193. Cfr. also K. Rhowbotham, ‘Richard Padovan lectured on Van der Laan at the RIBA. Rational thinking’, Building Design (18 Nov. 1983, nr. 666) 2; C. Genders, ‘Brits essay over de architect Van der Laan’, Cobouw (29 Jan. 1990) 3; R. O’Donnell, ‘Book Reviews’, Architectural Association Files (1994, nr. 36) 74–78; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Boek en tentoonstelling over de sobere ontwerpen van monnik-architect Dom van der Laan. Père Hans onthult geheimen vanuit hiernamaals’, De Volkskrant (6 Dec. 1994) 14; J. Verdonk, ‘De weloverwogen, kunstzinnige verhoudingen in de architectuur van Dom Hans’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (24 Mar. 1995) 9; W. van Heuvel, ‘De architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Cobouw (24 Jan. 1995) 5; K. Shannon, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primi- tive’, Domus (Jan. 1996, nr. 778) 114–115; B. Allies, ‘Proportion: Science, Philosophy, Architecture’, ARQ 3 (2000) 284. 455 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to R. Padovan 19791104, 19831026, 19910713. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 117 theory, mpr]. Through it he should of course discover our holy faith”.456 This is an example of the deepest hope of Van der Laan that people would come to God through his work. Not because of indoctrination, but simply because they would recognise how the objective reality of the world cannot be such without God. Van der Laan asked Padovan to revise the English translation of his book made by Mrs G. Bonehill and soon it was decided that Padovan would make a new translation.457 During the process of translation, Van der Laan checked every detail and was very careful before approving each chapter.458 He even decided to change the picture on the cover, deeming it indiscrete for a Dutch author to have a picture of the English monument Stonehenge on the cover of his book.459 The translation, for which he received a subsidy from the Dutch government, led in turn to some minor corrections of the Dutch reprint.460 Van der Laan was very happy with Padovan’s progress and wrote to his sister that his student only needed three to four years where he himself had needed thirty years in ’s-Hertogen- bosch. He had great hopes that Padovan would promote his theory in the English speaking world.461 According to at least one author he succeeded insofar as the books of Van der Laan would be sitting on the shelves of Prince Charles of England out of personal interest.462 The last decades of his life saw a steady but moderate interest in Van der Laan. In 1971, the Belgian journalists Anthony Mertens and Guido van Hoof wrote an article about the theory, which provoked some important reactions. For example, it was the direct reason that led

456 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19810428: “ik zou willen dat hij doordrong tot de grote gedachte die er achter zit. Hij moest natuurlijk ons heilig geloof er mee ontdekken”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19840614, 19841005, 19871111, 19881016; Letter to N. van der Laan 19831125. 457 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19790708, 19800104, 19800811; Letters to R. Padovan 19791104, 19791229, 19800504, 19800826, 19801023, 19801030, 19811031; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19801002, 19811220. 458 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to R. Padovan 19800901, 19820322, 19820813, 19830116; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19810428. 459 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19820813. 460 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770908; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314; Letter to brothers Malschaert 19901001. 461 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19841005, 19850318, 19870818; Letter to R. Padovan 19841213; Letters to N. van der Laan 19840322, 19860716; Letters to T. Maas 19840322, 19860106. 462 Cfr. F. Lammers, ‘Bouwen en leven als één grote symfonie van sobere lijnen’, Trouw (21 Aug. 1991) 2. 118 chapter one

Van der Laan to be asked to construct the convent in Waasmunster.463 Another interesting encounter was with the architecture journalist Tom Maas, who wrote a series of articles about the Bossche School and Van der Laan.464 Just as with Padovan, Van der Laan was very glad to have met someone who was interested in his theory. It was his hope that Maas would help make it become more widely known in the Netherlands.465 Furthermore, two television programmes dedicated to his life and work received some attention.466 In the 1980s, Van der Laan started assembling an archive of his work. He was stimulated to do so by the prior, Dom Roose, though he might also have been inspired to do so long before, when he was giving a hand ordering the archives of Dom Bellot in Wisques, back in 1947.467 In 1985 the plan was to transfer all the texts concerning his

463 Cfr. G. van Hoof–A. Mertens, ‘Wederdoper der architektuur bouwde in Vaals abdijkerk’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971) 17. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710403; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19730121. 464 Cfr. e.g. T. Maas, ‘Het geometrische spel van Hoogstad’, NRC (29 Mar. 1984) WO3; Id., ‘Boek en expositie over vormgeving van liturgische objecten en eminente bouwkunst. De theorie en praktijk van een pater-architect’, NRC (22 Apr. 1986) 7; Id., ‘De Bossche School. Een kameleontische stijl’, Brabantia (May 1988) 3–6; Id., ‘Dom H. van der Laan’, in: J. Brand–H. Janselijn, Architecture and imagination / Archi- tectuur en verbeelding, Zwolle 1989, 154–157; Id., ‘Some personal reflections on the reception of Van der Laan’s work in Dutch architecture’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 26–45. 465 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19840322, 19840322; Letters to T. Maas 19840322, 19860106. 466 Cfr. A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988; F. Lam- mers, ‘Eén grote symfonie’, Trouw (21 Dec. 1988) 19; T. Oliemuller, ‘Dom Hans v.d. Laan leerde in Leiden architectonisch zien’, Het Binnenhof (23 Dec. 1988) 17. Cfr. F. Scheffer, ed., TV-documentary De natuurlijke ruimte, NOS broadcasted 3 Mar. 1993; J. Roodnat, ‘Luchtige, wonderschone film over attractieve koperblazers’, NRC (29 Jan. 1993) kunst 7; L. Coopmans, ‘Eén en één is drie’, De Limburger (5 Feb. 1993); J. van der Burg, ‘Wat architecten moeten doen’, Het Parool (28 Apr. 1993) 6; n.n., (H.S.), ‘Een fraaie tegenstelling in architectuuropvattingen’, De Volkskrant (29 Apr. 1993) 17; H. Kroon, ‘‘De natuurlijke ruimte’. Zotte verhalen van twee bevlogen architecten’, Trouw (29 Apr. 1993) 5; T. Metz, ‘Film over twee profeten van de holistische architectuur’, NRC (28 Apr. 1993) 11; K. Hogenbirk, ‘De natuurlijke ruimte. Bouwers voor God en de Nieuwe Mens’, Filmkrant (May 1993, nr. 134) 25; J. Bik, ‘Twee architecten fraai geportretteerd’, De Gelderlander (7 May 1993); M. Dominicus, ‘De natuurlijke ruimte. Een subtiele Eisenstein’, Skrien (1993, nr. 189) 21; J. Michels, ed., Brabant bouwt in Baksteen. Na-oorlogse architectuur in Noord- Brabant 1945–1970, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1993, 11–18. Bodar also wrote about Van der Laan and Vaals in his books: cfr. e.g. A. Bodar, Geheim van het geloof, Tielt 1996, 43–48; Id., Nochtans zal ik juichen, Amsterdam 1999, esp. 150–151; Id., Gezellin van de stilte, Amsterdam 2002, 31–72, 182–193. 467 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan Christ King 194710, 19830428, 19830628, 19851029, 19881016. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 119 architectural theory to the State Archive of the province of Brabant in ’s-Hertogenbosch.468 Van der Laan hoped that in this way his theory would be more easily disseminated. He ordered and photocopied the material himself and wrote about his archive: “It extends to approxi- mately 250 manuscripts and consists of over 5000 pages, offering a record of the whole genesis of our theory”.469 These photocopies have been carefully bound in a series of 15 volumes of each around 300 pages and form the basis of the later ordering of the entire AVdL.470 After Van der Laan’s death a 16th volume was added containing his classes on liturgical form. However, apart from these photocopies, the archive was not put in order and the State Archive did not have the financial means to allow access to it. Thus after a few years of storage, the boxes with the original texts were returned to the abbey, where an initial cataloguing was undertaken by Brother Lambertus Moonen, the archivist of the abbey, and Brother Kees den Biesen, who acted as a kind of secretary to Van der Laan at the time. In the years that followed, new material was added, especially from the personal archives of Nico and Jan de Jong. After Van der Laan’s death, an attempt was made to assemble a permanent exhibition in Vaals.471 Already in 1983, he had started thinking about an exhibition in England, distinct from that of 1982, although this would only be achieved in 1999, first in England and Scotland,472

468 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19850121; L. Pirenne, ‘Initiatief tot bewaarplaats. Studiecentrum ‘Bossche School’ in rijksarchief?’, Brabantia (May 1988) 7–9. 469 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19851029: “Het zijn ongeveer 250 cahiers en bevatten meer dan 5000 blzijden waarin de hele ontwikkelingsgeschiedenis van onze theorie is vastgelegd”. 470 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19851029, 19851115; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19851226. 471 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Collectie-Vander Laan gaat naar museum in Vaals’, De Limbur- ger (23 Mar. 1995) 9; n.n., ‘Vaals denkt aan museum rond werk architect Mamelis’, Limburgs Dagblad (28 Mar. 1995) 13; n.n., ‘Vaals maakt zich sterk voor collectie Dom van der Laan’, De Limburger (12 Apr. 1995) 7; n.n., ‘Vaals laat plan voor Van der Laan museum los’, Limburgs Dagblad (7 June 1996); n.n., ‘Vaals staat nog achter Van der Laan-instituut’, Limburgs Dagblad (25 June 1997) 19. 472 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19830519. Exhibition ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’, Henry Moore Institute, Leeds (28 Oct. 1999–16 Jan. 2000); Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh (29 Jan.–19 Mar. 2000). Cfr. also A. Mead, ‘Instruments of order’, The Architect’s Journal (18 Nov. 1999) 55; R. Exley, ‘Exhibition. Game theory’, Blueprint 167 (Dec. 1999) 64; J. Ebner, ‘Ausstellung. Dom Hans van der laan in Edinburgh. Die ‘Plastische Zahl’’, Deutsche Bauzeitung 2 (2000) 26. 120 chapter one then in the Netherlands473 and Germany.474 In 2000 there followed an exhibition in Vicenza, Italy.475 At the same time a series of international conferences was dedicated to Van der Laan.476 In 2002 the association Van der Laan Stichting was created, to preserve the archive and

473 Bonnefanten Museum, Maastricht (14 Oct. 2000–28 Jan. 2001). Cfr. n.n., ‘Het plastisch getal’, De Volkskrant (12 Oct. 2000) 34; J. Akerboom, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Monnik en architect’, Monumenten 12 (2000) 4–5; W. Beijer, ‘De architectuurwetten van dom Van der Laan’, De Limburger (2 Nov. 2000) C4; M. Dubois, ‘De rijkdom van de stilte’, Focox Krate (20 Dec. 2000) 93; U. Winterhager, ‘Maastricht. Dom Hans van der Laan’, Bauwelt 92 (12 Jan. 2001) 4; B. Witman, ‘Alle zintuigen tintelen tegelijk’, Volkskrant (26 Oct. 2000) 26; A. Boertjes–D. Kramer, ‘Monni- kenwerk’, Archined (16 Nov. 2000), http://www.archined.nl/nieuws/monnikenwerk (access 20100522); H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’, Art-nl 1 (2000, nr. 3) 24–27. The same museum would dedicate part of an exhibition to Van der Laan in 2002 (cfr. P. van den Bosch–I. Kleijn, Van Cuypers tot Dibbets, Maas- tricht 2002, 25–26; 171–188). 474 Villa Merkel, Esslingen (8 Apr.–13 May 2001). Cfr. G. Hoffmann, ‘Benedikti- ner und Baumeister’, Stuttgarter Zeitung (17 Apr. 2001); K. Leydecker, ‘Er zog sich von der Welt zurück. Dom Hans van der Laan reinigte die Baukunst im Geist der Klosterbesenkammer’, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (20 Apr. 2001) 47; M. Mezger, ‘Die Theorie im Dunkeln sieht man nicht’, Eßlinger Zeitung (10 Apr. 2001); M. von Schacher, ‘Spröde Klötze und Einblicke’, Stuttgarter Nachrichten (20 Apr. 2001). 475 Cfr. A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000. Cfr. also n.n., ‘Rudolf Schwarz e Hans van der Laan: mostra alla basilica Palladiana di Vicenza: 15 aprile–23 luglio 2000’, Casabella 677 (Apr. 2000) 4; M. Sangiorgi, ‘Il tema architettonico dell’edificio religioso centro dell’arte del costruire’, L’Osservatore Romano (28 May 2000) 3; P. Panza, ‘Tandem Vicenza: Schwarz e Van der Laan alla Basilica Palladiana. Religiosi questi architetti’, Corriere della Sera (19 June 2000) 29; M. Dubois, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan bouwde meer dan kerken’, De Architect (June 2000) 12; Id., ‘Het werk van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Vlaanderen (2000) 290; Id., ‘Spirituele ruimte’, Focus Knack (5 July 2000) 43; F. Dal Co, ‘Mostra lo spazio sacro nel ’900. Basilica Palladiana. Vicenza 15 aprile–23 luglio 2000’, Casa- bella 680 (July–Aug 2000) 80–85; Id., ‘L’essenzialità architettonica di Hans van der Laan’, in: V. Sanson, Lo spazio sacro. Architettura e liturgia, Padova 2002, 117–124 [Quaderni di Rivista Liturgica 4]; P. van der Stehen, ‘Het rustieke ritme van Van der Laan’, De Limburger (14 Feb. 2002) C1; n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan’, Katholiek Nieuws- blad (8 Feb. 2002) 25; M. Dubois, ‘Spirituele ruimte’, De Architect (Mar. 2003) 83. 476 Cfr. P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000 [From a conference in consideration of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan, Edin- burgh 4 Mar. 2000]; Id., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000 [From a conference in consideration of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 17–18 Nov. 2000]; Id., Bradley, P., ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001 [From a conference in consideration of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan, Heerlen 26 Oct. 2001]. Van der Laan Modern Primitive, Symposium TU-Delft, 11 June 2002. Cfr. e.g. O. Klijn, ‘Wie schrijft die blijft’, De Architect 31 (Jan. 2001) 16; n.n., ‘Internationaal symposium Hans van der Laan in stadhuis Heer- len’, De Trompetter (10 Oct. 2001); A. Boertjes–D. Kramer, ‘De erfenis van dom. Hans van der Laan (1904–1991)’, Archined (8 Nov. 2001), http://www.archined.nl/ nieuws/de-erfenis-van-dom-hans-van-der-laan-1904–1991 (access 20100522); L.J.M. Tummers, ‘Van der Laan-studiedag in Delft’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 11–13. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 121 to promote his theory. This association, of which the abbot of Abdij St. Benedictusberg is chairman, publishes the periodical Thematismos.477 In Amsterdam a street is named after him, the Dom Van der Laan- straat.478 2008 Saw a renewed interest in Van der Laan with a series of exhibitions in Maastricht.479 During his life Van der Laan had several international contacts. Apart from the contact with Richard Padovan and Christopher Corn- ford, he was in touch with Ivor Prinsloo from South Africa, and with architecture students in Pretoria, Bologna, Paris and Colombia, among others. He constructed abbeys in the Netherlands, Belgium and Swe- den. His books were translated into French, English, German, Italian and Spanish. Exhibitions of his work were not only organised in the Netherlands, but also in England, Germany and Italy. In spite of this moderate international fame, however, his theory remains known only to a relatively small group of scholars.

1.4.3. Death The last months of Van der Laan’s life were not easy.480 As a good monk, he had always lived with the reality of death. He called life, in the words of Dom Delatte, “a muslin which tears easily”.481 St Bene- dict had suggested to his monks “to keep death before one’s eyes daily”.482 Despite his grief he was able to rejoice in the holy deathbed of those who he had known. He often reflected on the mystery of death:

477 Cfr. A. Lenglet, ‘Lectori salutem’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 5–6. Cfr. also Id., ‘Opening Address’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 12–19. 478 Cfr. K. Peterse, Noorderhof, Amsterdam 1999; R. Roos, ‘Luxemburger Rob Krier zet trend: gezellig bouwen’, Trouw (18 Jan. 2000) 15. 479 Cfr. A. Lenglet, Tentoonstelling NAi, Maastricht 23 Feb. 2008 [Unp.]; W. ten Arve, ed., Gids voor de kunstnijverheid, Maastricht 2008; Id., Gids voor het verblijf, Maastricht 2008; Id., Gids voor de tijd, Maastricht 2008; L. Diels, ‘Geen kind van zijn tijd’, Zuiderlucht (Mar. 2008) 14–15; n.n., ‘Van der Laans spirituele architectuur’, De Limburger (1 Mar. 2008) 38; n.n., “U kunt nu een kruisteken maken als u dat wilt”, De Limburger (7 Apr. 2008) 13; n.n., ‘Expositie Van der Laan verlengd’, De Limburger (15 Apr. 2008) 18; n.n., ‘NAi Maastricht toont in ‘Het Menselijk Verblijf ’ werk van architect-monnik Dom van der Laan’, Rkkerk.nl 6 (2008) 169; n.n., ‘De architect als hoeder van de slaap’, De Limburger (30 June 2008) 8. 480 Interview abbot Dom Adrianus Lenglet osb, Vaals 27 Aug. 2007. 481 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19510204: “een neteldoekje dat zonder moeite scheurt”. 482 S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 4,47: “mortem cotidie ante oculos sus- pectam habere”. 122 chapter one

“It is so delightful to await such a truly Christian death as the festive final chord of a life full of grace”.483 However, though he always had admired people who died serenely, in the end he apparently started to doubt and reconsider the conduct of his own life. Around Easter 1991, he wrote a discrete letter to Sam van Embden, saying that it was yet possible to become a Catholic in his old age. All his life Van der Laan had avoided this topic in their relationship, though he had been overjoyed when Van Embden’s wife and children had been baptised long before.484 Now he apparently tried to make up for what he felt was an omission in this respect. In his answer, Van Embden thanked Van der Laan for his sincere intention and expressed his admiration for the monk’s attitude to life. He said that, though he had a strong moral consciousness, he would continue to be a convinced agnostic. In answer, Van der Laan scribbled with a trembling and weak hand: “Sam, you do not know how much you know that which you say not to know”.485 After his confession on Maundy Thursday 1991 Van der Laan wrote that throughout his life he had been occupied with things about which thinkers do not speak and about which doers do not know. As a result he had come up with a work that should bring together the worlds of thinking and doing, but which no one understood and which nobody would use as a foundation. He said that only Dom Roose and Brother Den Biesen understood him.486 This shows something of the struggle he experienced in these last months. Did he realise that even though he always tried to base his activities on the solid ground of his faith, he still had not always been occupied with the essential and the lofty? His struggle calls to mind the words of another thinker just before his death: Saint Thomas Aquinas, after having thought and written all his life, had a vision of the crucified Lord on his deathbed and said

483 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840202: “Het is zo heerlijk zo’n reële christelijke dood als het feestelijke slotaccoord van een leven vol genade tegemoet te zien”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19480215, 19530325, 19530906, 19620904, 19690603, 19720706, 19730604, 19760425, 19790225, 19840410, 19851221, 19860921, 19890520; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19540919, 19701220; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19800603; Letters to N. van der Laan 19851220, 19860716; Letter to T. Stra- winsky 19860920. 484 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19391206; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19811220. 485 Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, 16 Jan. 2007: “Sam, je weet niet hoezeer je wéét hetgeen je zegt niet te weten”. 486 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Br. K. den Biesen 1991 Maundy Thursday. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 123 to his Brother Reginald that all he had written was straw compared to it.487 Van der Laan said two days before his death to his confessor: “nobody has understood me”.488 Was this his interior struggle, preparing to face his Lord and Creator? Had he failed to communicate his deepest thoughts? Did he feel he had been too proud in writing down what he did? Or was his judgement simply darkened by his illness? It will probably never be known for sure. Dom Hans van der Laan died on the 19th of August 1991 in Abdij St. Benedictusberg.489 He was buried in the cemetery of the monastery (see fig. 1.18; C51). In his graveside eulogy, Dom Roose described

487 Cfr. e.g. G.K. Chesterton, ‘St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274)’, The Spectator (27 Feb. 1932) 281. 488 Cfr. Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, Vaals 16 Jan. 2007: “personne ne m’a compris”. 489 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan overleden’, De Limburger (19 Aug. 1991); M. van Rooy, ‘Dom van der Laan 1905–1991. Het ware menselijke verblijf’, NRC (20 Aug. 1991) 8; n.n., ‘Architect/Benedictijn Dom van der Laan (86) in Mamelis overleden’, Limburgs Dagblad (21 Aug. 1991) 17; n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in Mamelis overleden’, De Limburger (21 Aug. 1991) 5; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom van der Laan ontdekte de architectonische ruimte’, De Volkskrant (21 Aug. 1991) 15; N. Swinkels, ‘Inspirator Bossche school op 86–jarige leeftijd overleden. Architect Dom van der Laan een gedreven onderzoeker’, Brabants Dagblad (21 Aug. 1991) 9; F. Lammers, ‘Bouwen en leven als één grote symfonie van sobere lijnen’, Trouw (21 Aug. 1991) 2; n.n., ‘Hans van der Laan overleden’, De Standaard (22 Aug. 1991) 6; n.n., ‘Architect Dom H. van der Laan overleden’, Dagblad voor Noord Limburg (22 Aug. 1991) 13; n.n., ‘‘Het getal dat levend maakt’ in architectuur van Hans van der Laan’, De Limburger (23 Aug. 1991) 9; n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan overleden’, De Standaard (23 Aug. 1991); W. Johannesma, ‘Dom van der Laan gebruikte elke dag het spel van de ruimte’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (23 Aug. 1991) 6; G. van Hoof, ‘Laatste kolom. Grondslagen van de architektuur. Waasmunsters wonderbare Roo- senberg’, De Standaard (24 Aug. 1991) 24; n.n., ‘Dom Van der Laan +’, Bisdomblad ’s-Hertogenbosch 35–36 (30 Aug. 1991); G. Bekaert, ‘In memoriam Dom Hans van der Laan (1905–1991)’, Archis (Sept. 1991, nr. 9) 9; S.J. van Embden, ‘Ordening en eenvoud. Herinneringen aan Dom van der Laan’, Architectuur / Bouwen (1991) nr. 9, 12–13; R. Lantman, ‘Onderstroom’, Ingebed 39 (23 Sept. 1991) 1–2; D. Wylde, ‘Hans van der Laan’, Building Design (27 Sept. 1991) 10; P. Schmid, ‘Dom Van der Laan in memoriam’, Gezond Bouwen & Wonen 5 (4 Oct. 1991) 19; R. Padovan, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’, The Independent (1 Oct. 1991) 27; Id., ‘Obituary’, The Architectural Review (Oct. 1991) 9; D. van der Stouw, ‘Van architectuur naar liturgie’, Nederlands Dagblad (20 Nov. 1991) 9, 11; J.A. van der Does de Willebois, ‘In Memoriam Dom H. van der Laan (1904–1991)’, Bulletin Vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie (Nov. 1991, nr. 49) 27–30; P. Soemers, ‘In memoriam Dom Hans van der Laan’, Monastieke informatie 22 (Nov. 1991) 249–252; n.n., ‘Obituary—Dom Hans van der Laan’, Architec- ture South Africa (Nov.–Dec. 1991) 10; A. Evers, ‘Ter gedachtenis aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Vuur en water 11 (1991, nr. 4) 20–21; A. Bodar, ‘In memoriam Dom H. van der Laan O.S.B.’, Communio 17 (1992) 314–319; W. Graatsma, ‘In Memoriam’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 14–15. 124 chapter one

Fig. 1.18 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, Dom Hans van der Laan in his coffin, expecting to see his heavenly Father (22 Aug. 1991).[Photo: AVdL] how everything Van der Laan ‘touched’ underwent a genuine transformation; that he was always and everywhere seeking the essence and origin of things: Seldom will a man on his final journey on earth have been so personally involved with everything connected to his own funeral: the church and the churchyard, the garden with its gentle slopes, the hood and the coffin, the tombstone and the letters of the inscription. The entire framework in which the liturgy of today is enacted bears the stamp of Fr Hans himself, and I can picture him saying now, looking down on this ‘little world’: ‘thus it is good’, like God at the end of a day of creation.490

490 P. Roose, Preek uitvaart P. Hans van der Laan, Vaals 22 Aug. 1991 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zelden zal iemand bij zijn laatste tocht op aarde zo sterk persoonlijk betrokken zijn geweest bij alles wat met zijn uit-vaart te maken heeft: de kerk en het kerkhof; de tuin met alle glooiingen incluis; de kovel en de kist; de grafsteen en de letters van het inschrift. Het hele kader waarin de liturgie van vandaag zich voltrekt, draagt het stempel van P. Hans zelf, en ik stel mij voor dat hijzelf nu zegt, neerkijkend op dit ‘wereldje’: ‘Het is goed zo’, gelijk God op het einde van een scheppingsdag”. biography of dom hans van der laan osb (1904–1991) 125

1.5. Evaluation

For Van der Laan, his discoveries in the field of architecture were closely connected to his spiritual life. And his study of philosophy and theology contributed to a better understanding of the theory. For example, a commentary by Dom Delatte on St Thomas, combined with his knowledge of Neo-Platonism led to his thinking about God as the final end of creation and the fact that creation is called to return to Him. The following chapters will demonstrate how the core of Van der Laan’s theory was complete in his early years, and only its expression continued to develop. His family and later also his monastic family formed an environment where he was loved and accepted. This environment formed the basis for his creative activity, in which Van der Laan could analyse and think quietly and thus arrive at major conclusions in the fields of architecture and liturgy. Only all these factors taken together explain the depth of his theory. It is both by his faith and the strict rhythm of the monastic life that he was helped to concentrate always on the most essential, which for him started from his being a creature created by a loving God. Though Van der Laan never planned the foundation of the CKA, this was fundamental to the deeper understanding and the development of the theory in the field of architecture. Similarly, the development he recognised himself in his early years, from looking to making and to praying, he later connected with the three fields of nature, culture and liturgy. Throughout his life there was an interaction between these three spheres. Geert Bekaert claimed that Van der Laan’s choice of a monastic life could not be separated from his love for architecture: “By welding together these two concepts, these two realities, cloister and architecture, in a personal adventure, their core, which is one and the same, is laid bare”.491 Others suggested that Van der Laan became a monk because he hoped to find the fundamental principles of architectural form.492 However, although it is true that he was very unsatisfied with

491 G. Bekaert, ‘In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: W. Graatsma– J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 41. 492 Cfr. F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 19; R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 81; F.-W. Kaiser, ‘The Quest for the Real: Religion, Science and Art’, in: Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals- Edinburgh 2000, 62. 126 chapter one the architectural teaching in Delft, this is not the direct reason for his vocation.493 Called by God to be a monk, he entered the monastery with the full conviction that he would never work in architecture again.494 Therefore, one should argue the other way round: because Van der Laan followed his vocation to the monastic life, he was able to develop his theory of architecture. It would have been difficult elsewhere to find the regularity of life and the spiritual background that allowed him to think through his own system with all its hierarchical layers of reality. In this chapter, the alternation between Van der Laan’s exterior activities on the one hand, and his interior life of faith on the other, has come to the fore in an implicit way. Later chapters will more clearly demonstrate the importance of the relation between his exterior and interior life, which ultimately is the basis of the link between matter and Mystery. Because of the close connection with Van der Laan’s own life, frequent reference shall be made to this biographical chapter, when studying his theory in the fields of liturgy, architecture and other plastic forms. Just as his daily activities had an influence on his life of faith, his interior life and the Divine Office were important for his discoveries in other, exterior fields. He was aware that all aspects of reality are interconnected and his life may serve as an example of this. Not only does this become evident in his frequent use of the Fathers, whose writings were read during the liturgical Office, but also in the interaction between the celebration of liturgy and in the design of its external forms. Just as Van der Laan was not interested in the dolce vita, but compared his Roman experience to fasting during Lent, it shall be seen that he carefully chose specific quotations from a work by the Fathers or the tradition of Solesmes, as well as certain experiences from his daily life, on the basis of which he developed the expression of his theory concerning external material forms and their interior origin.

493 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Het menselijk verblijf; grootte, vorm, ruimte’, Plan 8 (1977, nr. 4) 41. 494 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790520. CHAPTER TWO

LITURGY

2.1. Introduction

As a sacristan Van der Laan was responsible for all of the practical preparations of liturgy in the monastery. He was very devoted to this task and told his sister about his fear of forgetting something, as the preparations had to be perfect: “This material integrity is something essential for the beauty of our worship and must please the Holy Angels very much, who never forget anything”.1 Admitting to being forgetful, he claimed he received great assistance from the angels, “at the last moment something always happens to show me how something is lacking and I always graciously thank them immediately”.2 This shows the importance he attributed to the unity between material preparations and the liturgical mystery being celebrated. Van der Laan loved liturgy. It was central to his monastic life and was the underlying principle behind all of his thinking. His letters, in particular, are full of colourful descriptions of liturgical ceremonies.3 For him, the reality of liturgy and his growing interior knowledge of it was the starting point for his theory on other subjects.4 The preceding chapter showed how first his fundamental insight regarding architecture (1929) came to him, followed later by the fundamental discovery of the liturgical and spiritual tradition of Solesmes (1931). Similarly, he first published his books on the theory of architecture (1960, 1977), and only much later his book on liturgy (1985). Although architecture and liturgy should therefore be considered as causae ad invicem, reciprocally influencing

1 H. van der Laan (HvdL), Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19441218: “Cette intégrité matérielle est une chose essentiel pour la beauté de notre culte & doit plaire beaucoup aux SS. Anges qui eux n’oublient jamais quoi que ce soit”. 2 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19441218: “il m’arrive tjrs [toujours, mpr] au dernier instant quelque chose pour m’indiquer qu’il manque qq [quelque, mpr] chose & je leur en remercie tjrs [toujours, mpr] aussitôt avec beaucoup de grâce”. 3 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19441218, 195011, 195103, 19841116; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826. 4 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 195206. 128 chapter two each other, liturgy always provided the great background to everything else, either explicitly or implicitly. Van der Laan’s principal work on liturgy is the 1985 book, Het vormenspel der liturgie (Form-play of liturgy).5 He considered it to be the most refined articulation of his thought, not only because it assembles the results of some 50 years of thinking and writing, but also because it was the preparation for even more important things. Vormenspel is the result of a unique oscillation between his interior life with God and its exterior expression in the form of liturgical objects, buildings, clothing, furniture and so on.6 The book was not solely aimed at encourag- ing the proper celebration of liturgy, which he felt was waning after Vatican II.7 His personal experience from his external activities helped him in his spiritual life and he desired something similar for the readers of his book.8 The importance of his monastic vocation was underlined when he wrote about Vormenspel: “This little book, itself a background to the book on architecture, thus also has a background itself, not of the architect or sacristan which I have always been, but of the monk”.9 The fact that he hardly mentioned this background in his writings on architecture increases the importance of Vormenspel for this study, as it articulates clearly what has not been said elsewhere in such a comprehensive way.10 It is a true compendium, which presents the essence of Van der Laan’s theory in a neatly structured book of less than 100 pages consisting of ten chapters, each of ten sections. It will therefore serve as a synthesis of his thought and as a guide for this research in the presentation of his theory on liturgy. Vormenspel was directly derived from the series of classes entitled Liturgische vormleer (Studies of liturgical form), which Van der Laan

5 Cfr. HvdL, Het vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985 (Henceforward Vormenspel); English trans., The Play of Forms. Nature, Culture and Liturgy, tr. R. Padovan, Leiden 2005; trad. Italiano, La forma. Natura, cultura e liturgia nella vita umana, tr. K. den Biesen, Milano 2000. 6 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19470402; Liturgie en Architectuur, Oosterhout c. 1950 [Unp. draft for a lecture AVdL]; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 7 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19841019. 8 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19810203, 19870326, 19880319; Letters to R. Padovan 19830802, 19871118. 9 HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19870105: “Het kleine boekje, zelf achtergrond van het boek over de architectuur, heeft dus zelf ook nog een achtergrond, nu niet die van de architect of van de koster die ik altijd geweest ben, maar van de monnik”. 10 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19771104; Letter to A. Evers, 19860413; Letter to A. Mertens 19861108. liturgy 129 gave every fortnight to the students of the local Rolduc seminary between 1974 and 1981.11 Each year he updated the course in accordance with his newest insights. His main concern was to give the students an understanding of what liturgical objects are, ‘so that they would naturally gain respect for them’ and he hoped that this would have an effect on their lives.12 The full course consisted of ten classes on liturgical form, followed by five classes on the framework of liturgy: architecture and furniture, vestments, vessels, icons and books.13 The latter five classes were not included in the final version ofVormenspel . Some interesting differences can be observed between the early courses, and the later book. For example, in 1974 Van der Laan began with a definition of liturgy found in the documents of the Second Vatican Council, whereas in Vormenspel he began with a definition by Dom Guéranger. Moreover, in the 1974 course Van der Laan gave significantly more examples from daily monastic life, the Roman liturgy and its accoutrements. Not surprisingly for a seminary course, he also made more frequent use of Latin and of theological references.14 Reading the early text, it is clear that the final formulation of the book was still far away. At the same time all of the essential elements were already in place. He worked on the final edition of Vormenspel between 1977 and 1980.15 Some of his confrères helped him to reshape what he called the ‘clumsily written draft’ into a flowing text.16 He was reluctant to speak to an editor, fearing the book would be too difficult to understand.17 The book was finally published in 1985 by Brill in Leiden. The attractive

11 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer I–XVI, Vaals 1974–1981 [Unp. AVdL]. In the following most quotations come from the first year, 1974–1975 and the last year, 1981 (cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormgeving I–X, Vaals Aug. 1980 [Unp. AVdL]). 12 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 197409; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19741012. 13 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19780328, 19780719. 14 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer I, Vaals 2 Oct. 1974; II, 16 Oct. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 15 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19771104. Much of Vormenspel can already be recognised in HvdL, Liturgische vormleer I–X, Vaals 1977–1978 [Unp. AVdL]: I, 5 Oct. 1977; II, 12 Oct. 1977; III, 2 Nov. 1977; IV, 23 Nov. 1977; V, 7 Dec. 1977; VI, 21 Dec. 1977; VII, 22 Feb. 1978; VIII, 8 Mar. 1978; 22 Mar. 1978; X, 19 Apr. 1978; XI, 18 May 1978; XII, 25 May 1978; Het kerkgebouw, s.l. 3 May 1978 [Unp. AVdL 948]; Liturgische vormgeving I–X, Vaals Aug. 1980 [Unp. AVdL]. 16 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19781031; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19800305; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19810203. 17 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to A. Evers 19860413. 130 chapter two layout of the book was entirely Van der Laan’s work, as was that of his earlier books. He said that Brill’s director, the Anglican Tom A. Edridge, was very much in favour of publication and recommended it strongly to the associate-director before he died in 1981.18 Van der Laan attributed this to the sense of tradition in the social manners of the English: “I believe we are not Anglican enough to discover the value of this train of thought. The English stick to external forms, even though they are hollowed out”.19 Apart from some of Van der Laan’s letters, there is no direct material available to support this claim, but the director must have recognised that Van der Laan’s work had something radically new to offer for the scholarly approach to liturgy and its forms.20 Surprisingly little has been written on Vormenspel, especially when considering the generous amount of articles and books dedicated to Van der Laan’s architectural theory. The reason is probably that most of Van der Laan’s readers are architects, who would not necessarily follow the philosophical and theological trajectory of the book. The only author who wrote about it at any length is Vormenspel’s transla- tor, the English architect Richard Padovan, who had earlier translated De architectonische ruimte to the author’s great satisfaction and with whom he had had a lively correspondence from 1979 until his death.21 Even Padovan, who called himself a non-believer, did not understand Van der Laan’s deepest motivation. He said that Vormenspel “inte- grates architecture within an all-embracing vision of art, of the conduct of human life and our relation to natural creation”, thus ignoring Van der Laan’s deepest desire to reach out to God in liturgy and the interior life.22 Furthermore, Padovan strongly objected to the doctrine that man is made in the image of God and that he is able to reach out to Him with his intellect. He considered this a form of self-deification. This he called blasphemous although it is sound Catholic doctrine, expressed in Genesis and by the Fathers of the Church. He offered a

18 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19861108. Cfr. e.g. S. van der Veen, ed., Brill. 325 Jaar uitgeven voor de wetenschap, Leiden 2008, 171. 19 HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19861108: “Ik geloof dat wij niet genoeg anglikaan zijn om de waarde van de gedachtengang te ontdekken. Engelsen houden aan de uitwendige vormen vast ook al zijn ze uitgehold”. 20 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom N. de Wolf 19800926; Letter to A. Mertens 19861108. 21 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19801002. 22 Cfr. R. Padovan, ‘Reflections on Het Vormenspel: Art, Liturgy and Life’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 47. liturgy 131 dogmatically contrary alternative by saying that one comes to a credible and useful explanation of the world if one admits that “it is not the Christian man who is made in the image of God but the Christian God, with his essentially human values and attributes, who is made in the image of man”.23 He concluded that Van der Laan made his thought accessible by permitting a poetic interpretation of Catholic doctrine. This is in strong contradiction to the monk’s deep faith in the teaching of the Church and his profound desire for Padovan to return to Catholicism.24 Alhough some other reviews managed to see further and, along with Van der Laan, take into account the entire universe of visible and invisible things, they are brief and few in number.25 The Protestant reaction to the book was to refute it on the grounds that it is not entirely based on Scripture.26 The book gave rise to only a few other short reviews.27 This chapter intends to show how the man-made forms of vessels, vestments and architecture all serve in liturgy, where they represent the whole visible world, in an ascending movement towards God. It consists of two parts. The first part will analyse in detail Van der Laan’s thought on liturgy based on Vormenspel. The second part will analyse the evolution of certain central elements of this thought through the study of their chronological development.

23 R. Padovan, ‘Reflections on Het Vormenspel: Art, Liturgy and Life’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 53–54. 24 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19801220, 19840614, 19841005; Letter to N. van der Laan 19831125. 25 Cfr. F. Huiting, ‘Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Benedictijns tijdschrift 46 (1985) 75–77; J. van der Does de Willebois, ‘Liturgie en beschaving’, Bulletin Vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie (Mar. 1985, nr. 35) 8–10; Id., ‘Boekbespreking. Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Bulletin Vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie (Nov. 1985, nr. 36) 29–33; T. Tromp, ‘Dom van der Laan over liturgie’, Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans11 (June 1986) 22–25. 26 Cfr. W. Baan, ‘Van natuur tot liturgie?’, ELK 21 (17 Nov. 1985) 10–11; HvdL, Letter to W. Baan 198511. 27 Cfr. A. Verheul, ‘Dom H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, TvL 70 (1986) 351; J. Doelman, ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Prisma- Lectuurvoorlichting (1986); G.M. Lukken, ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Tijdschrift voor theologie 26 (1986, nr. 1) 98; E. von Severus, ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 1 (1987) 114–115; n.n., ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Praktische theologie (1987) 79; J. Ambaum, ‘Laan, Johannes van der: Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Theologische Revue 6 (1987) 497–498; P. Tavella, ‘Hans van der Lann [sic], La forma. Natura, cultura e liturgia nella vita umana’, Ecclesia Orans 18 (2001) 106–107. 132 chapter two

2.2. Vormenspel: compendium, synthesis, and guide

2.2.1. Two definitions In Vormenspel, two definitions of liturgy play a central role. Given their fundamental importance they will be briefly studied in their historical context. It is notable that Van der Laan’s thought, though largely developed before the Second Vatican Council, coincides broadly with the teaching of the Council. The same can be noted for his plastic designs in Vaals Abbey, partly constructed before Vatican II. These are completely suited to the Novus Ordo for the liturgy that was introduced after the Council with the Roman Missal of 1969 and which brought a certain number of changes to the way liturgy was celebrated. Van der Laan started his treatise on liturgy by quoting the definition of liturgy by his great spiritual father and founder of Solesmes Abbey, Dom Prosper Guéranger: Considered generally, liturgy is the entirety of symbols, hymns and actions by which the Church manifests and expresses its worship of God.28 This is the opening phrase of the Institutions liturgiques, a work with which Dom Guéranger intended to unify the liturgical practice of the Church by focusing on the Roman liturgy. For him, only the Roman liturgy was without any error because it went back to the most ancient tradition and its antiquity opposed the novelty of the heretics.29 It was his intention to write a Summa, though he did not get further than a critique of the Gallican liturgy. Still, the book had a great effect as

28 P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 1: “La liturgie considérée en général, est l’ensemble des symboles, des chants et des actes au moyen desquels l’Eglise exprime et manifeste sa religion envers Dieu”. Quoted in e.g.: HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Samenvatting, Breda 13 Mar. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 55–56; ‘Openbare les over liturgie en Architec- tuur gehouden op 5 oktober 1963 door Dom van der Laan’, KB 21 (1963) 500; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 4; ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 16; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgie en architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 470; Abdij Roosenberg, Waasmunster 15 June 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (I,1) 7; (IV,7) 39. 29 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 200, 399–400. liturgy 133 in less than 40 years the Roman liturgy was introduced in all French dioceses and Solesmes Abbey became the centre of the renewal of liturgy and of Gregorian chant.30 Dom Guéranger claimed to work in line with the historical definitions of liturgy by Muratori,31 Gallicioli,32 and Zaccaria,33 but he tried to make his definition more detailed and precise, emphasising both the role of the Church and that of religion.34 According to him, liturgy is a social act of religion, which offers something more than just private prayer. It is the highest expression of the intelligence of the Church, executed in direct communication with God in confession, prayer and praisegiving. Unlike Van der Laan, Dom Guéranger did not make an immediate connection with the external forms of liturgy, but started with prayer, underlining the role of the Church. Though for some Dom Guéranger’s definition would also seem to be applicable to a temple, a synagogue or a mosque, Van der Laan held that these buildings would indeed be churches, if their religion was the true one, ‘for Christ alone saves people’.35 Thus for him the term ‘church’ was applicable only to Christian buildings. For Van der Laan’s way of thinking, Dom Guéranger’s definition was of fundamental relevance and throughout the years he very often made reference to it. For example, in 1944 he wrote: “Liturgical gestures are means by which the Holy Church expresses and reveals her religion,

30 Cfr. R.E.V. Stuip—C. Vellekoop, De middeleeuwen in de negentiende eeuw, Hilversum 1996, 104. 31 Cfr. L.A. Muratori, De origine sacrae Liturgiae. Liturgia Romana vetus, t. I, Venetiae 1748, 1: “Ratio colendi Deum Verum, per externos legitimos ritus, tum ad illius honorem testandum, tum ad ipsius in homines beneficia derivanda”. (“The way to worship the True God by means of legitimate external rites, both in order to testify to his honour and to derive its benefices for men”). 32 Cfr. J.B. Gallicioli, Isagoge institutionum liturgicarum, t. IX, Venetiae 1772, 153: “Ast omnium percelebris huius nominis acceptio est, qua cultus Deo tributus monstratur, is praesertim, qui non ex privata cuiusque sententia, sed ex communi ratione legitime institutus usurpatur”. (“This is nevertheless the most widespread interpretation of all concerning this term, by which the worship of God is meant, especially that worship, mainly as something that has not been instituted by the private opinion of a person, but is celebrated as something that has been instituted by common reason”). 33 Cfr. F.A. Zaccaria, Onomasticon Rituale selectum, t. I, Faënza 1787, 191: “Omnis Dei cultus Ecclesiae auctoritate constitutus”. (“Every worship of God that has been instituted by the authority of the Church”). 34 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. IV, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782 , 292. 35 Cfr. G. van Hoof—A. Mertens, ‘Wederdoper der architektuur bouwde in Vaals abdijkerk’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971); HvdL, Liturgische vormleer IX, Vaals 22 Mar. 1978. 134 chapter two just as with singing, the word and many symbols”.36 He hastened to add that Christians also know signs which are more than signs, the Sacraments. A good example of Van der Laan having completely adopted Dom Guéranger’s definition is a lecture in Breda, where he said that “worship is the entirety of external things with which the Holy Church expresses her religion, her adoration. There is something for all the senses: sight, hearing, taste, smell and feeling”.37 As usual, he did not consider it necessary to indicate the source of this definition. He demonstrated even more clearly to have thoroughly embraced the Guérangerian definition when he wrote thirty years later in the style of Vormenspel: “In liturgy we encounter the entirety of words, actions and objects that master our daily life, but in a reduced form, that is, reduced to a few typical words, a few typical gestures, a few typical objects”.38 This quotation shows how Dom Guéranger’s definition has been entirely integrated into Van der Laan’s hierarchical view of created reality. Where Dom Guéranger only spoke of the objects of liturgy, Van der Laan added their humble provenance, which is key to the integration of liturgical forms in the totality of the created world. This allowed him to conclude in Vormenspel that liturgy is broadly a system of external forms: meaningful objects, cultivated words and conscious gestures. Though the same forms are encountered in cultural life and in society, only in liturgy do “these forms serve to express people’s shared communion with God; in other words, worship”.39 Thus the importance of these forms is underlined. Van der Laan usually explained his definition of liturgy by referring to the Incarnation. Note that in the tradition of Solesmes, ‘Incarnation’ stands for the entire mystery of salvation in all its phases, thus also

36 HvdL, Over der schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar, Oosterhout 1944, 47 [Unp. AVdL] (henceforward Schoonheid): “De liturgische gebaren nu zijn middelen waardoor de H. Kerk haar godsdienst tot uitdrukking brengt & openbaart, evenals de zang, het woord & tal van symbolen”. 37 HvdL, Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]: “De eredienst is een geheel van uitwendige dingen, waarin de H. Kerk haar Godsdienst, haar aanbidding tot uitdrukking brengt. Voor alle zintuigen is er iets aanwezig: gezicht, gehoor, smaak, reuk en gevoel”. Cfr. also HvdL, Over Liturgie I, Delft 27 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. 38 HvdL, ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 477: “Het geheel van woorden, handelingen en voorwerpen dat ons dagelijks leven beheerst vinden wij terug in de liturgie, maar dan in een gereduceerde vorm, dat wil zeggen, teruggebracht tot enkele typische woorden, enkele typische handelingen, enkele typische voorwerpen”. 39 HvdL, Vormenspel (I,1) 7: “deze vormen dienen tot het uitdrukken van een geza- melijke relatie van mensen met God, van een godsdienst”. liturgy 135 including the Cross, the Resurrection, and the Ascension, as well as the Holy Spirit, the Church and the communion of the saints.40 To this must be added the sacramentals and indeed every element of creation. Dom Guéranger wrote, for example: “I identified the dogma of the Incarnation as the centre around which I had to gather everything, and the dogma of the Church included in that of the Incarnation”.41 This inclusive view of the Incarnation allowed Van der Laan to say: “The mystery of the Incarnation and everything which is connected to it is expressed and revealed in liturgy by a divine institution, of which the Church has custody (Do this in memory of me)”.42 It is through this institution that religion, of which Christ is the principle, is expressed, replaced and renewed in an adequate way in liturgy. The conclusion that the entirety of liturgical forms is involved in liturgy is fundamental. Van der Laan connected this conclusion to the importance placed on external forms in what Dom Guéranger called ‘l’esprit de l’Incarnation’ (the spirit of the Incarnation), which was central to the spirituality of Solesmes. In the first chapter of Vormenspel, Van der Laan quoted another definition: Therefore liturgy is justly considered as the exercise of the priesthood of Jesus Christ, in which the sanctification of human beings is signified by sensorily perceptible signs (signa sensibilia), and is effected in a way which corresponds with each of these signs; in liturgy the whole public worship (integer cultus) is performed by the mystical Body of Jesus Christ, that is, by the Head and His members.43

40 Cfr. P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Règle de saint Benoit, Paris 1913, 193110, 403–404. 41 P. Guéranger, Note autobiographique 62 [Unp. Archives de Solesmes]: “j’entrevis le dogme de l’Incarnation comme centre auquel je devais tout rapporter, et le dogme de l’Eglise renfermé dans celui de l’Incarnation”. 42 HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur III, Hoeven 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het mysterie van de Menswording en alles wat daarmee samenhangt, wordt door een goddelijke instelling, waarvan de Kerk de bewaarster is (Hoc facite in meam commemorationem), uitgedrukt en geopenbaard in de liturgie”. 43 Conc. Vaticanum II, Const. Sacrosanctum Concilium, Rome 1963, n. 7, in: AAS 56 (1964) 100–101: “Merito igitur Liturgia habetur veluti Iesu Christi sacerdotalis muneris exercitatio, in qua per signa sensibilia significatur et modo singulis proprio efficitur sanctificatio hominis, et a mystico Iesu Christi Corpore, Capite nempe eiusque membris, integer cultus publicus exercetur”. Reference to this definition is made in Vormenspel on pages (I,2) 8–9, (VI,3) 55, (IX,2) 84, (IX,7) 87–88, (X,9) 101 and an allusion in (V,5) 47–48. (V,10) 52 Refers in a more general way to the guidelines and institution for the renewal of liturgy given by the Second Vatican Council. It is further 136 chapter two

This is the definition of the Second Vatican Council in its Constitu- tion on liturgy, Sacrosanctum Concilium, which speaks of the signa sensibilia (perceptible signs) of liturgy and of the integer cultus (complete worship). According to Schmidt, this section is among the most important articles of the Constitution, if not the most important.44 Van der Laan used the definition for the first time in a lecture in 1969. He said that one cannot speak of liturgy without simultaneously involving both the highest, God Himself, and the most humble aspect of earthly creation: “Without ordinary human existence, liturgy is completely incomprehensible, just as human existence likewise becomes incomprehensible without liturgy”.45 He reminded his listeners of the Rule of St Benedict, who urged his monks to treat the ordinary objects in monastic life like sacred vessels, for ‘when liturgy is given its central place, it adds a special lustre to every aspect of human life’.46 The earthly liturgy is played out between the two poles of created matter and the mystery of the uncreated spirit. Liturgy then is the worship due to God, which on earth is exercised by means of signa sensibilia. The definition from Sacrosanctum Concilium was given an important place in Vormenspel, because it so neatly confirms Van der Laan’s idea that there are two aspects in worship, human salvation and divine honour, which are “signified and actuated by means of outward signs”.47 For him this definition was a further refinement of Dom Guéranger’s.48 However, he hardly ever referred to the theologically essential aspect of salvation, considering this to be included in his definition of the Incarnation. His only real interest in the definition of Sacrosanctum Concilium was the reference to the signa sensibilia, which he saw as the entirety of symbols, hymns and actions of liturgy which Dom quoted in e.g. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 4; ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 17; Abdij Roosenberg, Waasmunster 15 June 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; Zeven dagen voorbereiding op de priesterwijding, 7–13 Sept. 1979 [Unp. AVdL]. 44 Cfr. H. Schmidt, Constitutie over de heilige liturgie. Tekst, genese, kommentaar, documentatie, Antwerpen 1964, 158. 45 HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 6: “Zonder het gewone menselijke bestaan is de liturgie volkomen onbegrijpelijk, zoals trouwens ook dat menselijk bestaan onbegrijpelijk wordt zonder liturgie”. 46 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 31,10; HvdL, De liturgie VII, Amster- dam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]. 47 HvdL, Vormenspel (I,2) 9: “door middel van uitwendige tekens uitgedrukt en bewerkt”. 48 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 15. liturgy 137

Guéranger referred to, and the form of which is the subject of most of Van der Laan’s work. By doing so he laid the definition of Sacro- sanctum Concilium on Procrustes’ bed, seeking to match it with his own thought. Thus the discovery of Dom Guéranger’s definition in this text may be seen mainly as the result of his wishful thinking. Note that, unlike Sacrosanctum Concilium, Van der Laan did not mention the essential dimensions of the interior life (faith, hope and love) and works of charity. One must conclude that the Vatican II definition does not bring anything truly new to Van der Laan’s theory, and that it serves more to illustrate and confirm it. He probably quoted it mainly for its authority. This shows that what he learned in his youth, had a great impact on his later thought. The fact that the definition by Dom Guéranger was integrated into Van der Laan’s theory may serve as an indication that his thought had not significantly changed since the early years, though its articulation and its specifics continued to develop. However, the reference to the signa sensibilia also made the second definition very useful to Van der Laan, who frequently referred to it after 1969.

2.2.2. Nature, society and liturgy With the two essential definitions of liturgy as a basis, now it is time to follow Van der Laan step by step in his hierarchical approach to reality. It starts with created natural forms, a fraction of which are adapted by society, and a further fraction of these, in turn, are refined for their use in liturgy.49 By shedding the light of the intellect over natural forms, these are crowned by cultural forms. In turn, both are crowned by liturgical forms which spread the light of faith over them.50 Van der Laan saw a direct link between the three form-worlds of nature, society and liturgy, and three subsequent periods of his life. In his youth he discovered the beauties of nature, later he encountered society and in the monastery he came into contact with liturgy.51 All three form-worlds stem from nature as created by God, and all three are needed for a true vision of liturgy. Each of them is subdivided into three form-types. From his youth, Van der Laan analysed whatever he

49 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VIII,2) 74. 50 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (V,2) 45. 51 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319. 138 chapter two saw and encountered in daily life and, if useful, gave it a place in his theory of the ‘hierarchy’ of forms.52 It was often not the context of a quotation he was interested in, but its direct usefulness for his own thinking and conclusions. He must have learned this study-method especially from the Fathers, whose works were read over and again in the monastery, though the same occurs in the Scholastics. For example, though the signa sensibilia have been given an important place in Vormenspel, Van der Laan did not consider them an end in themselves. They are necessary for knowing and discovering God in daily life and above all as a continuation of the Incarnation. The first pages of Vormenspel give evidence of the two major rhetorical tools Van der Laan used. Analogical reasoning, which he recognised both in the Gospels and in the Fathers of the Church, was very was important to him. Analogy was part of classical seminary training and is based on the fact that man knows certain things by means of the knowledge of other things.53 Van der Laan identified two movements of the intellect: firstly the causal connection that is found by developing a sensory image by way of reasoning and deduction (‘because’) in order to arrive at knowledge of the truth; secondly the analogous relation between things (‘just as’), where the sensory image serves as an intermediary between the intellect and the world, preparing man for his role as an intermediary between Creator and creation.54 For Van der Laan, without this second way of thinking, “a liturgy entirely built upon signs is incomprehensible, for these signs are all based on analogies”.55 He concluded that, even though liturgical forms remain rooted in natural forms, they are still capable of signify- ing and actualising the mysteries of faith. In his last chapter, he added a third movement of the intellect, giving rise to some complicating questions, which shall be studied below. The second rhetorical tool is the distinction between foreground and background. It is only because of the comparative formlessness of the background that man can see an object. What in a first reflection is regarded as an object becomes in a further reflection the back-

52 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Schoonheid, 27 [Unp. AVdL]. 53 Cfr. e.g. A. de Witte, Analogie, Roermond-Maaseik n.d., 23. 54 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (II,10) 23. 55 HvdL, Vormenspel (V,8) 50: “een liturgie die geheel uit tekens is opgebouwd [is, mpr] niet verstaanbaar, want deze tekens steunen alle op analogieën”. liturgy 139 ground for a new object. Thus one can see the totality of cultural forms delineated against the background of natural forms, and then these two form-worlds serve as a background for liturgical forms. This is the basis for Van der Laan’s layered approach, zooming in and out, discovering a complete palette of forms, as if opening and ordering a Russian Matruska doll. For example, he used the Scottish tartan— which he also applied as ornamentation on chasubles—to explain the hierarchy of foreground and background in architecture and liturgy.56 In the tartan pattern he recognised narrow and broad lines, which seem to lie on top of each other, forming a hierarchical network. Note the parallel with the Christian Neo-Platonic and Scholastic approach to reality, where different levels can be recognised that are all interconnected. Padovan referred to the importance of figure-ground perception to the Gestalt psychologists of the 1920s.57 But these theories were probably unknown to Van der Laan, who never referred to them. Note that they do not take into account the hierarchical process by which he was able to zoom in and out between the different form-worlds, nor do they allow for the transcendence to the invisible. To use an analogy, Van der Laan’s layered mode of proceeding is like the progressively expanding circular pattern on the surface of a calm lake when a stone is thrown in the water, gradually involving the entire surface in a self-controlled turmoil of waves. He similarly proceeded step by step from the contemplation of one single stone to the involvement of all that is visible and invisible. One discovery was the basis for the next step, which then in turn formed the background for the following step. Thus the resemblance between the three form- worlds of nature, society and liturgy, can be recognised on a minor scale in the relations between the three form-types that exist within each of these worlds. For example, Van der Laan recognised that liturgical and monumental forms have a similar role in their respective triads or complexes. His approach may be summarised in a layered and hierarchical scheme which includes all of the visible world:

56 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720; De architectonische dispositie IV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Mar. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 Nov. 1968, 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 7–8; Letter to R. Padovan 19860428; Letter to K. de Haan 19860503. 57 Cfr. R. Padovan, ‘Reflections on Het Vormenspel: Art, Liturgy and Life’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 57. 140 chapter two

Form-worlds Form-types Human necessity Signa sensibilia in time (words) Liturgical forms Signa sensibilia in time & space (gestures) Church, vestments, vessels Signa sensibilia, external signs (objects)

Monumental forms (intellect to intellect)

Expressive forms (matter to intellect) –Level of matter (material existence) Cultural forms House, clothing, crockery –Level of form (senses) –Level of size (intellect)

Functional forms (matter to matter)

Animal life Natural forms Vegetal life Shelter, covering, food Inanimate earth

Van der Laan’s division of reality into groups of three should come as no surprise. Certain Fathers of the Church and especially Pseudo- Dionysius recognised the Neo-Platonic pattern of three classes, three functions and three levels in the celestial and ecclesiastical hierarchy. Combined with his Neo-Thomistic training, these sources strongly influenced his thought. This also explains a certain ambiguity in the use of the concept of the signa sensibilia. Van der Laan oscillated between a Christian Neo-Platonic and a more Thomistic approach where the relation between the natural and the supernatural is concerned. For the early Fathers and Pseudo-Dionysius, signum (sign) and res (that which the sign refers to) were interwoven and the same could be said for nature and the supernatural. Thomism on the other hand applied more of a distinction between signum (e.g. Baptism) and res (e.g. the grace of Baptism) and thus between nature and the supernatural. Van der Laan sometimes applied a distinction and at other times took a more gradual approach to the realities of nature and the supernatural. For him, at the moment of the celebration of liturgy on earth, the community temporarily joins in the heavenly liturgy which continuously praises God with all the angels and saints. Thus, when he spoke of signa sensibilia, which for him were the forms of liturgy, these refer to the invisible and supernatural reality of heaven, and at the same time actualise it (partly) in the earthly liturgy. This ambiguity should be kept in mind when studying Van der Laan. liturgy 141

Natural forms Van der Laan found most of his information concerning natural forms in the biblical story of creation (Gen. 1–2), which his sister Jo used to tell him. Natural forms are an external given with which man has to interact. He recognised his own layered mode of proceeding in a text from St Gregory of Nyssa: “The Word teaches us that God approached the creation of humankind in a specific way, following an orderly progression from one thing to the next”.58 St Gregory analysed the whole structure of creation, first by distinguishing between material things (visibilia) and the angels (invisibilia). Subsequently he divided material things into dead and living matter. The latter was further divided into the vegetative and the sensate life of animals. Lastly, it is in the intellect that St Gregory saw the difference between animals and humans. This was later affirmed by St Augustine: “We share being with the stones, life with the plants, feeling with the animals and knowing with the angels”.59 In order to rise above the level of purely created nature, vegetative life and animal instinct, man depends on his intellect. Though he lives upon the earth, he is not like the stones, which lie still when they fall. Man is alive; he stands erect like trees and moves around like animals. The great difference with the latter is that animals are limited to their instinct but man, in his intellect, is free to go wherever he desires.60 It is through his senses that he makes contact with the visible things around him and derives the interior images on which he bases his intellectual knowledge. Van der Laan used his favourite rhetorical tool in what he called ‘the great analogy’, where he presented man as the link between Creator and creation. Created in the image and likeness of God, man reflects Him to all creation, but considered as a micro-cosmos, with respect to God he forms a condensed image of the whole of creation.61 Van der Laan quoted the Dutch poet Joost van den Vondel (1587–1679) saying that man portrays in miniature on earth that which is reflected at full size in the

58 HvdL, Vormenspel (II,2) 17. Cfr. S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione, in: PG XLVI, 57, Paris 1863: “ὁδῷ τινι καὶ τάξεως ἀκολουθίᾳ πρὸς τὴν ἀνθροποιῒαν ὁρμῆσαι τὸ Θεῖον διηγεϊται ὁ λόγος”. 59 S. Augustinus, Sermo XLIII, 4, in: CLL XLI, 509; HvdL, Vormenspel (II,3) 19; (X,2) 94: “Habemus . . . ipsum esse cum lignis et lapidibus, vivere cum arboribus, sentire cum bestiis, intellegere cum angelis”. 60 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (II,5) 19. 61 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (II,6) 20. 142 chapter two whole universe.62 Man learns about his relation to God in his interaction with the visible world, for this resembles the interaction of God with all of creation. Van der Laan explained this ‘great analogy’ with a quotation from Pseudo-Dionysius, who affirmed that “an intellect such as ours can rise to the immaterial conception and contemplation proper to the celestial hierarchies only by allowing itself to be guided towards it by way of the material things that lie within its reach”.63 As was his wont, Van der Laan did not explore the context of the quotation, which was used without further discussion. Unlike the instinct of animals, man must use his intellect and choose his goal as well as the way to reach it.64 He gave evidence of his layered approach when he concluded that the aim of man’s sensory contact with the forms of nature is twofold: it serves to form interior images that guide his actions and movements, unlike the instinctive acting of animals, and secondly it serves to retain these images in his memory and imaginative faculty for later intellectual development. Furthermore, it is through his faith that man is able to transcend both matter and intellect towards a still higher world. Thus, he is first absorbed into the natural order, subsequently into a cultural order and “finally, as Christians we are absorbed into a liturgical order, through which we communicate with beings that stand above us in the hierarchy of creation: with angels, who are pure spirit, and with God, the Creator himself”.65 Man needs to live in all three worlds in order for his interior life to grow.

Cultural forms For Van der Laan, it is not nature in itself that is most important, but what man does with it. It is the human intellect that allowed him to move to the level of cultural forms (vormen van de maatschappij), the

62 Cfr. J. van den Vondel, Bespiegelingen van Godt en godtsdienst, Amsterdam 1662, ed.: J.J. Zeij, Bespiegelingen van God en Godsdienst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1936, 9 [GGG nr. 528]. 63 HvdL, Vormenspel (II,8) 22; (X,7) 99. Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De coelesti hierarchia, I, 3, in: SC, 58, 72, Paris 1958: “ἐπεὶ μηδὲ δυνατόν ὲστι τῷ καθ’ ἡμᾶς νοῒ πρὸς τὴν ἄϋλον ἐκείνην ἀναταθῆναι τῶν οὐρανίων ἱεραρχιῶν μίμησίν τε καὶ θεωρίαν, εἰ μὴ τῇ κατ’ αὑτὸν ὑλαίᾳ χειραγωγίᾳ”. Cfr. also e.g. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De ecclesiastica hierarchia, I,2, in: PG III, 373. 64 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (III,1) 25. 65 HvdL, Vormenspel (I,6) 12–13: “Als christenen tenslotte zijn we bovendien opgenomen in een liturgisch bestel, waardoor wij communiceren met wezens die in de hiërarchie der schepping boven ons staan: met engelen, die zuiver geest zijn en met God, de schepper zelf”. liturgy 143 things man makes himself. Note that the Dutch word ‘maatschappij’ means ‘society’ and that ‘maatschappelijk’ means ‘societal’ or ‘social’ in the sense of ‘pertaining to society’. Thus there is no moral conno- tation to the word. Padovan translated ‘maatschappelijk’ as ‘cultural’, which is slightly different, but it comes closest to what Van der Laan intended to say. For Van der Laan the first things man needs in order to integrate into nature are food, clothing and shelter, to which must be added the tools to make them. He found the basis for these three categories in Scripture: “The necessities of life are water, bread, and clothing, and also a house to assure privacy” (Sir. 29:21).66 These categories, which Van der Laan used over and again in his examples, are the essential intermediary forms that are designed to reach a harmony between the human body and nature. For the making of these forms, man depends on nature in two ways: first the necessary material must be extracted from the earth or from living things and secondly, man needs the forms of nature for his intellectual development. The parallel that Padovan saw with the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, for whom these basic things also became ‘bonnes à penser’ is interesting, though it is improbable that Van der Laan would have been familiar with him.67 It is a paradox that man only learns how to make things by making them. Note that for Van der Laan, man’s ‘making’ is no genuine creation, but rather a reshaping of an element of the created world.68 He recognised that the form of a man-made object serves both a physical and a mental purpose: it must be both functional and expressive. An example of his layered Russian doll approach is his distinction within the cultural form-world between functional forms, in which the stress is placed on physical purpose, and expressive forms, which lay emphasis on their mental aim to inform the intellect about the physical purpose. He underlined how important it is for human communication to give sufficient attention to the expressiveness of the form when

66 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Toorenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsbur- gerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 98–104; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Jan. & 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Oog en Al, Utrecht 29 Jan. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19680926; Inwijding van het huis van Dr. Van der Eerden, Nieuwenhagen 26 June 1977 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to C. Mon- taigne 1953; Vormenspel (VI,5) 56. 67 Cfr. R. Padovan, ‘Reflections on Het Vormenspel: Art, Liturgy and Life’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 200, 50. 68 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IV,1) 35. 144 chapter two designing objects for daily use.69 Moreover, for the communication from intellect to intellect man needs to make use of material things as an intermediary: sounds, movements or objects. Where things first assumed the subtle form of mental images based on sense experience, now these images are converted by the intellect into signs. For Van der Laan, these are monumental forms or signs, which serve purely for communication between intellects. It is through the cultural order that all of creation is represented and made intelligible to man.

Liturgical forms All the above is a preparation for the analysis of liturgical forms, which play a role in the communication between God and man. In his ‘great analogy’, Van der Laan considered the small cycle of human ‘making’, in which the form of the things made returns as information to the intellect, as the analogical counterpart of the great cycle of creation and redemption, which issues from God in order to return to Him.70 He expressed the essence of l’esprit de l’Incarnation of Solesmes when he said that genuine interior prayer brings man into direct contact with God through the contact with the things around him. He considered this to be the archetypal form of liturgy, for as soon as prayer becomes collective, specific external forms or signs become necessary. Just as man uses signs to express his interior images to others, in his collective communication with God “the great real image of creation represented to us by the cultural form-world must acquire an independent existence in a supreme sign, which we call liturgy”.71 As functional and expressive forms are completed by monumental forms or signs for the purpose of human communication, it is for the collective communication with God that these forms are complemented by the form-world of liturgy. As such, Van der Laan considered the liturgical form-world as an abbreviation of the entire world of cultural forms. In liturgy, ordinary things become signs, retaining their normal appearance as houses, garments and utensils. But as they serve to communicate with God, they receive a wholly new significance and are set apart from ordinary life. Van der Laan considered liturgy in its entirity to

69 Cfr. HvdL Vormenspel (III,6) 30. 70 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IV,2) 36. 71 HvdL, Vormenspel (IV,5) 38: “het grote reële beeld der schepping dat ons in de maatschappelijke vormenwereld gepresenteerd wordt, [moet, mpr] een zelfstandig bestaan krijgen in een supreem teken, dat wij liturgie noemen”. liturgy 145 be a sign. Thus he could conclude: “Precisely because in liturgy the completion of nature, with its ever-changing circumstances, does not apply, these cultural forms can be raised to a pure universality”.72 This conclusion allowed him to make the distinct natural, cultural and monumental forms blur together into one great background, that of liturgy, which in turn should help man to see an even more universal reality: that of heaven.

2.2.3. Functional, expressive and monumental forms

Functional forms: embryo of the signa sensibilia An essential element of Van der Laan’s thought is that nature is too big for man to comprehend: “From the unlimited matter of nature we take only a limited part for our artefacts, and we reshape the arbitrary form of this limited piece of matter into one of the few forms we can readily distinguish”.73 Thus it is by ‘limiting’ the natural forms and cultivating them into functional forms that they are made intelligible to man. Architecture should similarly be considered a way to ‘limit’ natural forms by means of cultural forms. Unlike animals, this necessary human limitation does not restrict man to a single choice, like a bird which knows how to make only one form of nest. In music man builds up his entire musical repertoire with the limited ‘toolbox’ of the eight notes of the octave. Similarly, it will be seen that Van der Laan in his books on architecture introduced a system of eight measures, which served as his ‘toolbox’ in designing forms. Though the form of the artefacts made by man is inferior to that of created things, they still play a superior role among the forms of nature.74 This is because of the witness they bear to the human intellect, which transcends the rest of creation. Man is called to complete nature by adding artefacts which help him to sustain his life. However, he is not like God, who can create ex nihilo. Human ‘making’ is always a re-making of an existing natural given, from which man derives a

72 HvdL, Vormenspel (IV,8) 41: “Juist omdat in de liturgie dit aanvullen van de natuur naar aanleiding van de wisselende omstandigheden niet aan de orde is, kunnen deze maatschappelijke vormen tot een zuivere algemeenheid worden opgevoerd”. 73 HvdL, Vormenspel (VI,4) 55–56: “Aan de onbeperkte materie van de natuur ont- trekken wij slechts een beperkt deel voor onze eigengemaakte dingen, en de willekeurige vorm die deze beperkte materie aanneemt, vervormen wij tot een van de weinige voor ons overzichtelijk vormen”. 74 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VI,2) 54. 146 chapter two limited range of material, forms and sizes. Thus when it comes to artefacts, art and nature should go hand in hand. Art being an expression of the intellect, for Van der Laan it is the intellect that links art and nature. Though not quoted, the ancient motto ‘ars imitatur naturam’ (art imitates nature) resounds here, just as the idea of man as a co- creator. Van der Laan gave evidence of both his inventive argumenta- tive skill and his layered approach when he said that this union of art and nature expresses the relationship between the whole artificial order and the natural one. From this he went on to form an image of the ultimate relationship between humanity and its Creator. As such, he claimed that human artefacts bear witness to the relationship between God and man. These artefacts are a first step towards liturgical form, and thus Van der Laan considered them to be ‘the embryo of the signa sensibilia’ of which Sacrosanctum Concilium speaks75.

Expressive forms: background and foreground Van der Laan called expressive forms “the culmination of a long preparation of the treasury of the natural forms for our intellectual use”.76 These expressive forms were natural forms that were able to speak to the human intellect. For him the seventh chapter of Vormenspel on expressive forms was of the utmost importance, even though in his opinion, very few people recognised this.77 Note that originally it was his intention to add five more chapters to the book, so that, like the seventh chapter of De architectonische ruimte, the chapter on expressive forms would literally have been the central chapter.78 Van der Laan recognised that man-made objects are not only functional. He considered the expressive power of a form, added to its functionality, to be of the utmost importance: “Within the cultural order a cycle exists between a functional form and an expressive form that presents us with an intelligible image of the function”.79 He reacted against the

75 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VI,3) 55. 76 HvdL, Vormenspel (VIII,3) 75: “het eindpunt van een lange voorbereiding der natuurlijke vormenschat op ons verstandelijk gebruik”. 77 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19820601; Letter to A. Mertens 19861108; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19851226. 78 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19800811, 19810808, 19830224; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19780328; Letter to W. Lockefeer 19830406. 79 HvdL, Vormenspel (IV,6) 38: “In het maatschappelijk bestel heeft een kringloop plaats tussen een functionele vorm en een expressieve vorm die ons van de functie een beeld geeft”. Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,2) 63. liturgy 147 subjective nature of what he called ‘false expression’, which is based on the individual feeling of the maker and for which the form of the artefact only serves as a medium. As in his architecture, Van der Laan advocated objective expression in form making: “The more highly our skills are developed, the more universal the forms of our artefacts will appear, and the fewer traces will survive in them of the individual maker”.80 He claimed that great civilisations have always searched for the objective expression which proceeds from the artefact itself. In line with this, he quoted St Benedict, who urged his monks to sing the psalms in such a way that their intellect would be in harmony with their voices and not the other way round.81 Van der Laan distinguished three levels of expression: the material level, the level of form and the level of size. These are fundamental elements of his theory of architecture. The level of matter corresponds to the material existence of man. Here Van der Laan contrasted the outside of nature and the inside of the house. Within the house a further subdivision into inside and outside is possible.82 In his layered approach, one forms a background for the other. In the same way the natural form of the body serves as background for clothing, and the same relation is repeated when an overgarment is set off against the ‘background’ of the undergarment. The level of form corresponds to the sensory faculties of man, who can only perceive a form against a relatively formless background, which is in the first place the formless space of nature. In turn, on a smaller scale, this form becomes the background for a new determination of form. Van der Laan gave the example of a Greek vase, the form of which is delineated against the wall as a background. In turn the form of the the painted figures on the vase is delineated against the background of the vase itself.83 The level of size corresponds to the human intellect. This is used in measuring, which is another way to limit the originally unlimited extension of nature. Each part of a measurement can be seen “as a limited size against the background of the relative limitlessness that we

80 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,3) 63: “Hoe hoger [onze productieve vermogens, mpr] ontwikkeld zijn, hoe universeler de vormen der maaksels zich zullen voordoen en hoe minder sporen in het maaksel zullen achterblijven van de individuele maker”. 81 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 19,7; HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,3) 64. 82 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,4) 65. 83 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X,3) 95. 148 chapter two attribute to the whole”.84 In turn, such a part becomes the background for an even more limited part. When a part is no longer divisible according to the intellect, it can serve as a unit for measurement. This is done by relating larger parts to the unit of measurement, which leads to insight into the size of these parts. The next chapter will show that in Van der Laan’s architectural theory this unit of measurement plays an important role. The three levels are interrelated, as Van der Laan explained by means of another analogy: “Just as our sensory perception forms the link between our bodily experience and our intellectual insight, so the perceived form is the intermediary between the experienced material and the known quantity”.85 Where human interaction with things begins with physical contact through seeing and touching an object, thus forming an intellectual image, the making of things begins with the intellect: “First size is determined; then the form is defined by its size in length, breadth and height; and finally the limited material is bounded by the form”.86 Van der Laan gave the example of a tailor, who starts first by measuring (size) and then cuts out the different pieces (form) of cloth, which finally are sewn together to compose a garment (matter). Size directly determines the form and indirectly determines the matter. Therefore he said that the most important relationship is the one between sizes, or even better, the relation between these sizes and the unit of measurement, which is the smallest indivisible whole. An artefact having been created is perceived by the senses and the intellect ‘reads off’ its function from the expressiveness of the form. In this way man, who has used his intellect to create a form, is subsequently informed by the message it contains. This was the completion of the cycle of art, which Van der Laan paralleled with the great cycle of creation where all proceeds from God and returns to him. As will be discussed later, this is related to the Christian Neo-Platonic scheme of the movement out of God (exitus) and return to Him (reditus), which played a vital role in Van der Laan’s thought. Creation is called to return

84 HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,6) 67: “als een beperkte grootte tegen de achtergrond van de betrekkelijke onbeperktheid die wij aan het geheel toekennen”. 85 HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,7) 68: “Zoals onze zintuiglijke waarneming de schakel vormt tussen onze lichamelijke ervaring en ons verstandelijk inzicht, zo is de waarge- nomen vorm het intermediair tussen de ervaren materie en de gekende kwantiteit”. 86 HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,8) 69: “Eerst wordt de grootte bepaald, vervolgens wordt door de grootte in lengte, breedte en hoogte, de vorm gedetermineerd, en uiteindelijk wordt door de vorm de beperkte materie begrensd”. liturgy 149 to God, but needs the work of human hands for this to be fully achieved. Thus clothing must complete the body and architecture must complete the space of nature. Van der Laan quoted an example from Citadelle by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, where a prince addresses his architects with the words, “it is upon you that the future city depends, not for its spiritual significance, but for the face that it will present and that will determine its expression”.87 Though certain things in life are urgent (e.g. to eat), other things are more important (e.g. delight in God). Van der Laan concluded that although the function of human artefacts may be urgent, it is their expression which is important.

Monumental forms: the apex of expressive forms All of this led Van der Laan to turn his attention to monumental forms. After the initial contact between people, a form used for communication is further developed through consensus. In this process, the original physical function of this form is given up entirely. These developed forms “are the monumental forms of society, the signs by which we communicate with one another from intellect to intellect”.88 Unlike angels, who as pure spirits can communicate directly with each other from intellect to intellect, man always needs the help of material things, objects, movements or sounds, for the communication of his ideas. Van der Laan considered this to be “the glory of all material creatures, for by this means the creation of visible things is brought into necessary relation with the creation of invisible things”.89 In his hierarchical approach, material creation is but a minute part of the greater whole. However, man only uses part of it for the making of artefacts, and only a few aspects of these artefacts are used to open

87 HvdL, The Play of Forms. Nature, Culture and Liturgy, Leiden 2005, 60; A. de Saint-Exupéry, Citadelle, Paris 1948, 19: “C’est vous dont dépend la cité future, non dans sa signification spirituelle, mais dans le visage qu’elle montrera et qui fera son expression”. Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,10) 71–72. It is surprising that in this quotation the phrase which is most fundamental to understanding the essence of the expression, does not occur in the Dutch original, but only in the English translation by Padovan. Van der Laan probably wanted to avoid any impression of presenting a spiritual or mystical theory, something which might be understood by the words signification spirituelle (spiritual significance). 88 HvdL, Vormenspel (VIII,8) 80: “zijn de monumentale vormen der samenleving, de tekens waarmee wij van geest tot geest met elkaar omgaan”. 89 HvdL, Vormenspel (VIII,2) 74: “de glorie van alle stoffelijke schepsels, want op deze wijze wordt de schepping van de zichtbare dingen op een noodzakelijke wijze in verband gebracht met de schepping van de onzichtbare dingen”. 150 chapter two them up to the intellect and even fewer for the communication from intellect to intellect. Central to Van der Laan’s approach is that he apparently repeated himself as he progressed slowly stepping forward and backwards. Thus he said that man has reduced the unlimited diversity of natural forms to a limited variety of expressive forms, between which the intellect can identify the interrelations. A Thomistic influence is detectable: first man derives concepts from the sensory perception of forms, secondly he starts to reason with these concepts, and then he can exchange the fruits of this personal reflection. Objects become symbols, movements become gestures and sounds become language.90 Thus a meal is reduced to a toast, a house to a monument, and clothes to insignia, used for communication. Van der Laan made a rare allusion to the social dimension of his form-worlds when he said that man needs others to provide for his bodily needs but also for his social life.91 He identified three different categories among these forms. Firstly there are material signs or symbols, which are located in space: they are permanent and objective, but less capable of communicating personal thoughts. Secondly, there are movements and gestures which, though impermanent, are more suited to this purpose, as they are acted out in time and space. The third category is best able to express personal thoughts: these are the sounds that form words and language. Their transitory existence in time has been overcome in the written word which combines the universality and permanent character of material symbols with the flexible expression of the word.92 Van der Laan considered the written word to be the most important monumental form of a society and identified its two manifestations as the monumental inscription and the book. The triad of functional, expressive and monumental forms shows how Van der Laan saw a connection between forms that support man’s physical existence (houses, clothing and utensils) and the forms that support his mental communication (monuments or insignia, gestures or actions and words or songs). To illustrate this he spoke of monuments that are derived from architecture, gestures that owe their power to the clothing accompanying them and words that are ‘sealed’ by a dip-

90 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (III,7) 31. 91 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (III,8) 32. 92 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VIII,8) 81. liturgy 151 lomatic banquet.93 It is a short step to relate these forms with those of liturgy and bring man in contact with the supernatural divine world of heaven.

2.2.4. The principle of liturgical form Just as monumental forms can be considered to be the apex of the form-types of society, liturgical forms are the apex of the three form- worlds. Monumental forms communicate with the human intellect, whereas liturgical forms link nature and the supernatural. Where the monumental forms of society evoke thoughts through their value as signs, liturgical forms express and actualise man’s worship. Van der Laan recognised this in the words significatur (signified) and efficitur (effected) of the definition of Sacrosanctum Concilium, which indicate the sanctification of man through and in correspondence with perceptible signs. Here earthly objects play a role in the relationship between man and God. Functional, expressive and monumental forms no longer serve as additions to the natural order; their only purpose is to signify and bring about the salvation of humanity and the honouring of God.94 Ultimately, the entire cultural order is “called into being in order that we may penetrate creation and bring it step by step to the knowledge of the Creator Himself”.95 So Van der Laan concentrated on the order of signs, without pursuing in detail the salvation by Christ they refer to. Though this may seem surprising, the aspect of redemption was always present in the background, as it was the deepest motivation for everything Van der Laan did. As already discussed, this position is in line with l’esprit de l’Incarnation of Solesmes. For example, for Van der Laan, a church building needs to be a perfect building, but Chris- tological factors do not primarily lead to a certain form in the sense of a depiction of the mystery. Still, without these factors, there would be no need for the construction of churches. Van der Laan identified three kinds of communication: in nature man communicates with purely material creatures; in culture, with his

93 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VIII,10) 82. 94 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,7) 88. 95 HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,3) 85: “in het leven geroepen om ons in die schepping te doen doordringen en trapsgewijs op te voeren tot de kennis van de schepper zelf”. 152 chapter two fellow humans; and in liturgy, with God.96 In liturgical design the complete arsenal of cultural forms appears in a refined state as a religious sign, detached from its function to supplement nature. Whereas in society only one of the three form-types (monumental forms) serves as a sign, the whole of liturgy is a sign and a means of communication with God.97 Van der Laan could not refrain from a further distinction in functional, expressive and monumental signs within the sign of the liturgical form-world. Thus, for example, he called the amice, the paten and the furniture functional; architectural space, alb and chalice expressive; and the stole and altar cross he called monumental. ‘Super-monumentality’, a monument within the monument of the totality of liturgy, he reserved for certain specific forms, especially the altar. All of these have been set apart and consecrated to serve as a sign, which is their single purpose. Where functional forms occupy the lowest level in the range of cultural forms, in liturgy they are equated with expressive and monumental forms. Liturgical forms are freed from the complications entailed by cultural use. For example, Van der Laan seemed to refer to the nobilis simplicitas (noble simplicity) of the Novus Ordo as a confirmation of his thought when he said that the purer and simpler these functional- expressive forms are, the better-suited they are to their new function.98 In a pagan temple the entire building is a pure monument, just like the Christian altar, whereas a church building is a functional-expressive monument and therefore it is a house in its purest form, with the indwelling of God. Van der Laan added that “a perfect liturgical design will stimulate society to refine its forms in this way”, which means that liturgy in turn should influence and educate society.99 In line with his layered approach in which background becomes foreground and then disappears to give way to an even higher background, in the last chapter of Vormenspel Van der Laan added a final analogy, which also helped him to consider the invisible reality: “just as in the world of liturgical signs the two lower form-types of society are elevated into signs, for the life of the intellect that we share with God and the angels, the two lower form-worlds of visible things,

96 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,6) 87. 97 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,5) 87. 98 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,9) 91. 99 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,10) 92: “zal een perfecte liturgische vormgeving de samenleving stimuleren tot deze beschaving van haar vormen”. liturgy 153 that is, nature and society, are raised to the status of liturgy”.100 The three form-worlds together—all visible things—now form the background for the invisible world of the intellect. Subsequently, these two worlds can serve as a background for the knowledge of God, which only takes on its true ‘shape’ when it is detached from all images and concepts. This is a slightly unexpected addition to what up to now was mainly the result of the application of right reason and an empirical- phenomenological approach, basing his argument on experience and right reason. Now, additionally, Revelation serves as a basis for truth, showing Van der Laan to be a Christian scholar, in line with the entire Catholic Tradition. As already mentioned, Van der Laan referred to a third movement of the intellect. This movement withdraws into itself, away from visible things and reason, to see the object of knowledge outlined against the negation of everything that can be seen or known.101 A quotation from Pseudo-Dionysius constitutes the basis for this affirmation of negative theology: “We remove all the properties from God in order to know unveiled that unknowing which is veiled by all that is knowable in all that is, and to see that darkness above being, that is hidden by all the light in all that is”.102 The concept of negative theology and its relation to Van der Laan’s approach will be discussed later when analysing his sources. Van der Laan found a confirmation of his ideas in the Apocalypse, saying that its seven times seven tableaux are borrowed from the entire visible world: from nature, culture, and liturgy. Just as in man’s visible liturgy everything is a sign, so for this invisible world everything that is visible is liturgy.103 With Pseudo-Dionysius Van der Laan referred to examples from the entire treasury of the visible world and added that the participation in the Eucharist is an image of the invisible

100 HvdL, Vormenspel (X,6) 98: “zoals in de liturgische tekenwereld de beide lagere vormtypen der maatschappij tot teken worden verheven, zo zullen voor het leven van de geest, dat wij met God en de engelen gemeen hebben, de beide lagere vormwe- relden der zichtbare dingen, natuur en maatschappij, tot de waardigheid van liturgie worden verheven”. 101 Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870318. 102 HvdL, Vormenspel (X,4) 97. Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De mystica theologia, II, in: PG III, 1025: “τὰ πάντα ἀϕαιροῦμεν, ἴνα ἀπερικαλύπτως γνῶμεν ἐκείνην τὴν ἀγνωσίαν, τὴν ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν γνωστῶν ἑν πᾶσι τοἶς οὖσι περικεκαλυμμένην, καὶ τὸν ὑπερούσιον ἐκεἶνον ἴδῶμεν γνόϕον, τον ὑπὸ παντὸς τοῦ ἐν τοἶς οὖσι ϕωτὸς ἀποκρυπτόμενον”. 103 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X,8) 100. 154 chapter two communion with Jesus.104 The last words of St Benedict regarding the opus Dei may be regarded as an excellent example of his layered approach; it is an eminent description of the upward journey from the material world to that of the angels, first through the natural elements (the sound of the human voice), then the intellectual faculties (that must accord with it), thirdly the liturgical framework and finally the company of the angels before the aspect of the Lord: “Let us consider how it is fitting for us to be in the sight of God and the angels, and so let us sing the psalms in such a way that our intellect accord with our voice”.105 At the same time, he claimed that both St Benedict and the Second Vatican Council recognised the importance of liturgical forms for the flourishing of the religious life of the Church. This shows the fundamental importance in Van der Laan’s thought of the layered approach, moving step by step upwards and downwards between the levels, as if zooming in and out, in a movement of emanation and return, creation and sanctification. One level is revealed against the background of the other and the link between levels is made by analogy. Using these few rhetorical tools, Van der Laan was able to present the result of many years of reflection and analysis of both the visible and invisible worlds in one unified scheme.

2.3. Evolution of the cardinal elements

Having studied the essence of Van der Laan’s liturgical form-principle as finally articulated in the bookVormenspel , the following analysis will demonstrate the early maturity of his fundamental thesis. The earliest documents will accordingly receive the most attention. An important source for this section is an early manuscript by Van der Laan, Over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar (On the beauty of the liturgical gesture), written in 1944 and which can be found in the appendix.106 Little is known of its origin. In a note to the AVdL

104 Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De coelesti hierarchia, I.3, in: S.Chr 58, 72, Paris 1958; HvdL, Vormenspel (X,7) 99. 105 S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 19,6–7: “Ergo consideremus qualiter oporteat in conspectu divinitatis et angelorum eius esse, et sic stemus ad psallendum ut mens nostra concordet voci nostrae”. Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X,9) 101. 106 Cfr. HvdL, Over der schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar, Oosterhout 1944 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy 155

Van der Laan said that it was written on the request of a publisher intended as part of a series, but was never published. In August 1944 Van der Laan asked his sister to help him with a little treatise which he was working on for Father Abbot. He confessed that writing was not his forte: “You know well that I do not write easily”.107 The 51-page manuscript is the first complete treatise by Van der Laan on liturgy. It is interesting to see that, although the terminology was still lacking, many key ideas of the theory were already present. Where Vormen- spel deals with forms in general, Schoonheid is concerned with only gestures, though a similar hierarchical presentation can already be recognised. Contrary to Vormenspel, where he started with natural forms, in Schoonheid he started with the liturgical gesture as the most eminent of gestures, completely separate from what happens in the world. Only afterwards did he consider what he would later call the cultural and natural forms.

2.3.1. The three form-worlds and form-types

Terminology As already discussed, the three form-worlds and form-types of Vor- menspel (1985) are essential to the final rendering of the theory. By taking a hierarchical approach, Van der Laan was able to illustrate his ideas on the genesis of liturgical form. Step by step he was able to move from one form-world to the next and focus on the more detailed form-types, when required, to explain his theory. He coined the exact terms ‘form-world’ and ‘form-type’ relatively late. These do not occur in his letters. In 1953 he spoke of the ‘vorm- wereld’ (form-world) of nature and, though he did not call them ‘form- worlds’, he did refer to society and liturgy as separate entities, saying that it is the task of all architecture to cultivate and order the spatial elements of the human habitat in such a way that in their external appearance they reveal their physical function to the human intellect. In liturgy this is the only reason for the existence of architecture: “In society, the physical function [of an object] in itself is also important, whereas this does not count from a purely liturgical viewpoint. As

107 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19440828: “Vous savez bien que je n’ai pas la plume facile”. 156 chapter two such, worship is only concerned with figurative forms”.108 In 1960, Van der Laan referred to ecclesiastical chant, vestments and the liturgical gesture as form-worlds, though the proper use of the term only occurred in 1969 when it was given the same importance as in Vormenspel.109 In 1946 the term ‘vormtype’ (form-type) was used to describe the classical form of the chasuble.110 In his writings on architecture he used the word ‘form-type’ to indicate each of the 36 plastic forms which serve as instruments to find the proper disposition for a ‘given technical datum’.111 And in 1962 he also used it to indicate the different special forms that can be made based on one single form-type.112 However, it was not before 1969 that Van der Laan specifically distinguished the three form-worlds and form-types as he did in Vormenspel.113 From this moment onwards, the terms ‘form-world’ and ‘form-type’ were part of his lexical toolbox, both during his architectural courses and his lectures on liturgy.114 Most of Vormenspel is dedicated to these terms, which in itself shows their importance.

A hierarchy of forms Though the terms ‘form-world’ and ‘form-type’ were coined later, the theme is not new. From the very beginning, the work of Van der Laan gives evidence of a layered approach and a strong sense of hierarchy, using his tools of analogy and the distinguishing of objects against a relatively vague background.115 In this he again gave evidence of

108 HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst samen met Brouwer, Wissing, Bleker, Kranendonk en Jan Hermans, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1953 [Unp. AVdL]: “In de maatschappij is de lichamelijke functie op zich eveneens van belang, terwijl die uit zuiver liturgisch oogpunt niet meetelt. Als zodanig houdt de eredienst zich slechts bezig met beeldende vormen”. 109 Cfr. HvdL, Over de dispositie van het koorgebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969; De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]. 110 Cfr. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 111 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische dispositie VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 21 Oct. & 2 Dec. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]. 112 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische dispositie IX, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 Feb. & 3 Mar. 1962 [Unp. AVdL]. 113 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969; De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]. 114 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer VII, Vaals 5 Mar. 1975; VIII, 20 Mar. 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 115 For analogy cfr. e.g. HvdL, Toorenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden liturgy 157 being influenced by the Christian Neo-Platonic idea of certain Church Fathers with their hierarchical view of the world. Both tools can be recognised when in 1942 Van der Laan distinguished between three levels of ‘building’: material, intellectual and religious. It is only with intellectual ‘building’ which expresses nature, that something becomes architecture: “Just as man was bestowed with his intellect in order to master all of creation, which has been subordinated to him, and lead it back to God, so ultimately will he also have to dedicate his architectural activity to God”.116 In the seminal text Schoonheid (1944), the three form-worlds can be recognised in an analogy in which man moves from a lower order to a higher order by means of his intellect and abstraction. Here Van der Laan spoke of movements whereas in Vormenspel he spoke of form- worlds, although the idea is the same. In 1944 he started with material movements, like the wind in a cornfield or the movements of the heavenly bodies: “The beauty of those material movements for us will depend on the question whether these movements clearly show in all their parts the order that bears witness to the invisible power which holds the universe together”.117 These are the natural forms of Vor- menspel. Movements in the next order are animal movements. Ani- mals act by instinct, not by free will. The third order is that ofhuman movements. Contrary to animals, man can freely direct his physical movement and thus order it in such a way that it will bear witness to his intellect.118 Thus Van der Laan found the beauty of human action

19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijsenburg II, 27 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer VII, Vaals 5 Mar. 1975; XI, 28 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. For background and foreground cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]; Het plastische getal I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 28 Nov. 1953; VII, 29 May 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 12–13 July 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; Over de dispositie van het koorgebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer X, Vaals 7 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 116 Cfr. HvdL, Over het laatste doel van het bouwen, s.l. 10 Jan. 1942 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zooals nu de mensch zijn verstand gekregen heeft om geheel de onder hem gestelde schepping te beheerschen en terug te voeren tot God, zoo zal hij tenslotte ook zijn bouwkundige activiteit in dienst moeten stellen van God”. Cfr. also HvdL, Torenvelt- straat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]. 117 Hvdl, Schoonheid, 31 [Unp. AVdL]: “De schoonheid van die stoffelijke bewegingen zal voor ons daarvan afhangen, of die bewegingen in al hun deelen duidelijk de orde vertoonen die getuigenis aflegt van de onzichtbare kracht die het heelal tesamen houdt”. 118 Cfr. Hvdl, Schoonheid, 37 [Unp. AVdL]. 158 chapter two both in “the way in which we always know how to give an expressive character to our natural way of acting and how we are at the same time able to maintain a great naturalness in our gestures”.119 In order to be fully human, these actions must be part of the order of signs, just as liturgical gestures are part of the order of grace.120 In this approach, material movements can be seen as the later natural forms. Human movements clearly are the foundation for what were later called cultural forms: the gesture is extracted from its purely physical intention and receives an intellectual meaning. Where a physical movement only has an effect in the place and time where it is performed, here Van der Laan introduced the precursor of the monumental forms when he said that the movement as a sign has an effect which transcends time and place.121 It only needs to be seen to have an effect and it can be retained by the memory.122 This brought him to the level of liturgy, the later liturgical forms of Vormenspel. It is around the centre of the Christian religion, the presence of Christ, that all signs and expressions of liturgy are grouped, receiving a reality they would not have as a natural sign: “Here they dedicate their universality and impersonality—because of which they had raised themselves to be gestures—to an even higher reality”.123 Just as in Vormenspel the liturgical forms are a distillation of the other form-worlds, in Schoonheid the gestures lose some of their natural expressive possibilities in liturgy. Now they no longer serve to relay certain information to the intellect, but to render present the world of grace which is inaccessible to the intellect, and to apply it to man. Van der Laan added a phrase that could have come straight from Vormenspel: “Thus we have never asked for the natural gestures to be practical, but to be expressive; the fact of being a sign for the most part exempted these gestures from the demands of practical efficacy”.124 It may therefore be concluded that the essence of Vormenspel can be

119 Hvdl, Schoonheid, 40 [Unp. AVdL]: “in de wijze waarop wij steeds in onze natuurlijke manier van doen een expressief karakter weten te leggen, & in de wijze waarop wij tevens in onze gebaren een groote natuurlijkheid weten te bewaren. 120 Hvdl, Schoonheid, 48 [Unp. AVdL]. 121 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid, 47–48 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (VII,6–7) 67–68. 122 Cfr. Hvdl, Schoonheid, 41 [Unp. AVdL]. 123 Hvdl, Schoonheid, 47–48 [Unp. AVdL]. “Zij stellen hier hun universaliteit & onpersoonlijkheid—waardoor zij zich tot gebaren verheven hadden—in dienst van een nog hoogere realiteit”. 124 Hvdl, Schoonheid, 50 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zoo hebben wij ook nooit aan de natuurlijke gebaren gevraagd om practisch te zijn, maar om expressief te zijn; het teeken zijn onthief deze bewegingen grootendeels van den eisch der practische doelmatigheid”. liturgy 159 clearly recognised, athough in 1944 the vocabulary and the distinction between the different orders were not yet fully developed. Also important in the development of this line of thought was a 1952 lecture, Het domein van de kunst (The domain of art), in which Van der Laan introduced the tripartite division of natural, cultural and liturgical orders.125 Although the vocabulary was not as sophis- ticated as in 1969, when the three form-worlds were first specifically referred to, a distinction between functional, expressive and monumental forms can be recognised: “An external material form must first be brought to express ‘what it is in itself’ in order to subsequently become, by certain agreement, a carrier of a purely abstract concept”.126 Van der Laan referred to the importance of what he later called expressive forms within the cultural order whilst moving from the natural to the cultural order: “The expression proper to the form is therefore the necessary hyphen between the material, purely physical act and the world of thought”.127 He distinguished between two expressions. The first expression is that of art, what he later called expressive forms: in their form, external things reveal to the intellect what they are for the body. Both elements are necessary, as man is a union of intellect and body. The second expression is what he later called monumental forms: it comes into existence when the things of the first expression are used by the intellect, according to prior agreement. For Van der Laan, this second expression lies beyond the domain of art, which is only concerned with the making of things and not with their subsequent use. The importance for liturgy is underlined when he said that the glory of the cultural order forms the condition for the liturgical order. Material, external things only have reason for existence in liturgy as far as they are useful for the order of the intellect, “enriched with the first expression proper to the form”.128

125 Cfr. HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952. 126 HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 8: “Een uitwendige stoffelijke vorm moet eerst tot expressiviteit van zichzelf gebracht worden om daarna door een bepaalde afspraak drager te kunnen worden van een zuiver abstract begrip”. 127 HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 9: “De expressie eigen aan de vorm is dus de nodige trait-d’union tussen de materiële, zuiver lichamelijke handeling en de wereld van de gedachte”. 128 HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 12: “verrijkt met de eerste expressie eigen aan de vorm”. 160 chapter two

In 1953 Van der Laan said: “In its liturgy the Church only replaces this intellectual meaning with a supernatural meaning”.129 In Vormenspel he would later affirm that the natural, common meaning of a form serves as a foundation for the supernatural meaning.130 In liturgy one cannot speak of physical need. Everything which is used in worship must undergo “the ennoblement of the forms of art”.131 Otherwise these objects have no reason for existence in liturgy. This led Van der Laan to the conclusion that art is necessary for the liturgy of the Church and that art should be limited to the first expression which is proper to the form (expressive forms). This opens the possibility of linking liturgy and architecture. In 1957 Van der Laan explained that the addition of expression to a form makes it fully human which is the condition for its being taken up in the liturgical order.132 His view on the relation between function and expression was strongly questioned during a meeting in Delft with several contemporary architects, but Van der Laan quietly went his own way.133

Defining the terminology Central to the final articulation of the theory was a lecture in 1969 organised by the Dutch Association for Latin liturgy in Utrecht.134 It was repeated for an audience of priests in Amsterdam in an extended form, but curiously, only the shorter version was published.135 The association was founded in 1967 and seeks to promote the use of the Latin language in liturgy. From the beginning it was supported by Vaals Abbey and by Van der Laan, who had quite an influence

129 HvdL, Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]: “L’Eglise dans sa liturgie ne fait que remplacer cette signification intellectuelle par une signification surnaturelle”. 130 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,9) 91. 131 HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 13: “de veredeling der kunst- vormen”. Cfr. also HvdL, Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]. 132 Cfr. HvdL, Stellingen, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. 133 Cfr. n.n., Verslag van het forumgesprek, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; M.J. Granpré Molière, Letters to N. van der Laan, 21 Nov. 1957, 31 Jan. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; n.n., Verslag van het forum-gesprek over architectuur, Delft 4 Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; Van den Broek, Commentaar op de stellingen van Dom H. van der Laan o.s.b., s.l. Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Toen in 1957, Vaals 7 Oct. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 134 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969. 135 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]). Cfr. also scratch notes for a third lecture: HvdL, Bestuursvergadering van Ver. voor Lat. Liturgie, Vaals 25 Oct. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy 161 on its development, and inspired it to keep working in line with the Second Vatican Council. The 1969 conference contains the contents of Vormenspel in a nutshell, hence its importance to this study. Van der Laan revealed himself to be influenced by Christian Neo-Platonism when he said that through the work of man, created natural things are the basis for the invisible things of the intellect, which in the end should lead man back to God.136 His strong affiliation with the concept of hierarchy can be recognised in his conception of the entire form- world, with which man makes possible and maintains his existence, as a large pyramid: “at the base there is the mighty arsenal of functional forms which are raised to expressive forms, and at the top the minimal and subtle monumental forms, which would not be able to exist without the other two”.137 He concluded that “it is from this ‘treasury of forms’ that liturgy must draw its signa sensibilia for its work of human salvation and divine honour”.138 This is a crucial passage. For the first time Van der Laan expressed how within the form-world of society the basis is laid by functional forms, from which expressive and then monumental forms can develop. What is especially important is his affirmation that the signa sensibilia of liturgy are drawn from this entire ‘treasury of forms’. This underlines the fact that he considered the forms of liturgy to be firmly rooted in his system of forms. In a letter to his brother he further explained that in liturgy the cultivation of expressive and monumental forms is essential, and that functional forms alone have no value as liturgy only begins with the commence- ment of the expressivity of the form.139 Van der Laan called the liturgical order the greatest monument of western society, for ‘here the world of forms is joined with the world of worship and salvation of which Vatican II spoke in its Constitution’.140 As liturgy is concerned with the supernatural reality of religion, its form-language must stand like a new floor on the total form-world of society: “The forms of liturgy are, as it were, of

136 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 9. 137 HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 14: “aan de basis het machtig arsenaal van functionele vormen die zich tot expressieve vormen verheffen, en aan de top de minimale en subtiele monumentale vormen, die zonder de beide anderen niet zouden kunnen bestaan”. 138 HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 15: “Het is uit deze vormenschat dat de liturgie haar signa sensibilia moet putten voor haar werk van menselijk heil en goddelijke eer”. 139 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 196910. 140 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 15. 162 chapter two a super-monumentality”.141 By its signa sensibilia, liturgy gives shape to the invisible things of faith: “All three [forms, mpr] come together in one single liturgical function and together they form the signa sensibilia of our liturgy on earth, a visible reflection of the entire worship of the Corpus Mysticum”.142 As already seen, because of this Van der Laan concluded that the entire visible world becomes a reflection of the eternal life which man carries in himself and he quoted the Psalm: “O Lord, our Lord, how majestic is your name in all the earth” (Ps 8:2.10).143 Although he didn’t make this explicit, it would be in line with his theory to emphasise the importance of the word ‘in’. His theory and spiritual life do not exclude the world but on the contrary there is a reflection of the world in liturgy. God, the Creator is to be praised in all His creation. This very much echoes the Ignatian motto of ‘finding God in all things’. It’s a moot point whether the Ignatian tradition and the Jesuit order had an influence on the Bene- dictine reform of Dom Guéranger in Solesmes, where these ideas were essential. This interesting question shall not be pursued further here, though it may be noted that in Rome Dom Guéranger had personal contact with the Superior General of the Jesuits, Joannes Roothaan si (1785–1853).144 An article for Communio in 1978 was the last stepping-stone before the final formation of the theory. It is as if it were a summary of the book Vormenspel.145 The article starts with Dom Guéranger’s definition and clearly presents the three form-worlds and the division of each of these in three form-types. Van der Laan concluded with a reference to the design of churches and ancient temples. Such a specific reference to the practical application no longer occurs in Vormenspel,

141 HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 18: “De vormen van de liturgie zijn als het ware van een supermonumentaliteit”. 142 HvdL, De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969: “Zij komen met z’n drieën samen in één en dezelfde liturgische functie, samen vormen zij de signa sensibilia van onze liturgie op aarde, zichtbare afstraling van de volledige eredienst van het corpus mysticum”. 143 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969. 144 Cfr. P. Delatte, Dom Guéranger. Abbé de Solesmes, t. I, Paris 1909, 192; G.-M.Oury, Dom Guéranger. Moine au coeur de l’Eglise, Solesmes 2000, 152–153; A. Boland, ‘Les Jésuites, Dom Guéranger et Solesmes’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 289-299. 145 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 470; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19781031; Vormenspel (I,1) 7. liturgy 163 which intends to present the basis of all human form-making, not only that of architecture.

2.3.2. Some important dyads The conclusion is inevitable that, although he was to gradually refine the expression of his theory, Van der Laan had formulated the central tenets of the entire theory in his early years as a monk. The same can be said of certain key-terms, which he usually used as a contrast to each other. These dyads will help to further unearth the essential elements of his theory of liturgy. For Van der Laan, true liturgy includes all of human life. For example, he wrote to his sister: “I thus gave a lot of thought to the liturgical process and I was in ecstasy before that wonderful economy which makes us live in heaven in the midst of all of this human hodgepodge. Once having truly entered into that liturgical world, nothing can escape from it”.146 He made an important link between life on earth and life with God: “This idea of the double orientation of our conduct leads to a continuous link between our external and internal life and because of this finally between our natural and supernatural life, and that is what it is all about”.147 Thus he affirmed both the interior invisible reality of a growing sharing in the divinity and the exterior visible image of the heavenly liturgy, which is reflected in the earthly liturgy. Here, certain dyads can be recognised, linking the external forms and the interior life with God. This section will first examine the visible-invisible dyad, which is also important in the Neo-Platonic view of reality. It will then turn to the external-internal dyad, which is mainly concerned with the external expression of interior faith. The last dyad, that of nature and supernature is clearly the most complicated of the three, and will need to be studied in the light of traditional sources used by Van der Laan in order to be properly understood.

146 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19480716: “Alors j’ai réfléchi beaucoup sur le procédé liturgique et je me suis extasié devant cette économie merveilleuse qui nous fait vivre au ciel parmi toute cette bric & brac humaine. Une fois bien entré dans ce monde liturgique rien n’y échappe”. 147 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19640722: “Deze gedachte van die dubbele georiënteerdheid van ons doen & laten zorgt voor een voortdurende band tussen ons uitwendige & inwendige leven & daardoor tenslotte tussen ons natuurlijk & bovennatuurlijk leven & daar is het tenslotte om te doen”. 164 chapter two

Visible & invisible In Vormenspel, Van der Laan placed the totality of the visible world, organised in the three form-worlds, into the deeper perspective of the invisible world, uniting his prayer life with that of liturgy.148 Here the visible-invisible dyad can be recognised. He claimed that it had always been his intention to connect these two worlds with each other as if it was a form of breathing in and out.149 In his earlier work, he sometimes used the terms visible and invisible as synonyms for nature and supernature, but they usually had their proper meaning.150 Though the dyad was mainly used in the context of the supernatural, it was also used on a smaller scale to distinguish between the invisible world of the human intellect and the visible material world of the body and the senses.151 For Van der Laan, the images that man uses for his personal communication with things have an interior, invisible existence, but in order to serve the purpose of inter-human communication, these images need to be expressed in an externally perceptible form.152 Note the link with the external-internal dyad, which will be studied in the next section. A letter from 1942 already shows that the visible-invisible dyad was mainly used to indicate that external and visible things are an echo of something in the hearts of the faithful.153 Van der Laan saw the essence of liturgy and its forms as the transposition from the visible to the invisible order.154 As early as 1943 he referred to Pseudo-Dionysius saying that it is impossible for man to truly be aware of the invisible heavenly reality if he is not led towards it by means of visible things.155

148 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19870326. 149 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,2) 63. 150 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Het kazuifel, 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 151 Cfr. HvdL, Bijeenkomst B.S.K. Delft, Drakenburg 21–22 Mar. 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Het kazuifel, 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 152 Cfr. HvdL, Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 8 Jan. 1972 [Unp. AVdL]. 153 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19420913, Holy Saturday 1952. 154 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946; IX, 20 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerk en kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 262; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 7; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 155 Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De coelesti hierarchia, I, 3, in: SC 58, 72, Paris 1958. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121; ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 263; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6; Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; Waaraan herkent men het heiligdom der christenen?, ’s-Hertogenbosch 10 June 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to J. van der Does de Willebois 1968; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 9; Genesis van de liturgische liturgy 165

He later explained this by quoting St Ephrem the Syrian, who said that man-made forms are expressive for those that possess the key to them; they veil themselves from those who are not initiated: “Blessed is He who is veiled and revealed by his mysteries”.156 A few years later, Van der Laan said that by taking care of the (visible) things around him, man may grow in his spiritual life.157 Thus he saw a link between matter and Mystery: man needs the help of the visible and the material, in order to reach out to the Divine. In 1948 Van der Laan strongly emphasised the importance of the rite of church consecration: a church is a naturally visible thing, which through its dedication represents something invisible in the order of the supernatural.158 Note the parallel to the first preface of Christmas, before the liturgical reform also used on Corpus Christi: “while we recognize God in a visible way, we are taken up by Him towards love for invisible things”.159 In 1953 Van der Laan said that the human intellect, informed by the senses, should be considered to be the key to man’s participation in the invisible world: “Just as society establishes her money and insignia, the Church too establishes her liturgical objects”.160 He said, with an implicit reference to the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger, that “the established form of the Sacraments is minimal, but to summon our respect for the most holy mysteries and to clearly express their invisible effect, these Sac- raments are surrounded with singing, ceremonies and symbols”.161

vorm, 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974; VII, 5 Mar. 1975; XII, 4 June 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 156 Cfr. e.g. S. Ephraem Syrus, Hymnes sur la nativité, Paris 2001, 315 [SC 459]: “Benedictus qui mysteriis suis absconditur et revelatur”. Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 101. 157 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19470402. 158 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19480716; Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]. 159 Cfr. MR 1570; MR 1969, Prefatio I de Nativitate Domini: “dum visibiliter Deum cognoscimus, per hunc in invisibilium amorem rapiamur”. Cfr. HvdL, Over Mediator Dei, Breda 24 Jan. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 160 HvdL, Het kazuifel, 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]: “Evenals de samenleving haar geld en insignes instelt, evenzo stelt de Kerk haar liturgische voorwerpen in”. Cfr. HvdL, Over Mediator Dei, Breda 24 Jan. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing voor de Bouwkundige Studiekring, Delft 14 June 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Muziek en liturgie’, Kerkoraal 3–4 (1978) 7–13, 24–31; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 161 HvdL, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 67: “De ingestelde vorm en materie der sacramenten is minimaal, maar om onze eerbied voor die hoogheilige mysteries op te wekken en om hun onzichtbare werking duidelijk voor ogen te stellen, 166 chapter two

This reflects the traditional definition of a Sacrament: a visible sign of an invisible reality.162 It may be concluded that from his early years Van der Laan considered the entire world of sensorial, visible forms as the background for the invisible things that answer to the intellect. Within the world of visible things, the liturgical forms must be seen against the background of the cultural forms from which they derive.163

External & internal Vormenspel is mainly concerned with external forms leading to the essential connection with architecture. At the same time Van der Laan was continuously aware of the fact that these external forms are the background for man’s interior life. He wrote in 1947 about “the ancient concept which is to take care of that exterior work in all its ‘proportions’, ‘making things beautiful’ and all the interior life, that invisible union, which ensues from it”.164 For him, liturgy is the exterior expression of religion. It concerns the unity with God, which starts and expands in the divine oeuvre of creation. He claimed that it was the genius of Dom Guéranger to have restored not only the liturgical, but also the interior life of faith. Van der Laan showed the close relation to the visible-invisible dyad when he declared around 1950 that the interior spiritual life is the most important, but that man needs external means for this, even if only to determine his thoughts, just as he makes a drawing to bring a concept to maturity. These external means are offered by liturgy: Internal worship is true but not mature. External worship is mature but depicted. But in order to see external worship as a clear copy of the worden deze sacramenten met gezangen, ceremoniën en symbolen omringd”. Together with an article by Böcker, this article was cause for a discussion concerning ecclesiastical architecture. Cfr. B.F.N. Böcker, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur. De rationalisatie van een voorkeur’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 91; n.n., ‘Discussie over kerkelijke architectuur’, Katholiek Archief 15 (1960) 1106–1108; T. Nix, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur, prekepraat en lekepraat’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 101–102. 162 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Sum- mer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer II, Vaals 23 Feb. 1981 [Unp. AVdL]. 163 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 18; Liturgische vormleer XI, Vaals 28 May 1975; XII, Vaals 4 June 1975; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 164 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19470402: “la conception antique que est de soigner cette œuvre extérieure dans toutes ces ‘proportions’, ‘faire les choses belles’ & toute la vie intérieure, cette union invisible en découle”. liturgy 167

heavenly feast, a lively faith is needed in the Incarnation which is the foundation of the efficacy of the external liturgy. Once introduced by faith into the liturgical order, we are fully dependent on the external influence of liturgical forms.165 This quotation shows the essential relation, which Van der Laan recognised between the internal and the external, as well as the essence of his point of departure, expressed in the Guérangerian motto, ‘demeurer dans l’esprit de l’Incarnation’ (to remain in the spirit of the Incarnation). Following on from this, a few years later, Van der Laan stressed with reference to the Rule of St Benedict that the internal honour rendered to God must correspond fully with the external forms.166 Liturgy is a fixed datum, an objective given for the Catholic faithful; without the external witness of religion, no churches or other liturgical forms are needed. In 1974 he concluded that the liturgical form-world should crown the other form-worlds: “just as a liturgy with only natural and cultural forms, excluding its own value as a sign, is completely dead, so without the forms of liturgy, the mirror of the visible forms is completely misted up and without luminosity for our interior life”.167 For this Benedictine monk his interior life had been the foundation of all that he had done in his life, so that one cannot truly understand his theory, neither where it concerns liturgy nor where it deals with architecture, without taking the interior life into account.

Nature & supernature The third dyad that continually recurs in Van der Laan’s thought is the most paradoxical. Though theologically it might be more correct to speak of nature and the supernatural, Van der Laan used the terms nature and supernature, and this discourse will do the same. For him,

165 HvdL, Liturgie en Architectuur, Oosterhout c. 1950 [Unp. draft for a lecture AVdL]: “De inw. eeredienst is echt maar niet volgroeid. De uitw. eeredienst is volgroeid maar afgebeeld. Om echter de uitwendige eeredienst als een heldere calque te zien van het hemelsch feest is een levendig geloof noodig in de menschwording die aan de efficaciteit van uitw. lit. ten grondslag ligt. Eenmaal door het geloof ingewijd in het liturgisch bestel zijn wij geheel afhankelijk van de uitwendige invloed der liturgische vormen”. 166 Cfr. S Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 19,7; HvdL, Waaraan herkent men het heiligdom der christenen?, ’s-Hertogenbosch 10 June 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 167 HvdL, Genesis van de liturgische vorm, 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]: “zoals een liturgie met slechts natuurlijke en maatschappelijke vormen, met uitsluiting van de haar eigen tekenwaarde, geheel dood is, zo is ook de spiegel van de zichtbare vormen zonder de vormen van de liturgie geheel beslagen en zonder glans voor ons inwendig leven”. 168 chapter two the link between nature and supernature was very important. Where natural and cultural forms fall completely into the ambit of created nature and what man does with it, liturgical forms have a more dual position. Derived from cultural forms as they are, these forms also have to serve as instruments for communication with the Divine, helping man to reach out to the supernatural. The paradox can be expressed with the following question: if God is the totally other, can there be any correspondence between created nature and the supernatural, between man and God? This question has been posed by scholars throughout the ages. The ineffability, eternity and greatness of God are such, that man will never be able to grasp the concept completely. Deus semper maior est (God is always greater), the Fathers of the Church said over and over again. How- ever, starting from creation, man can affirm certain things about God. The Fathers spoke of the different viae (ways), through which man can say something about Him. St Thomas Aquinas, basing himself on Pseudo-Dionysius, was able to affirm something positive about God through the via affirmationis or causalitatis. He then came to realise himself in a further approach, the via eminentiae, that a certain analogical approach is possible between created things and the Creator, but that the latter is also totally different.168 This second approach is also called the via analogiae and basically consists of recognising an analogy between man’s relation with his attributes on the one hand and the relation of God with his attributes on the other hand. An example is calling God the Good Shepherd. In the end, God is always better and greater than the object of analogy, so that man can only affirm what He is not in the via negationis. In the frequent use of analogy by Van der Laan one can recognise the via analogiae. For example, in his ‘great analogy’ the interaction of man with his own creations analogously resembles the interaction of God with the entirety of creation.169 Certain enunciations of Van

168 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, Summa theologica I, q. 13, in: Opera omnia ed. Leo- nina, t. IV, Romae 1888, 139–165; Id, Scriptum super Sententiis magistri Petri Lombardi, lib. I, d3,1,1,a1–3, in: P. F. Mandonnet, ed., t. I, Parisiis 1929; Id, In librum Beati Dionysii De divinis nominibus expositio, c. V, l. 2, n. 661, in: C. Pera, ed.—P. Caramello— C. Mazzantini, Taurini-Romae 1950, 245; Id, Super Boetium De Trinitate, q. 1, a. 2, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. L, Roma-Paris 1992, 83–85. Cfr. e.g. Pseudo- Dionysius Areopagita, De mystica theologia, I,3 & II, in: PG III, 999–101 & 1025; Id, De divinis nominibus, in: PG III, 585–996. 169 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Vormenspel (II,6) 20. liturgy 169 der Laan on this subject could be understood wrongly, as he did not mention the paradox. When he said that the via negationis outlines the object of knowledge against the negation of everything which can be seen or known, he forgot to add that the starting point of this via is the ineffability of God, leaving man no other option than to say what God is not, recognising Him only as the ungraspable Mystery and not as something outlined against a background.170 There is a great difference between the use of analogy for a better understanding of the created world on the one hand, where all is interconnected precisely because everything stems from the same divine Intellect, and the use of analogy in order to say something about God on the other. In an analogy of proportionality there is a difference, but also an agreement, precisely in this difference. But here it concerns an analogy of proportion that shows the total dependency of the creature on God. God is the totally different, but traces of Him can be discovered in creation. The contradiction is that though at the moment of its creation, the human heart has been directed towards God, it still is only with the help of His grace that the movement towards God is realised. And as sin hinders the freely-given help of grace, neither can liturgical signs help man to ‘automatically’ reach out to God. Though this awareness is implicitly present in Van der Laan’s convictions, he did not make it the explicit object of his study. For him, all supernatural virtues are based on the human intellect. Therefore he deemed it impossible to penetrate into the mysteries of liturgy without using the intellect, as there is no direct relation between the materi- ally-created world and the supernatural liturgy.171 The double grounds for the authenticity of the form of liturgical signs, instituted by the Church, are both Revelation and the analogy between the Intellect of God and the intellect of man. This is the basis on which one needs to understand Van der Laan’s idea of analogy and the intrinsic connection between ‘supernatural signs’ and liturgical forms. He recognised that the external form of the supernatural (liturgical) sign is based on a natural or cultural form. For example, in liturgy an ordinary house becomes a church, a monument, a signum sensibile of a supernatural reality.172 The cultural form asks for a good and true (beautiful) form, precisely because of the high reality which is signified. Therefore art

170 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X,5) 97; Letter to R. Padovan 19870318. 171 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur V, Breda 25 May 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 172 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 18. 170 chapter two should convey a nobilis simplicitas in its form, for otherwise it easily leads to a ‘supernaturalism’ of the form or, at the other extreme, to slovenliness.173 For Van der Laan it was very important that the church building receives its dignity in the supernatural order not because it is an object of art, but because of the sacramental of its dedication or consecration.174 As a sacramental, the supernatural reality of a church is based on its ‘being a sign’, on the expressive value of the church building.175 The same goes, for example, for liturgical clothing.176 As long as a sign expresses a supernatural reality, it does not wish to express the natural or cultural sense. But at the same time this sign remains a work of art, and by its artistic meaning it can emphasise and amplify the expression of the supernatural meaning. For Van der Laan, this last meaning is not ‘real’ in the supernatural order and can only be compared to it by analogy.177 The relation between nature and supernature was important to him from the beginning. From the beginning he emphasised the importance of the supernatural end of man, based on the fundamental Sacrament of Baptism.178 He later recognised that man needs to grow in his interior supernatural life and thus become ‘an ever more perfect component of the invisible worship which he became part of through the Sacrament of Baptism’.179 This happens not as an image, but in reality, so that Van der Laan could say with Scripture: “We are God’s children now” (IJn. 3:2). In the early 1940s he wrote that in Christ the whole of creation is raised to the supernatural order and therefore worship consists simply

173 Cfr. IGMR 1969. 174 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17. 175 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur, Oosterhout 14 Sept. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 7; ‘Brieven uit Ooster- hout’, KB 16 (1948) 55–56; ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1949) 101–102; ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1949) 190–191; Docentenbijeenkomst CKA, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; Bijzondere les over de ceremonies van de H. Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 18. 176 Cfr. HvdL, Het kazuifel, s.l. 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Roosendaal 8 Dec. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. 177 Cfr. also HvdL, St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. 178 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19281111. 179 Cfr. HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6–7; Kunst en kerk, Breda 12 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Over liturgie I, Delft 27 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; Over liturgie II, Delft 4 Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy 171 of the union with Christ.180 It is the essence of liturgy to bring man to heavenly beauty by means of the senses.181 The whole structure of his supernatural life has been grafted onto his natural capacities.182 If during his material existence man recognises both the physical signs and the supernatural world they refer to, then these signs serve as true ‘symbols’, bringing together two worlds, as expressed concisely in the two words ima summis (the lowest with the highest), which will be explained below.183 These worlds are distinct, but not separated: “When taken apart from normal things, these signs become sterile”.184 At the same time, all liturgical objects are signs which bring man in touch with the invisible supernatural reality of heaven.185 Van der Laan concluded that liturgical forms find their cause and explanation in natural forms, and in themselves they refer to the invisible supernatural reality.186 The ultimate cause for this he found in analogy: between the products of art, which are the work of the intellect, and nature created by God there should be a similar relation as between the human intellect and the Intellect of God.187 In early July 1948, Van der Laan dedicated an entire class to the relation between nature and supernature, linking the heavenly and earthly liturgy: “The supernatural revelation, which dates from our creation itself, forms the basis of a completely new worship of a supernatural nature”.188 Liturgy on earth is not to be distinguished from the heav-

180 Cfr. HvdL, Toorenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]. 181 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid, 16–17 [Unp. AVdL]. 182 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid, 25 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie, ’s-Her- togenbosch 3 Sept. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. 183 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121; De beschildering van de Sint Lucaskerk te ’s-Hertogenbosch, s.l. Easter 1977 [Unp. AVdL]. 184 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121: “Los van de gewone dingen worden die teekens steriel”. 185 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIII, Breda 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Haaren 30 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer X, Vaals 7 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 186 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur V, Breda 25 May 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 187 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. 188 HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17: “De bovennatuurlijke openbaring, die dateert vanaf onze schepping zelf, vormt de grondslag van een geheel nieuwe eredienst van bovennatuurlijke aard”. Cfr. also HvdL, Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch, 3 July 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19480127; Liturgische vormleer XI, Vaals 28 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. G.J.M. Sarlemijn, ‘De plastische en ruimtelijke elementen van het kerkgebouw’, KB 2 (30 Oct. 1948) 13–15. Probably this lecture was stimulated by the article by C. Pou- deroyen, ‘Christelijke bouwkunst’, KB 14 (1947) 121–125. 172 chapter two enly liturgy, though it is enacted under the veil of signs and symbols set apart from nature.189 Yet, Van der Laan asked, where does one find the objective guarantee for the reality of these signs? He referred to a child, who may create a train, simply by putting a few chairs in a row. The train is real for the child and for those joining in the game. Unlike the play of children, where the players themselves guarantee the meaning, for a rational exchange between adults the meaning of signs must be objective, independent of the user.190 His Thomistic education is evident in his declaration that the answer cannot be found in the form of the sign itself, for there is no direct relation between the visible form of the sign and the supernatural. For him, there are no supernatural works of art: every visible form has a natural meaning.191 He concluded that “thus the only guarantee for the authenticity of the signs of the supernatural worship is the ‘establishment’ of these signs by the supernatural community [the Church, mpr], or by her head, Christ Himself”.192 It may thus be concluded that a clear distinction between nature and supernature is important when one wants to avoid equating man and God. Van der Laan was only implicitly concerned with the paradox that occurs when man seeks to understand the relation between nature and supernature. His starting point was the definition by Dom Guéranger, in which natural and cultural objects are used for the expression of something that links the natural with the supernatural: liturgy.193 Still, whenever studying nature, the supernatural dimension needs to be taken into account; as Chesterton said: “take away the supernatural, and what remains is the unnatural”.194 Though Van der Laan was mainly interested in the form that liturgical objects should

189 Cfr. HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6. 190 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17; Over Liturgie II, Delft 4 Dec. 1957 [Unp.AVdL ]. 191 Cfr. HvdL, Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 192 HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17: “De enige garantie voor de echtheid van de tekens der bovennatuurlijke eredienst is dus een instelling door de bovennatuurlijke gemeenschap of door haar hoofd, Christus zelf”. Cfr. also HvdL, Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]. 193 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB (1948) 55–56; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 Sept. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 194 G.K. Chesterton, Heretics, London-New York 1905, 99. liturgy 173 have, not in their theological meaning, he realised that these forms were only tools to help man to reach his supernatural end with God.

2.3.3. Ima summis: the centrality of the Incarnation ‘Ima summis’ (the lowest with the highest) is the motto of Vormen- spel, which says more than one would suspect on reading it for the first time. In 1983 Van der Laan wrote that if his life had a slogan, it would be ima summis: “Without order in the concrete order, there is no order in the abstract order”.195 All his life he had experienced the great importance of his concrete form-making for his interior life. The two words ima summis are probably a quotation from the Marian anti- phon Alleluia Virga Jesse, which Van der Laan must have often sung in the Office during the liturgical year: Alleluia. The sprout of Jesse has blossomed; a virgin has borne God and man: God has restored peace, reconciling in Himself the lowest (ima) with the highest (summis). Alleluia.196 Another possibility is the hymn Salve Dies by Adam of St Victor (†1150), which the monks sang after Easter Vespers: “The divine light shines for the blind; the light by which Christ strips the underworld, conquers death and reconciles the highest (summis) with the lowest (ima)”.197 With the birth of His Son as man, God has reconciled creation (ima) with Himself (summis). In the person of Christ these two aspects are united, for He is both God and man. For this reason, He was able to restore the original and positive relation between God and man, which was lost because of human sin. For Van der Laan, the motto ima summis refers to the way in which man ‘uses’ the best of

195 G. Brabant, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Une oeuvre prophétique pour notre temps’, Le chemin . . . La bonne nouvelle (1983, nr. 2) 3: “Sans l’ordre dans l’ordre concret, pas d’ordre dans l’ordre abstrait”. 196 GR, Commune Festorum Beatae Mariae Virginis, Pariis-Tornaci-Romae-Neo Eboraci 1961, 79: “Alleluia. Virga Jesse floruit. Virgo Deum et hominem genuit: pacem Deus reddidit, in se reconcilians ima summis. Alleluia”. Cfr. also K. den Biesen, ‘Pref- ace’, in: HvdL, The Play of Forms, Leiden 2005, vii. 197 LH, t. III, 672, 919; t. IV, 620, 867: “Lux divina caecis irradiat, in qua Christus infernum spoliat, mortem vincit et reconciliat summis ima”. The two words occur for example in Horace: “Diespiter... valet ima summis / mutare et insignem attenuat deus, / obscura promens”. Horatius Flaccus, Carmina I, 34, in: Horace, t. I, Odes et épodes, F. Villeneuve, ed., Paris 1964, 46: “Jupiter . . . is able to change the lowest things (ima) into the highest (summis), and the god humbles the conspicuous man by disclosing obscure things”. 174 chapter two creation (natural forms) and of his own re-creation (cultural forms) for the worship of God (liturgical forms). The basis for this is found in the descending action of God through Creation and Incarnation, followed by the ascending reaction of man through Christ in liturgy with all its material forms. The theme of the ascending movement towards God as an answer to the original descending movement of the creation by God, is a key theme in Van der Laan’s thought. Thus those two innocent words, ima summis, as printed on the first page of Vormenspel, express in a simple way the very essence of all his work. He wanted his architectural theory and work to be a reflection “of the entire plan of salvation; creation with all the desires for God which have been laid into it and the return to God who exhausts all our desires through the Incarnation”.198 For Van der Laan, “after the Incarnation every doubt disappeared; creation is there for liturgy, the definitive return of the whole creation to its origin, the complete worship brought by the Church with Christ at its head, a worship in which also lies our salvation”.199 This strongly reflects the Christian Neo-Platonic scheme of the movement away from (exitus) and the return to (reditus) the divine. Though in Vormenspel Van der Laan seems to refer above all to the teaching of Pseudo-Dionysius, other Fathers of the Church too played a fundamental role in the development of his thought. These authors, who were held in high esteem in the Solesmes tradition, eliminated the pagan elements of Neo-Platonism, which is why here the term ‘Christian Neo-Platonism’ is used. In their scheme, exitus is the free act of creation by the Creator and reditus is a coming home to Him through creation itself. However, as the Fall is a refusal of the reditus, this latter movement is only possible because of the Sacrifice of Christ on the Cross and his subsequent rising in glory. In essence, this Sac- rifice is a returning to love, leading to the sanctification of man by Christ. The smaller circle of the life of an individual is inscribed in the one great circle of history as it moves from exitus to reditus through

198 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314: “van het hele heilsplan, de schepping met alle verlangens naar God die daarin gelegd zijn & de terugkeer naar God die alle onze verlangens uitput door de Menswording”. Cfr. also HvdL, ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 264–265. 199 HvdL, Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 juni 1976 [Unp. AVdL]: “na de Incarnatie is iedere aarzeling verdwenen; de schepping is er voor de liturgie, de definitieve terugkeer van de gehele schepping naar zijn oorsprong, de volledige cultus gebracht door de Kerk met Christus aan het hoofd, een cultus waar tevens ons heil in is gelegen”. liturgy 175

Christ’s loving Sacrifice. Therefore sacrifice is the very centre of worship rendered to God by man. Note, however, that sacrifice does not play an important role in Van der Laan’s work. He rarely referred to the Sacrifice of the Cross and if he did, this was usually in the context of the liturgy of the Eucharist.200 For example, he used the word ‘cross’ mainly to indicate a crucifix or the sign of the cross.201 He departed from an almost exclusively incarnationist view of the world, implicitly presupposing the importance of divine grace. A good example of Christian Neo-Platonism is that of St Gregory of Nyssa, who spoke of the return of those who have fallen as the essential aspect of the αποκατἇστασις (apocatastasis), which refers to the restoration of human nature to its original state. Alhough the word does not appear in Plato or in Plotinus, analogically the theme is the same. But contrary to the ancient cyclical meaning of the word, St Gregory gave it a linear historical sense, indicating the return (reditus) of creation to its Creator, to the state of the resurrection.202 Next to the historical aspect, Ratzinger recognised that liturgy also has a cosmic dimension; it is never performed solely in the self-made world of man, but always involves all creation in its prayer.203 These elements are recognisable in Van der Laan’s entire approach.204 He did not use the theological terms, but he meant something similar when he said that with the Incarnation God has reconciled in Himself the ima with the summa, thus completing the creation of the cosmos. He did not go into further detail, but Ratzinger’s argument, that cosmos and worship are closely bound up with one another in nature-religions, is related to the idea that worship involves a circular movement of both giving and receiving. This is because one can recognise traces of God in creation, in nature, in rhythm and order. Thus the cosmic element of the relation between created man and his Creator is recognisable in Van der Laan’s definition of liturgy, with the idea that earthly objects may

200 Cfr. HvdL, Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB (1948) 55–56; Mishoren met goede manieren, Utrecht 6 Feb. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Bijzondere les over de ceremonies van de H. Mis, Breda 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 1953; Letter to A. Mertens 19870105. 201 Cfr. e.g HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,8) 90. 202 Cfr. J. Daniélou, L’être et le temps chez Grégoire de Nysse, Leiden 1970, 224–226. 203 Cfr. J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 60–62. 204 Cfr. J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 20–29. 176 chapter two serve in man’s relationship with God. Note however the fundamental difference between his approach and that of Ratzinger, who spoke of the direct contact with nature, whereas for Van der Laan nature first needs to be ‘elaborated’ by culture in order to serve in liturgy. In this sense Van der Laan specified that created reality needs society’s influence and thus be turned by culture and the human intellect into monumental forms, worthy of playing a role in worship, the aim of his whole theory. As a created being, man cannot reach out to God without the medium of the created world into which the Word of God became incarnate and instituted tangible means such as the Sacraments. Van der Laan attributed to Dom Guéranger the expression: “To exclude ‘things’ is to apply a break between God and man and to cancel out the great benefaction of the Incarnation”.205 This is summarised in the Guérangerian motto ‘demeurer dans l’esprit de l’Incarnation’, quoted often by Van der Laan.206 He wondered, like Mme Cécile Bruyère: “Is it not through the process of the Sacraments and the sacramentals that God communicates Himself to man? Is the entire creation not called to return in honour of God?”207 Van der Laan concluded that through the interaction with created things, all exterior life must resound in contemplation, and ‘then activity itself will become contemplation’. In liturgy he recognised all the things that make life possible: “On the one hand the Church does not wish to leave anything unused to express her religion more clearly; on the other hand it wishes to let everything share in that excellent function of the liturgical expression and, through it, sanctify everything”.208 Here one has to consider liturgy as embracing all the visible world, otherwise he can never see it as a depiction of the invisible world of the angels in Heaven, because

205 HvdL, Letter to C. Pouderoyen 19411214: “De ‘dingen’ uitschakelen is een hiatus aanbrengen tusschen God & de menschen & de groote weldaad van de menschwording te niet doen’”. 206 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan before 19421026, 19421026; Letter to N. van der Laan 19440323. 207 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan, before 19421026: “N’est-ce pas par le procédé des Sacrements et des sacrementaux que Dieu se communique à l’homme? La création entière ne doit-elle pas revenir en hommage à Dieu?”. 208 HvdL, Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]: “Enerzijds wil de Kerk niets ongebruikt laten dat ons haar Godsdienst duidelijker voor ogen kan stellen; anderzijds wil zij alles laten delen in die voortreffelijke functie van de liturgische uitbeelding en daardoor alles heiligen”. Cfr. also HvdL, Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy 177 as Van der Laan stated with reference to Mme Bruyère: “there is only one liturgy”.209 Later he wrote that the mystery of Christmas, ‘Verbum caro factum est’ (Jn. 1:14: ‘The Word became flesh’), is revealed in the midst of man’s daily activities, merging invisible and visible things.210 Verbum and caro must always come together in human life, Van der Laan said, for daily activity and internal life should form a unity. He always remembered vividly the way in which Dom de Puniet treated the things around him, putting precisely this into practice: “If only you had seen how he touched the Body of the Lord during Mass! Well then, I can still see him in the refectory, where he broke his bread in the same way. . . But what was most expressive is the way in which he would hold the Sacred Book. He hardly touched it and gave the impression of caressing it, but always with the same delicate respect”.211 Van der Laan concluded that man must always connect his inner life to external factors and that the exterior things must always nourish and sustain thus his interior life. This important role given to matter and the centrality of the Incarnation permeated all his work and was clearly based on the Benedictine spirit.

2.4 Excursus: Ad orientem

Van der Laan was surprised to discover in 1962 that art historian Father Frits Van der Meer had inserted parts of their discussion concerning the architectural and liturgical orientation of the church edifice in his article Facie ad populum.212 The article took a position in the debate between those who favoured the celebration of Mass versus populum (‘facing the people’) and those who wanted both congregation and priest to face the same direction, ad orientem (‘facing east’).

209 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121: “er is maar één liturgie”. 210 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19780105. 211 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19440107: “Si vous aviez jamais vu comment il touchait pendant la Messe au Corps du Seigneur! Eh bien, je vois encore comment au réfectoire il rompait son pain de la même façon. . . Mais ce qui était le plus expressif c’est la façon dont il tenait le Saint Livre. Il y touchait à peine & avait l’air de le caresser mais toujours avec le même tendre respect”. Cfr also e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19421026, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19500813, Holy Saturday 1952. 212 Cfr. F. van der Meer, ‘Facie ad populum’, Streven 16 (Dec. 1962) 201–216; HvdL, Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19621219. This section is based on the article by M. Remery, ‘Celebratie ad orientem of versus populum? Frits van der Meer en Hans van der Laan over de oriëntatie van het kerkgebouw’, TvL 94 (2010, nr. 6), 324–337. 178 chapter two

Van der Meer specialised in Christian antiquity and he advocated adherence to the tradition of the Church, especially where liturgy was concerned.213 He was distressed to note that in the 1960s the change of the liturgical direction versus populum seemed to be a fait accompli. Though Van der Meer strongly favoured the celebration ad orientem, he admitted that Van der Laan had given him one sensible argument in favour of the celebration versus populum. Until the second half of the 20th century, celebrant and congregation were facing the same direction during most of the liturgy of the Eucharist. It is often maintained that the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) prescribed the celebration versus populum, apparently changing the orientation towards the Lord for an orientation towards the congregation. However, the liturgical direction was only treated in post-conciliar documents and, just as in the first millennium when in certain places the celebration was versus populum, all attention should still be directed to the one Lord.214 More recently a number of authors such as Van der Meer have protested against the general adherence to the celebration versus populum, giving evidence of a clear preference for the celebration ad orientem or ad Dominum as some prefer to refer to it.215 Here it is not possible to analyse these positions in detail, but they show that the question concerning liturgical orientation is still a real one. In addition, recent ecclesiastical norms concerning the Rite of the Eucharist have raised new interest in this question. Therefore it is interesting to follow the arguments used in a short exchange of letters between Van der Laan and Van der Meer.216 In order to properly study the different arguments in favour or against the celebration ad orientem, it is important to distinguish between liturgical and architectural orientation. The liturgical orientation concerns the direction in which priest and faithful face during

213 Cfr. e.g. F. van der Meer, Christus’ oudste gewaad. Over de oorspronkelijkheid der oud-christelijke kunst, Utrecht 1949; Id., Oudchristelijke kunst, Zeist-Antwerpen 1959; Id., ed., Lofzangen der Latijnse Kerk, Utrecht 1970; Id., Open brief over geloof en eredienst, Utrecht 1973. 214 Cfr. e.g. J. Ratzinger, ‘Foreword’, in: U.M. Lang, Turning towards the Lord. Orientation in liturgical prayer, San Francisco 2004, 9. 215 Cfr. e.g. K. Gamber, ‘Zum Herrn hin!’ Fragen um Kirchenbau und Gebet nach Osten, Regensburg 1987; U.M. Lang, Turning towards the Lord. Orientation in liturgical prayer, San Francisco 2004; J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, esp. 65–73. 216 Cfr. Benedictus PP. xvi, Litt. Ap. motu proprio Summorum Pontificium, 7 juli 2007, in: AAS 99 (2007) 777–781. liturgy 179 liturgy. Whereas Jews generally faced the direction of Jerusalem, Chris- tians prayed in the direction of the heavenly Jerusalem at the end of time.217 As the rising sun was the symbol of the eschatological coming of Christ from the east, this was the prevailing direction for prayer. This was very important for Frits van der Meer.218 The architectural orientation concerns the physical position, the direction of the axis of the ground plan of the church edifice. Together with the arrangement of the altar space, the architectural orientation influences the liturgical orientation. It should be noted that though Van der Laan made a detailed study of the architecture of the earliest Christian churches as discovered in Syria, he was not interested in liturgical or architectural orientation, but purely in the architectural proportions of the edifice itself. Though liturgical descriptions of the first millennium do not often speak about orientation—which was considered obvious—several sources demonstrate that the most important liturgical prayers and actions were performed facing east.219 This direction of prayer was more important than the architectural orientation, for also where the apse was not in the east, the celebrant turned in that direction. Accord- ing to Bouyer the entire congregation would do the same.220 How- ever, that idea is strongly criticised for it seems very improbable that the people would turn their back to the altar at the moment of the Eucharist.221 The prevailing view is that—depending on the architectural orientation of the church edifice—in some churches the celebrant would celebrate versus populum and in others not, for he was always facing east at the most important moments. Where necessary he could

217 Cfr. e.g. F.J. Dölger, Sol Salutis. Gebet und Gesang im christlichen Altertum mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Ostung in Gebet und Liturgie, Münster 1920, 19252; A. Podossinov, ‘Himmelsrichtung (kultische)’, RAC 15 (1991) 233–286; M. Wall- raff, Christus verus sol. Sonnenverehrung und Christentum in der Spätantike, Münster 2001, 60–88. 218 Cfr. e.g. F. van der Meer, Christus’ oudste gewaad. Over de oorspronkelijkheid der oud-christelijke kunst, Utrecht 1949, 124–125. 219 Cfr. e.g. C. Vogel, ‘‘Versus ad Orientem’. L’orientation dans les Ordines Romani du haut moyen âge’, Studi Medievali 3 (1960, nr. 1) 447–469. 220 Cfr. L. Bouyer, Architecture et liturgie, Paris 1967, 19912, 51–52. Lang seems to subscribe partly to this view: U.M. Lang, Turning towards the Lord. Orientation in liturgical prayer, San Francisco 2004, 77–83. 221 Cfr. e.g. C. Vogel, ‘L’orientation vers l’est du célébrant et des fidèles pendant la célébration eucharistique’, L’Orient Syrien 9 (1964) 26–29; J. Lara, ‘Versus Populum Revisited’, Worship 68 (1994) 214; S. de Blaauw, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 36. 180 chapter two turn around for the dialogue with the congregation222 Nußbaum has argued that in the first century the Eucharist was predominantly celebrated versus populum.223 His position has also been frequently criticised as overstating his case and systematically ignoring certain sources, especially of an archaeological nature.224 De Blaauw, who, as shall be seen, worked along the same lines as Van der Meer, concluded mainly on the basis of archaeological sources that in the first centuries Christian churches were generally constructed on the geographical east-west axis, and that the choice to place the apse in the east or in the west was secondary.225 Especially in Rome some of the great basilicas were turned to the west (occidented).226 The argument of Bouyer that this was for the convenience of the Bishop and his clergy is not convincing.227 Though in certain places the example of the Pope was followed, in general the churches outside Rome were oriented (towards the east).228 Jungman considered the most important reason for this the fact that the entire praying community would face east when it was directed towards the altar together with the celebrant.229 In any case, both inside and outside Rome at least the celebrant was facing east. In churches with the apse towards the West this meant celebration versus populum; where the apse was pointing east,

222 Cfr. e.g. Amalarius Symphosius, Liber officialis III, 9, in: J.M. Hanssens, ed., Amalarii episcopi opera liturgica omnia, t. II, Città del Vaticano 1948, 288–290; G. Durandus de Mende, Rationale Divinorum Officiorum 5.2.57, in: A. Davril— T.M. Thibodeau, ed., Guillelmi Duranti Rationale divinorum officiorum, CC CXLa, Turnhout 1998, 42–45; R. Kieckhefer, Theology in Stone. Church Architecture from Byzantium to Berkeley, New York 2004, 154–155. 223 Cfr. O. Nußbaum, Der standort des Liturgen am christlichen Altar vor dem Jahre 1000. Eine archäologische und liturgiegeschichtliche Untersuchung, Bonn 1965. 224 Cfr. M. Metzger, ‘La place des liturges à l’autel’, Revue des sciences religieuses de l’Université de Strassbourg 45 (1971) 113–117; K. Gamber, Liturgie und Kirchen- bau. Studien zur Geschichte d. Messfeier u. d. Gotteshauses in d. Frühzeit, Regensburg 1976, 7–27 [Studia patristica et liturgica, t. VI]; M. Wallraff, Christus verus sol. Son- nenverehrung und Christentum in der Spätantike, Münster 2001, 73; S. de Blaauw, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 12–13. 225 Cfr. S. de Blaauw, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 17–25. 226 Cfr. e.g. S. de Blaauw, Cultus et decor. Liturgie en architectuur in laatantiek en middeleeuws Rome: Basilica Salvatoris, Sanctae Mariae, Sancti Petri, Delft 1987, 36–37. 227 Cfr. L. Bouyer, Le rite et l’homme. Sacralité naturelle et liturgie, Paris 1962, 240. 228 Cfr. e.g. F.J. Dölger, Sol Salutis. Gebet und Gesang im christlichen Altertum mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Ostung in Gebet und Liturgie, Münster 1920, 19252. 229 Cfr. J.A. Jungmann, De eredienst van de Katholieke Kerk tegen de achtergrond van haar geschiedenis verklaard, Roermond 1957, 26. liturgy 181 celebration was versus orientem, for, as De Blaauw concluded, there was only one liturgical orientation.230 During the Middle Ages, in the Latin West outside Italy, occidentation was very seldom used.231 Apart from a few exceptions, in all medieval churches the altar faces east, though often there is a certain divergence with respect to the exact geographical east. Though the architectural orientation was maintained longer, by the end of the first millennium the principle of liturgical orientation was more seldom adhered to, partly due to the custom of celebrating the Eucharist without a congregation, which led to the construction of side chapels and altars.232 As a result of this development, the architectural orientation of the church edifice was similarly considered of lesser importance by the end of the Middle Ages. It is therefore interesting to note the growing interest in the physical orientation in the first half of the 20th century, sometimes at the specific request of the Bishop.233 The work of Alber- dingk Thijm, which in its time was very influential, may demonstrate that this renewed interest had a history itself.234 In his article Facie ad populum, Van der Meer observed—without hiding his personal abhorrence—that almost everywhere Mass was celebrated on a poor, undecorated ‘sub-high-altar’, thus violating the original architecture of the edifice. With reference to Alberdingk Thijm he confirmed that from the beginning Christians had prayed facing either the physical

230 Cfr. S. de Blaauw, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 38. 231 Cfr. S. de Blaauw, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 25. 232 Cfr. e.g. Walahfridus Strabo, De exordiis 4, in: A. Harting-Correa, ed., Walahfrid Strabo’s Libellus de exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus ecclesiasticis rerum, Leiden 1996, 60; S. de Blaauw, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 43–48. 233 Cfr. e.g. C. Reijgersberg, (P. Constantinus), Liturgie en kerkelijke kunst, Ant- werpen 19502, 119; Id., Kunst in dienst van de Kerk, Helmond 1958, 59–61; S. de Blaauw, Bouwen naar boven. De Sint Odulphuskerk van Bakhuizen 1857–1914–1989, Bakhuizen-Leeuwarden 1989, 38–39; Id., Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000, 51–54. 234 Cfr. e.g. J.A. Alberdingk Thijm, De heilige linie. Proeve over de Oostwaardsche richting van kerk en altaar als hoofdbeginsel der kerkelijke bouwkunst, Amsterdam 1858; G. Brom, Herleving van de kerkelike kunst in katholiek Nederland, Leiden 1933, 105–111; L. Verpoest, ‘Neogotische architectuur en monumentenzorg in België en Nederland: de schaduw van Alberdingk Thijm’, in: P.A.M. Geurts, ed., et al., J.A. Alber- dingk Thijm 1820–1889, erflater van de negentiende eeuw, Baarn 1992, 186–188. 182 chapter two or the symbolical east of the building.235 He seemed to regret the fact that the example of St Peter’s basilica in Rome, where the Pope celebrated facie ad populum because of the occidentation of the edifice, had been followed in other churches without attention to the direction of prayer. Contrary to Van der Meer, Van der Laan never wrote extensively about the liturgical and architectural orientation of the church edifice. A rare exception was when he expressed an intention to design a church in Rhenen directed towards the west, a church which was never constructed. He said, unfortunately without further explanation, that as a result of his theory, the orientation of a church means that the façade faces east.236 In a letter to his sister Lutgarde he explained the difference between the natural orientation towards the rising sun and the artificial orientation of the church edifice. The latter lets the entire building ‘begin’ with the façade and end in the apse.237 Thus Van der Laan preferred an occidentation of the apse on the east-west axis, because architecture should create an artificial east. He admitted that since the construction of the first Christian churches architects had attempted to make the natural and artificial east coincide. Though he recognised a certain beauty in this attempt, he said that it collided with another beauty. He considered the liturgical cycle to be sufficient in itself without the need to direct oneself to the cycle of nature.238 The danger of focusing too much on the link between nature and the liturgical year is that one could start to see ecclesiastical feast-days as natural feast-days that have received a religious stamp. Because of such argumentation he did not place much importance on the orientation of the edifice: “It is nice when that happens; when it does not happen it still is nice. The orientation of our ceremonies around the altar and the episcopal chair is ordered by its own laws; no one will turn to the natural east, like the Muslims do, if the church is not oriented to the east”.239 He later explained that his point of departure was very different from Alberdingk Thijm, whom he accused of basing the design of

235 Cfr. F. van der Meer, ‘Facie ad populum’, Streven 16 (Dec. 1962) 202–203; J. te Velde, Bidden naar het oosten. Gebedsrichting in spiritualiteit en liturgie, Nij- megen 2010, 70–71. 236 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to C. Pouderoyen 19411015. 237 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19461217. 238 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19461217. 239 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19461217: “Quand cela arrive c’est beau, quand cela n’arrive pas c’est beau encore. L’orientation de nos cérémonies autour de liturgy 183 churches on a symbolical meaning.240 Instead, Van der Laan’s vision on architecture intended to let the symbolical meaning be based on the design. Though the church edifice can be considered as a depiction of heaven, it is not heaven that serves as an example for architecture, but architecture that is used to depict heaven. This approach underlines the essence of his theory, which seeks to move towards the immaterial Mystery through the material world. Among the arguments used in what Van der Meer called ‘the fashion’ of the facie ad populum, he said he was only impressed by Van der Laan’s, which was based on pure architectural disposition. Van der Laan had said to him “that not only must the space ‘turn back to itself’, but during the public and solemn worship, the grouping of the community of the Lord also needs this ‘rounding off in itself’, and it is expressed visually in the closedness of the praying community”.241 When Van der Meer said that the late 12th century churches of Cister- cian abbeys did not have an ‘end’, because the main altar was placed against an unimportant wall and the choir niche of no importance, Van der Laan reacted “that in a certain way the same objection applied to the arrangement of the entire community, including the celebrant, along one axis in one direction, in casu east”.242 Subsequently Van der Meer argued that the rounded apse of Christian antiquity offered an unrivalled solution, of which he also recognised the principle in Gothic and Baroque architecture. He held that the lack of a ‘rounding off’ was the reason that the celebration on altars that were standing against dead, flat and unimportant walls was experienced as surreal. In reaction, Van der Laan said that the apse of antiquity does not definitively resolve his objection that a liturgical disposition with one prayer direction for everyone is not ‘rounded off’. He claimed not to share the

l’autel & le siège épiscopal s’ordonne par ses propres lois; personne ne se tournerait vers l’orient naturel si l’église n’est pas orienté cõ le font les muselmans”. 240 Cfr. J.A. Alberdingk Thijm, De heilige linie. Proeve over de Oostwaardsche richting van kerk en altaar als hoofdbeginsel der kerkelijke bouwkunst, Amsterdam 1858; HvdL, Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948; Id., ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 55–56. 241 F. van der Meer, ‘Facie ad populum’, Streven 16 (Dec. 1962) 214: “dat niet alleen een ruimte ‘in zichzelf moet terugkeren’, doch dat ook de groepering van de gemeente des Heren tijdens de openbare en plechtige eredienst die ‘afronding in zichzelve’ behoeft, en wel zichtbaar uitgedrukt in de geslotenheid van de biddende gemeente”. 242 F. van der Meer, ‘Facie ad populum’, Streven 16 (Dec. 1962) 215: “dat hetzelfde bezwaar in zeker opzicht kon gelden voor de opstelling van de gehele gemeente, voor- ganger inbegrepen, langs één as in één richting, in casu die van het Oosten”. 184 chapter two experience that the ‘flat ends’ of certain churches were uncomfortable, “for these cannot overcome an unachieved liturgical arrangement”.243 Basically he said that Van der Meer’s feeling of unease was caused by the single prayer direction for everyone. He added that the two fields of liturgical arrangement and architectural disposition are distinct worlds which should be complete in themselves, whilst Van der Meer tried to have these worlds complete in relation to each other. The disposition of people and columns should be different, Van der Laan said, precisely because these concern distinct fields: “The power of the entirety of our liturgical expression, architecture, arrangement, gesture, singing, and everything included, should be found in the parallel action of all these different dispositions”.244 This echoes Dom Guéranger’s aforementioned definition of liturgy. Van der Laan wanted to approach the problem as an architect and he said that he did not share the great admiration of Van der Meer towards, for example, Gothic and Baroque architecture, as there he no longer recognised the fundamental architectural disposition which he encountered in classical Greek and early Christian churches. Because Van der Laan held that the essential factors of architectural disposition were completely lost in these later monuments, he concluded: “when I see how quickly the architectural disposition has lost importance, I cannot be surprised that also the disposition of the liturgical arrangement was quickly weakened”.245 He concluded that therefore historical arguments against the facie ad populum did not hold. On one point the two priests agreed completely: they both experienced the ecclesiastical architecture of their time as very poor. Van der Meer focused mainly on the liturgical disposition and appealed to the ancient tradition of orientation in his attack on the ‘shabby sub-high-altars’ “blocking forever the most beautiful place of the cathedral”.246 Van der Laan’s main complaint concerned the architec-

243 HvdL, Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19621219: “omdat zij een ongeacheveerd liturgische opstelling niet kunnen opvangen”. 244 HvdL, Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19621219: “De kracht van onze volledige liturgische expressie, architectuur, opstelling, gebaar, gezang en alles inbegrepen moeten wij zoeken in het parallel optreden van al die diverse disposities”. 245 HvdL, Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19621219: “als ik zie hoe vlug de architectonische dispositie aan kracht verloren heeft, kan het mij niet verwonderen dat ook die van de liturgische opstelling spoedig verzwakt is”. 246 Cfr. F. van der Meer, ‘Facie ad populum’, Streven 16 (Dec. 1962) 201: “blokkeert voorgoed de schoonste plek van de kathedraal”. liturgy 185 tural disposition of the church edifice and the scant attention most modern architecture paid to to the universal foundations of architecture. Both authors were convinced of the fact that the intention of liturgy is not in the first place to unite people in a circle, but to be directed together towards the Lord. Liturgy intends to be a collective expression of the relationship of God with His people and to formulate a joint answer to His love. History has proved that this can be done in different geographic and liturgical directions, for in the end it is not the physical direction which is most important, but the orientation and intention of the heart. If the latter is correct it will be possible in any liturgical orientation to be directed to the Lord, truly and wholeheartedly conversus ad Dominum.

2.5. Concluding remarks

2.5.1. The sources of an independent thinker It is clear that Van der Laan was a very independent thinker, who used quotations and texts from other authors mainly to substantiate his own argument, as if to give authority to his thought. But when studying his work more closely, the influence of several ancient sources can be recognised, especially those who were important for the liturgical renewal of Solesmes. Though today the patristic writer Pseudo-Dionysius is dated to the 5th or the 6th century, in Solesmes he was long considered a disciple of St Paul (cfr. Acts 17:27–28.34).247 For this reason he was seen as an apostolic guide, whose thought was ‘confirmed’ by ‘later’ Neo-Platonic authors like St Gregory of Nyssa and St Augustine. Reading Vormenspel, one might get the impression that the latter were only important to Van der Laan where they confirmed the creation story or ‘confirmed’ Pseudo-Dionysius, and that they were otherwise disregarded. However, this is not true. The few, almost stereotypical texts Van der Laan often quoted from Pseudo-Dionysius should be considered to be the skeleton that supports the ‘body’ of the Christian Neo-Platonic Fathers of the Church. It was particularly their view of the ‘celestial hierarchy’ and the ‘ecclesiastical hierarchy’, representing the entire holy Order, combined with the need for creation to return to God that strongly influenced his thought.

247 Cfr. e.g. P. Chevallier, ed., Dionysiaca, t. I-II, Paris 1937–1950. 186 chapter two

It was Van der Laan’s great contribution to unite these sources of inspiration in one self-contained theory, embracing both the visible and invisible world as created by God. This shows the importance of his ongoing monastic training and how he had made the teaching of certain authors completely his own. It also shows how the human intellect and especially that of a thinker like Van der Laan, is able to unify the many different influences and sources it encounters. In spite of the fact that he used mainly isolated quotations from a work, he often knew how to grasp the very essence of what an author was saying without having read the entire work. At the same time it explains the absence of quotations in his principal works, though certain influences can be clearly recognised. For example, the few quotations from Pseudo-Dionysius in Vormenspel demonstrate the approach of this author to both earthly matter and the divine, including his apophatic hesitation, which shall be further examined below. Still, Van der Laan used sources almost exclusively to confirm his own thought and often pondered only one element or even just a word that was used by the original author. This goes hand in hand with the fact that he claimed to have developed his theory completely independently, without the help of other scholars, searching only for the very foundations of the relationship of man with nature and supernature in liturgy.

2.5.2. Liturgy as a form of play? Where the title of Vormenspel (Form-play) refers to the concept of play, this theme does not occur in the book. Its original title was that of the course given to seminarians of Rolduc seminary, ‘Het liturgisch vormbeginsel’ (the principle of liturgical form). Van der Laan changed the title at the last moment influenced by Padovan’s comparison of his theory with the ideas of Johan Huizinga in Homo ludens.248 He never referred to Huizinga in his letters or writings although the book was read at least once in the refectory. The new title ‘Vormenspel’ focuses on form-play, but the text of the book uses the term ‘vormbeginsel’ (form-principle). The word ‘vormenspel’ occurs twice in the book, and

248 Cfr. J. Huizinga, Homo ludens. Proeve eener bepaling van het spel-element der cultuur, Haarlem 1938; R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 59–61; Id., ‘Reflections on Het vormenspel: Art, Liturgy and Life’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 63–67. Cfr. HvdL, Letters to R. Padovan 19831227, 19840929. liturgy 187 in both instances on the first page of a new chapter, thus supporting the impression that it was added later.249 Given these considerations, it may be concluded that the title of his last book was decided on a whim, and he must have strongly regretted this in later years. This even more so because it evokes a comparison with the contents of a book by Guardini, Vom Geist der Liturgie (On the spirit of liturgy) the last chapter of which (entitled ‘Liturgie als Spiel’, Liturgy as play) Van der Laan especially disliked.250 Note that for Van der Laan ‘the play of forms’ should be intended as ‘the interaction of forms’ or ‘the interplay of forms’ and never in the sense of theatre or children’s play. Padovan held that the concept of play underlies not only Van der Laan’s theory of liturgy, “but his whole concept of the relation between the human intellect, the external world, and art”.251 It must be on the basis of this idea that in his translation Padovan changed the title of Het vormenspel der liturgie (Form-play of liturgy) to The Play of Forms. Nature, Culture and Liturgy, thereby relegating liturgy to the subtitle. However, it is precisely liturgy which is most central to Van der Laan, who only referred to the concept of play on rare occasions in his correspondence. One example is when he wrote that the seventh chapter of his courses on liturgical form corresponded to the cosmic game previously described to him by Padovan.252 But it is Padovan who extended the concept of play to fundamental elements of Van der Laan’s architectural theory. Like Ratzinger in Der Geist der Liturgie (The spirit of liturgy), Van der Laan had a rather cautious approach to liturgy as play.253 Though both recognised some parallels with the play of children, they were also aware that, like all comparisons, this comparison with play is inadequate. In his early years as a monk Van der Laan once said that “nature in its entirety is one great play of forms”, referring to the interaction of liturgical forms, but he also clearly pointed out that liturgy as play is not the same as the ordinary, worldly play and that he abhorred any form of

249 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IV,1) 35; (VII,1) 61. 250 Cfr. R. Guardini, Vom Geist der Liturgie, Freiburg 1917; J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 195. 251 R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 61. 252 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19820601; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. Cfr. R. Padovan, Letter to H. van der Laan 19840606. 253 Cfr. J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 11–19. 188 chapter two theatricality in liturgy.254 Therefore, the concept of play should not be considered an important theme in Van der Laan’s thought.

2.5.3. Evaluation This chapter has presented the book Vormenspel as a compendium, synthesis and guide of the thought of Van der Laan. Subsequently it has been shown that the main themes occur in very early writings. In essence his thinking never changed, though its expression had to pass through many years of writing and rewriting before it reached the condensed and precise form of Vormenspel. His entire worldview was based on the Christian Neo-Platonic idea that creation is a movement out of God, and that the created world is called to return to its divine origin. Man has to participate in this process by limiting the unlimited extension of nature in order to be able to dominate it. These artificial cultural forms are silhouetted against the background of nature. Subsequently, these cultural forms also fade away, forming the background for the liturgical forms. The key to this hierarchical progression is the ‘great analogy’ between the Intellect of God and the human intellect. Also within the cultural form-world a layered interaction between foreground and background can be recognised. Not satisfied with the purely functional forms that result from the encounter with the natural wilderness, man gives these forms an expression, the aim of which is to inform the intellect. When the expression of forms became more important than the original function, Van der Laan spoke of monumental forms, which are used in human communication. He saw liturgy as the apex of his worldview, for it is in liturgy that man uses signs to communicate with God in a collective manner. All of these are derived from daily functional forms, but set apart to serve their highest aim. This gives evidence of the two major tools used by Van der Laan. On the one hand, the distinction of foreground and background allowed him to focus freely on the different levels. On the other hand, he made the connection between the levels by the application of an analogy, which allowed him to see a parallel between things that are not directly connected. It is with the two words ima summis that he expressed this reality. Given the divine desire to unite the ima (lowest) with the summa (highest), he placed much importance on

254 HvdL, Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940: “De gehele natuur is een groot vormenspel”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Schoonheid, 2–3, 10 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy 189 the external things of daily life, especially insofar as they are used in liturgy, for since the moment of the Incarnation it is through creation that salvation has reached man. His essential distinction is between the matter of the visible created world in which man lives, and the mystery of that other, invisible world of heaven, which lies beyond the reach of man. For Van der Laan, everything is related to the supernatural order, in line with what St Augustine wrote: “You have made us for yourself, and restless is our heart until it reposes in you”.255 It is by a supernatural gift, the grace of God, that man can transcend the created world and move towards heaven. Liturgy and the Sacraments are important means for this. Van der Laan placed great importance on the forms of the liturgy on earth, which by analogy parallels the liturgy of the angels and the Saints in heaven, and vice versa, as he said, ‘for heavenly life is being described with images from the earthly liturgy’. For Van der Laan, liturgy is the visible expression of religion, by which man, formally defined by his intellect, is entirely directed towards God. He considered liturgy as one great monument of words, gestures and objects that keeps alive the memoria of the central element of the Christian religion, the Incar- nation. Though for Van der Laan this term included the entirety of the mysteries of Salvation, he had a mainly incarnational view of the world. It is surprising that he did not mention, for example, the essential Christian commandment of charity, a theme completely absent from his writings. It can be assumed, however, that he included all of this in liturgy, as expressed concisely in the finalite missa est of Mass: “so that everyone may return to his good works, praising and blessing the Lord”.256 Though he wrote to his sisters that they were praising God through the work they were doing for their fellow man, he always placed this in the perspective of liturgy.257 He wanted to concentrate

255 S. Augustinus, Confessiones I,1,1, in: PL XXXII, 661 (CCL XXVII,1): “fecisti nos ad te et inquietum est cor nostrum donec requiescat in te”. Cfr. also Id., Confessiones III,6,11, in: PL XXXII, 688 (CCL XXVII,33): “Tu autem eras interior intimo meo et superior summo meo” (“But you were more intimate to me than I to my most intimate self and you were higher than my highest self”); K. Kienzler, ‘Confessiones 1. Die unbegreifliche Wirklichkeit der menschlichen Sehnsucht nach Gott’, in: N. Fischer— C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 62–65. 256 IGMR 1969, 57: “ut… unusquisque ad opera sua bona revertatur, collaudans et benedicens Dominum”. 257 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19460822, 19500813, 19550814. 190 chapter two only on what man does with the created world in order to fulfil both his natural and supernatural end. The study of Vormenspel and the anterior writings which led Van der Laan to this concise expression of his thought, is essential for a rigourous understanding of his reasoning and deeply religious motivation. He said that Vormenspel, itself the background to his book on architecture, also had a background, not that of the architect or of the sacristan he had always been, but of the monk and liturgist.258 The book contains the basis of his thought in the fields of architecture and the ‘making’ of other daily objects, which is only one possible expression of this worldview. He wished to apply his proportional system to all plastic forms, and knew that it was even related to other, invisible dimensions.259 Dom Guéranger called architecture the most divine of liturgical arts.260 For Van der Laan, architecture helps man to make the world more intelligible by giving measure to the measureless space of nature.261 Ultimately, the background of human making is found in God, from whom all good comes and to whom all good returns. For Van der Laan, man is saved through sharing in creation and through the Incar- nation. Because of this belief he was able to give all matter a sacred function, not in a mystic or magic sense but in a physical sense. He interpreted the Rule of St Benedict to say that every daily object and indeed all earthly matter may help man to reach his final destination, with the help of the holy angels, who are always in God’s presence and never forget anything. Thus he concluded: “By seeing the whole visible world as background for the invisible world of the spirit. . . this visible world becomes one great liturgy, in which heaven and earth combine to honour the Creator of both”.262

258 HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19870105. 259 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X) 93–102. 260 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. II, Paris 18782, 386. 261 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, De architectonische dispositie VII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 22 July & 9 Sept. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (IV,1) 35, (V,2) 45. 262 HvdL, Vormenspel (X,8) 100: “Door de gehele zichtbare wereld als achtergrond te beschouwen van de onzichtbare wereld van de geest… wordt deze zichtbare wereld tot één grote liturgie, waarin hemel en aarde samenkomen om hun beider schepper te eren”. CHAPTER THREE

TOWARDS A THEORY OF ARCHITECTURE

3.1. Introduction

During a trip to Italy in 1969 Van der Laan visited the ancient Roman cities of Ostia Antica, Herculaneum and Pompei, as well as the scavi (excavations) under St Peter’s basilica in Rome. He regarded this trip as a reward for the successful construction of the church in Vaals.1 He enjoyed the primitive life on a camping site, as it was a life “with and without nothing”.2 The visit to Ostia Antica was especially important for him, because he saw “Ostia with its courtyards that had simply walked away from Vaals”.3 The fact that he recognised Vaals in Ostia and not the other way round is indicative of his approach to daily life. In his typical way he searched there for the confirmation of elements of his own theory, writing: “Afterwards we visited the houses of Pompei and Herculaneum with spatial effects that answer exactly to everything I have theorised about in architecture; a delicious confirmation of my study”.4 Daily Mass was celebrated in one or another ancient basilica, of which he said that it was as if the walls and columns attended Mass. He claimed later that the experience in Ostia and Pompei was of great help for the construction of the convent in Waasmunster.5 For an adequate description of the theory and practice of this Benedictine monk, one necessarily has to consider architecture as a life’s work. Arets and Van den Berg said that “this means to describe the idea of a fundamental perfection, an idea arisen from a refined understanding of both the material and the spiritual, and rooted in

1 Cfr. H. van der Laan (HvdL), Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690316. 2 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690603: “met zonder niks”. 3 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690603: “Ostia met binnenhoven die zo uit Vaals waren weggelopen”. Cfr. also HvdL, Beste Pater Prior, s.l. May 1969; G. Brink- greve, ‘Herinneringen aan een reis naar Rome’, Thematismos (2003, nr. 2) 12–14. 4 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690603: “Daarna [bezochten we, mpr] de huizen van Pompei & Herculanum met ruimtewerkingen die precies beantwoorden aan alles wat ik aan architectuur uitgedacht heb; een heerlijke bevestiging van mijn studie”. 5 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19811110. 192 chapter three a profound religious awareness”.6 Van der Laan was a deeply devout man, whose faith in God and the Church was the only truly important thing in his life. Though several authors have tried to play this down, the biographical chapter above demonstrates that his faith was at the very heart of his life and work.7 However, his principal texts on architecture do not make reference to religion or even to church-building. All his life, Van der Laan searched for the foundations of architecture as a product of society. He said, “our ecclesiastical architecture, which is so very necessary for the recovery of liturgy, has its foundation in a cultural architecture and not the other way around”.8 He always sought out the foundation for his designs in culture. Though for him specific ecclesiastical architecture did not exist—he simply sought to create the purest form of the human habitat—the highest goal of architecture is to serve as a part of liturgy by consecrating its best products as churches to God. This means that the noblest and simplest forms should be found in the church building, where these forms serve as a sign of a higher truth. Similarly, in liturgy simple food is used in its primitive form: bread, wine and oil. No delicacies or refined combinations of tastes, but noble simplicity. In an interview, a fellow-monk said that for Van der Laan, architecture was inexorably connected with the spiritual life: “Together with architecture, liturgy forms the framework for a life in holiness before the face of God. And besides: how could we form an image of the divine, invisible beauty, if we do not know visible beauty?”9 Therefore, Van der Laan’s entire theory of

6 W. Arets–W. van den Berg, ‘Architectuur zonder meer’, in: W. Graatsma– H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp.: “Het betekent de idee beschrijven van een fundamentele perfectie, een idee ontstaan vanuit een verfijnd begrip voor het materiële en geestelijke, en geworteld in een diep religieus besef”. 7 Cfr. e.g. F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 19; R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 81; F.-W. Kaiser, ‘The Quest for the Real: Religion, Science and Art’, in: Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals- Edinburgh 2000, 62. 8 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19821126: “[dat] onze kerkelijke architectuur, die zo broodnodig is voor het herstel der liturgie, zijn grondslag heeft in een maatschappelijke bouwkunst en niet andersom”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Bonnefantenmuseum Maastricht, Maastricht 7 Apr. 1982 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19830806; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Van der Laan’s theorie in perspectief. De Architectonische Ordening Anno Nu’, Architext SCahier 13 (1999, nr. 68) 5. 9 D. van der Stouw, ‘Van architectuur naar liturgie’, Nederlands Dagblad (20 Nov. 1991): “Samen met de architectuur vormt de liturgie het kader voor het leven in towards a theory of architecture 193 architecture should be considered against the greater background as ultimately espoused in Vormenspel. Having discovered the essence of his theory, Van der Laan was able to write to his sister: “Now I can simply draw parallels in every area, starting from the same principles, in order to come to conclusions for the design. Of course it is for architecture that I have worked this out furthest”.10 It has been seen that Van der Laan’s major instruments in expressing his thought were the interplay between background and foreground, allowing for a zooming in and out between levels, and the use of analogy to compare two worlds that cannot be related directly. These same instruments will be seen at work in this chapter. Just like Vormenspel, his books on architecture are very densely written. It is neither theology nor philosophy as such. Even for theoretically-schooled architects it can be difficult to follow his line of thought although his books lead his readers, step by step, into the logic of his argument. Both the logic and the argument are very much his own style, which means that one needs to get acquainted with a new way of thinking. If one takes the time to follow each step, it becomes clear that in fact he used a very simple logic. While anyone can understand the general lines, skipping parts (as was advised in the catalogue for the first major exhibition of his work and to his great disappointment) is not recommended.11 However, the reader should not worry too much if he or she loses track of a certain part of it. Each element of the theory is part of a greater whole as is the case for the plastic number, for example. Van der Laan utilised these principles of proportion not just in architecture but in other fields too, such as the making of vestments and vessels. In fact, it might have been more correct to call this chapter ‘Towards a theory of ‘making’’, but he himself repeated that he had worked out his universal theory most comprehensively for architecture. 12 The other fields of ‘making’ will be dealt with in the next chapter along

heiligheid voor het aangezicht van God. En bovendien: hoe zouden we ons een beeld kunnen vormen van de goddelijke, onzichtbare schoonheid, als we geen zichtbare schoonheid kennen?” 10 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 195206: “Ik behoef nu maar voor ieder domein parallellen te trekken om uitgaande van dezelfde principen tot conclusies te komen voor de vormgeving. Voor de architectuur heb ik dat uiteraard het verste uit- gewerkt”. 11 Cfr. W. Graatsma–J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982, 26. 12 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 1952, 195206. 194 chapter three with an analysis of some examples of his architectural work. Like the preceding chapter, this chapter consists of two main sections. Just as the annual courses by Van der Laan on liturgy culminated in the book Het vormenspel der liturgie, for architecture too his major works are the result of many years of teaching, lecturing and article-writing. The first part of this chapter will analyse the theory of architecture on the basis of three main texts which he wrote on this topic. During his life, the subject of his study expanded from the nucleus of the plastic number (Le nombre plastique, 1960) until it encompassed the whole ambit of architecture and urban planning (De architectonische ruimte, 1977) and later even the whole visible and invisible world linked by liturgy (Vormenspel, 1985). It was completed with an encyclopaedia article (Een architectuur, 1989). The second part of the chapter will analyse in detail some essential elements of the theory. Much has been written about his architectural work and theory. Though Van der Laan himself will be the main focus of this research, reference will be made to these writings when relevant for this book.

3.2. ‘Making’ according to Van der Laan

3.2.1. The nucleus of the plastic number (1960) Van der Laan’s first book, Le nombre plastique (The plastic number), published in 1960, was the result of some 30 years of rewriting and fine tuning. After the discovery of the ground-ratio in 1929 and the initial encounters during the war as elaborated in his letters to Dom Pierre Nau at Solesmes, Van der Laan further developed the expression of the theory during his classes in Breda and in ’s-Hertogenbosch. Though the design for the church of Oosterhout Abbey was not accepted, it was the occasion for the first cycle of sixteen classes on ‘the plastic number or architectural coordination’ between 1953 and 1956.13 The contents of these classes formed the basis of Le nombre plastique.14

13 Cfr. HvdL, Het plastische getal I-X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1953–1956 [Unp. AVdL]: I, 28 Nov. 1953; II, 12 Dec. 1953; III, 2 Jan. 1954; IV, 30 Jan. 1954; V, 27 Feb. 1954; VI, 27 Mar. 1954; VII, 29 May 1954; VIII, 26 June 1954; IX, 2 Oct. 1954; X, 13 Nov. 1954; XI, 22 Jan. 1955; XII, 19 Feb. 1955; XIII, 2 Apr. 1955; XIV, 7 & 21 May 1955; XV, 19 Nov. 1955 & 14 Jan. 1956; XVI, 3 Mar. 1956. 14 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique. Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique, tr. Dom X. Botte, Leiden 1960; Het plastische getal. XV lessen over de grondslagen towards a theory of architecture 195

The plastic number The ‘plastic number’ is a proportion scheme which corrects the golden section, the sectio aurea. The term refers to the book by Dom André Mocquereau (1849–1930) of Solesmes about the rhythm of Gregorian chant, Le nombre musical (The musical number).15 Just as in music the octave brings order into the extensive range of possible musical tones, the plastic number is a measurement system that orders the bound- lessness of natural space. One of Van der Laan’s fundamental insights is the idea that where man is lost in limitless nature, he needs a limited selection of sizes to choose from when he starts ordering nature in order to adapt it to his demands. The plastic number allows for all of the measurements of a building to match proportionally in three dimensions. Thus its main aim is to allow for a complex of proportions to exist between all parts of a building and even of a whole town. Basically, Van der Laan called the thickness of the wall the unit of size, which he used to measure out the rest of the building, thus allowing for a proportionate relationship between all its parts. This he learned from his study of ancient Greek architecture, which placed an equally strong emphasis on proportions.16 Le nombre plastique begins with the importance of measurement and number in the genesis of a building. In the course of its presentation, only some attention is given to the reconciling role that the edifice plays between man and the unlimited space of nature, a theme which would be so important in Van der Laan’s later books, De architectonische ruimte (Architectural space), and especially Vormenspel (Form-play). In Le nombre plastique, most attention goes to the technical aspects of measurement and proportion. It is in the definitions by the ancient Roman architect Marcus Vitruvius Pollio that Van der Laan found the basic elements of his ‘toolbox’, subsequently dealing with the themes of coordination, disposition, eurhythmy, symmetry, decor and distribution. Vitruvius presented these themes in his classic book, De architectura libri decem.17

van de architectonische ordonnantie, Leiden 1967; trad. Italiano, Il numero plastico. Quindici lezioni sull’ordine architettonico, tr. L. Filipetto, Milano 2002. 15 Cfr. A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma- Tournai 1908; t. II, Paris-Roma-Tournai 1927. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413, 19540919; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19540307. 16 Cfr. e.g. R. Masiero, Estetica dell’architettura, Bologna 1999, 30–31. 17 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, ed: C. Fensterbusch, Darmstadt 1991. 196 chapter three

In an early class, Van der Laan complained that the art of counting and measuring, which for Vitruvius formed the basis of ancient architecture, had been lost and therefore the architectural process had been beheaded and purged of its intellectual aim.18 The later De architectonische ruimte shows how Van der Laan had completely adopted these Vitruvian definitions and often presented them as his own. He went to great lengths to get the accurate translation from the Vitruvian Latin and asked the art historian Father Frits van der Meer (1904–1994) and the Latinist Christine Mohrmann (1903–1988) for help.19 This section shall briefly present the essence of Le nombre plastique. First, the use of the abacus, the architectural tool which Van der Laan developed, shall be studied. Special attention will be given to the five phases he distinguished in its use. This is followed by a brief presentation of the background to the plastic number and how Le nombre plastique was received. This will serve as an introduction to the dense material of De architectonische ruimte. It will hopefully save the reader the trouble of going back and forth through the text, as the English architecture professor Cornford suggested for another book by Van der Laan: “despite the excellent translation the book is dense, if flaw- lessly sequential. One must scan it impressionistically to begin with, then go back and digest it inchmeal. Most of us would then need to play extensively with a set of Van der Laanian toy-size parallelepipeds to get the feel of things, and only then begin to compose, as it were, three-dimensional melodies on this new-found keyboard”.20 The plastic number can only be properly presented within the context of Van der Laan’s entire theory. Therefore the following brief discussion will be necessarily incomplete and can only be fully understood in the light of the subsequent section which will deal with De architectonische ruimte.

Five phases in the use of the abacus Aware of the danger that the theory of the plastic number would remain an abstract arithmetical trick, and thus lose its importance for

18 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XII, Oosterhout 14 Sept. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 19 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19571013; Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19580223; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19580307. 20 Cfr. C. Cornford, ‘From the ground up. Architectonic space’, The Architectural Review (Mar. 1984) 56. towards a theory of architecture 197 the practical work of the architect, Van der Laan developed his own tool to determine the correct proportion. He named this tool ‘abacus’, after the ancient Greeks and Romans educational tool.21 The purpose of his abacus is to provide a practical insight into the different proportions connected to the plastic number and it consists of a series of bars of different proportionate sizes, derived from the eight measurements of Van der Laan’s system, as shall be described below (see fig. 3.01). In 1940 he had asked one of the brothers in the monastery to create a set of blocks of different proportions as an instructional device: this must have been the first version of the later abacus.22 Van der Laan said that the use of this abacus is multiple: in the first place it allows one to establish the basis of the plastic number by observing concrete data; it further serves to obtain a full insight into this number; and finally it helps in the realisation of this number by architectural coordination.23 In Le nombre plastique, Van der Laan distinguished five phases in the use of the abacus. In the first phase, that of observation and experience,

Fig. 3.01 The abacus.[ AVdL; NP (III,9) 22]

21 Cfr. C. Daremberg–E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Greques et Romaines. D’apres les textes et les monuments, t. I, Paris 1877, 2, 430; HvdL, Le nombre plastique (III,6) 19; D.A. van Ruler, ‘Het abc van de architectuur’, Plan 12 (Jan. 1981) 5. 22 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19400110, 19400115. 23 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (III,10) 23. 198 chapter three he gave evidence of an empirical-phenomenological approach when he attempted to find the plastic number starting from “the concrete order of the continuous extension”, which is nature without the human constructions that limit it.24 It is interesting that in the 1960 French version, this unlimited series of possibilities of size is represented by ‘l’étendue naturelle’ (natural extension), but in the Dutch version of 1967 the series is represented by the bars of the abacus.25 Was his faith in his abacus so great that he could illustrate the unlimited range of sizes in nature directly by means of the (limited) selection of abacus bars? The abacus divides up the unlimited possibilities of nature in a limited number of groups, so that the human intellect can have access to them. In each group, the longest bar is about 4/3 times as big as the smallest. This difference is the ground-ratio, further explained below. In a second phase, that of reflection, Van der Laan distinguished discrete quantity (‘how many’) from continuous quantity (‘how large’). He expressed the threefold relationship to the fixed unit (of breadth, length and height) in the discrete quantity of the number. This relationship “is the main characteristic of the architectural appreciation of spatial extension”.26 In the third phase, that of insight, the ground-ratio is no longer expressed by the proportion of concrete lengths, but by the proportion of abstract numbers. This allows for scaling. Van der Laan concluded that one can only express the plastic number by means of abstract numbers, when taking into account the existence of certain margins, which can also be expressed mathematically.27 Though debatable, his conclusion that certain proportions have female (7:4) and other male (4:3) associations is interesting although he neglected to provide a proper foundation for this assertion and it was questioned by certain authors.28 Note in this context that for Vitruvius, the difference between male (doric) and female (ionic) proportions is 4/3.29

24 HvdL, Le nombre plastique (V,1) 34: “l’ordre concret de l’étendue continue”. 25 Cfr. HvdL, Het plastische getal, Leiden 1967, (V,1) 36. 26 HvdL, Le nombre plastique (VII,1) 62: “[qui] est le propre de l’appréciation architectonique de l’étendue spatiale ”. 27 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (VIII,12) 67. 28 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XI,15) 97. Cfr. e.g. G. Cordonnier, Letter to H. van der Laan 13 June 1977 [Unp. AVdL]. 29 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XII,2–3) 98–99; A. Choisy, Vitruve, t. I, Paris 1909, 62, 121; M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, IV,1, ed: C. Fen- sterbusch, Darmstadt 1991, 166–174. towards a theory of architecture 199

In the fourth phase, that of exercise, Van der Laan described in detail five experiments with the bars of the abacus. In the fifth phase, that of realisation, he said that unlike the technical sciences, where the intellect seeks only to fulfil man’s bodily needs, the plastic number creates a ‘coordination’ of plastic forms that give the house an expressivity which answers to the needs of the intellect. Note the implicit reference to what would later be called functional and expressive forms in Vormenspel. His conclusion is remarkable in that “we use the construction of our houses to realise the plastic number in an architectural ordering which expresses to the intellect that which these constructions realise in service of the body”.30 This is another implicit reference to the ‘great analogy’ in Vormenspel. For Van der Laan, architecture is not a goal in itself, but the realisation of an expression, that of the plastic number. One could say that Van der Laan used the example of the Hagia Sophia as a prelude for De architectonische ruimte when he explained, using a schematic plan of this early Christian church, how in this example the greatest measure of a proportion serves at the same time as the smallest measure (the unit) of the next proportion (see fig. 3.02).31 Though there is no direct relation between the thickness of the wall and the total dimension of the building, this relationship does exist in a small side chapel, where the thickness of the wall and the dimension of the side chapel belong to the same order of size. On a broader scale, the entire side chapel serves as a unit. This is how Van der Laan managed to discover a proportional relation between all parts of the building. He dedicated a final word to the importance of ornamentation, which should express something of the whole on a smaller scale. Architecture cannot do this alone, for “only with the help of sculptors can the architect speak his last word”.32 The 1967 version added paint- ers to this, which is probably due to Van der Laan’s frequent contact with the painter Strawinsky.33 De architectonische ruimte no longer

30 HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XIII,1) 109 : “Nous nous servons de la construction de nos maisons pour réaliser le nombre plastique dans une ordonnance architectonique qui exprime à l’intelligence ce que ces constructions réalisent au service du corps”. 31 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XIII,12) 115–116. 32 HvdL, Het plastische getal, Leiden 1967, (XV,15) 141: “Slechts met behulp van beeldhouwers en schilders kan de architect zijn laatste woord spreken”. 33 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique, Leiden 1960, (XV,15) 135. 200 chapter three

Fig. 3.02 Schematic plan of the Hagia Sophia. [AVdL; NP (XIII,13) 116] makes a reference to ornamentation. For example, where Le nombre plastique refers to a chapiteau as an essential element, this does not occur at all in De architectonische ruimte.34 Throughout his life, Van der Laan maintained a lively interest in plastic arts, and especially in painting and sculpture. Though presented in a seemingly logical manner, a critical reader can point out certain inaccuracies and unjusti- fied assertions, especially where the derivation of the plastic number is concerned. Van der Laan made many assertions without further explanation and included all sorts of arguments in his exposition. It shall be seen below that De architectonische ruimte is much more sober and clear in its presentation of the plastic number, although certain questions still remain unanswered. After the publication of his 1977 book,

34 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XIV,5) 120–121; De architectonische ruimte (XI,5) 151–152. towards a theory of architecture 201

Van der Laan deemed Le nombre plastique outdated, because of its less precise formulation, and never had it reprinted.35

The background to the plastic number Le nombre plastique did not receive much media attention. It is interesting therefore that the renowned Dutch architect Gerrit Rietveld agreed to write a review of the book. He was a member of the Dutch art movement De Stijl, founded in Leiden in 1917, and later of the Nieuwe Zakelijkheid which reacted against expressionism and Jugend- stil. His most famous work is the Rietveld-Schröder house (1924) in Utrecht.36 In his review of Le nombre plastique, Rietveld praised the fact that Van der Laan’s proportion scheme leaves the architect completely free to apply it at will. He also praised Van der Laan’s conviction that the correct application of this proportion scheme necessarily leads to the desired architectural expression and harmonic unity.37 At the same time, Rietveld recognised the difficulty for the average architect of keeping track of the multiplicity of measurements and proportions proposed by Van der Laan. Rietveld was not alone in his views.38 In fact, this may be one of the reasons why his theory has so few followers. Van der Laan was happy with the review, also because Gerrit Rietveld was a renowned and respected architect. This gave him hope for a further diffusion of the theory, a hope which proved on the whole to be misplaced. At the same time, he complained that even Rietveld did not recognise the essence of the theory.39 A review by Kroon praises the results of Van der Laan’s experimental research, but complains that logical conclusions in the book were united with unverified personal hypotheses. Van der Laan and Kroon had a lively

35 Cfr. e.g. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 3; Id., ‘Zoeken naar het ware menselijk verblijf ’, in: Id., ed., Wie is er bang voor nieuwbouw . . . confrontatie met Nederlandse architecten, Amsterdam 1981, 171–182; HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840102. 36 Cfr. M. Kuper, ‘Rietveld, Gerrit Thomas’, in: Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland , t. V, Den Haag 2002, 421–424. 37 Cfr. G. Rietveld, ‘Boekbespreking’, BW 78 (2 Sept. 1960) 403. Cfr. HvdL, Toen in 1957, Vaals 7 Oct. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]; A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988. 38 Cfr. e.g. P.J.M. Dinjens, ‘Het getal’, Bouw 22 (18 Nov. 1967) 1688. 39 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19590607. 202 chapter three correspondence about this last remark.40 It may be noted that there is at least some truth in Kroon’s comments. Van der Linden made a proper analysis of the book, though Van der Laan claimed that for this author too, abstract thinking was complex.41 These commentaries of an intelligent nature show the difficulty Van der Laan had in communicating his theory. One has to keep in mind that this theory should be considered against a larger background, which is not at all explained in the text of Le nombre plastique. Instead, the book gives a rather dry presentation of the correct proportions to be used in architecture and other forms of art, without further reference to liturgy or to the construction of churches. He strongly believed that the plastic number could be applied without full knowledge of this background. In contrast, Dom Huiting, a confrère of the Oosterhout community, who was well acquainted with Van der Laan’s theory, did mention both ecclesiastical architecture and liturgy in his review of the book.42 Huiting said that art possesses the key to elevating human artefacts to the level of the sign, transcending their direct functionality as a tool or means of communication. It can then serve as a sign in liturgy, as an analogy between the visible and the invisible world. Frequent conversations with Dom Huiting about the theory were the reason why in 1960 he was able to outline what Van der Laan himself would only write down definitively in 1985 in Vormenspel. This may serve as further proof that the full theory was always present in the background, although Van der Laan kept re-formulating its expression.

3.2.2. The crystallisation of a theory (1977) Several classes on architectural space between 1968 and 1973 were the direct precursors of De architectonische ruimte (Architectural space), published in 1977.43 It was translated into English, French,

40 Cfr. J.J. Kroon, ‘Architectuurwetenschap’, De Ingenieur (27 Nov. 1964) A729– 736; HvdL, Letter to J.J. Kroon 19650125. 41 Cfr. M.P. van der Linden, ‘Het plastische getal’, BW 86 (1968) 350–352; HvdL, Letter to A.D. Fokker 196712. 42 Cfr. F. Huiting, ‘Dom H. van der Laan, Le nombre plastique, Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique’, Speculator 9 (July 1960, nr. 2) 43–44. Cfr. also e.g. Id., ‘De alchemie der verzoening. Architectuur en spititualiteit bij Dom Hans van der Laan’, Kovel 2 (June 2009, nr. 8) 20–31. 43 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Mr Wieder 19760531, 19761124. Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte. Vijftien lessen over de dispositie van het menselijk verblijf, Leiden 1977, 19832, 19923, 19974; English trans., Architectonic Space. Fifteen lessons on the Dis- towards a theory of architecture 203

German, Italian and Spanish. The Dutch version was reprinted four times. Though the main body of the text ofDe architectonische ruimte remained the same in the various reprints, Van der Laan radically changed and abbreviated certain sections, because they were too complicated for the reader. A good example of this is paragraph XIV,10 in the first edition, which was simplified and made more intelligible in the second and further edited in the third edition.44 He considered De architectonische ruimte to be the perfect rendition of his thought concerning architecture.45 It will therefore be used here in the analysis of Van der Laan’s thought in this field as precisely and concisely as possible. Like Le nombre plastique, the second book contains some very dense material, requiring concentration and time to intellectually digest the different logical phases. The theory was presented as an ongoing movement, moving from one level to the other and zooming in and out. In De architectonische ruimte, like for his previous book, one can identify three main sections. These are preceded by a reflection on man and nature and concluded with the concrete example of the proportions Van der Laan recognised in Stonehenge. The following examination of De architectonische ruimte will be divided into three sections. The first deals with the three functions of architectural space, form and size. After considering these functions in themselves, and their related architectural forms, they are considered in the context of their joint function of completing nature. The second

position of the Human Habitat, tr. R. Padovan, Leiden 1983; trad. Français, L’espace architectonique. Quinze leçons sur la disposition de la demeure humaine, tr. X. Botte, Leiden 1989; Deutsche Üb., Der architektonische Raum. Fünfzehn Lektionen über die Disposition der menschlichen Behausung, tr. U. Hahn, et al, Leiden 1992; trad. Italiano, Lo spazio architettonico, tr. MVM Milano (dal tedesco), Milano 2002; trad. Español, El espacio arquitectónico, tr. W. Beekhof, Madrid 2010. Van Embden wrote the introduction to the English translation, Dom Botte to the French translation, and Brother den Biesen to the German translation (cfr. S.J. van Embden, ‘Preface’, in: Architec- tonic Space. Fifteen lessons on the Disposition of the Human Habitat, tr. R. Padovan, Leiden 1983, v–ix; X. Botte, ‘Avant-propos’, in: HvdL, L’espace architectonique. Quinze leçons sur la disposition de la demeure humaine, tr. X. Botte, Leiden 1989, v–vii; K. den Biesen, ‘Vorwort’, in: HvdL, Der architektonische Raum. Fünfzehn Lektionen über die Disposition der menschlichen Behausung, tr. U. Hahn, et al., Leiden 1992, v–vi). Cfr. also e.g. A. Moravánszky–K.M. Gyöngy, Architekturtheorie im 20. Jahrhundert. Eine kritische Anthologie, Wien 2003, 240–244. 44 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,10) 19771, 186; 19832, 185–186; 19923, 187; 19974, 187. 45 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840610. 204 chapter three section further develops the problem of size, which is what Le nombre plastique predominantly dealt with. This complex section examines the number-system and Van der Laan’s corresponding reflections which together explain the mathematical derivation of the plastic number. The ground-ratio and measurement systems are then considered in the context of Vitruvius’ ancient definitions of architecture. The third section focuses on the disposition of the wall, house and town on three scale levels. Here the application of the proportion system studied in the preceding two sections is applied to the entire building, by proportionally relating the size of the wall to other elements of the house. Thus Van der Laan gradually expanded the application of the plastic number, so that theoretically an entire town could correspond entirely and in minute detail to the proportions of the plastic number. Finally, he considered this within the context of the entire created world and even its uncreated Origin.

Architectural space, form and size Van der Laan started his reflection by considering man’s initial encounter with nature. As in Vormenspel, the biblical quotation of Jesus ben Sira plays a crucial role in De architectonische ruimte: “The necessities of life are water, bread, and clothing, and also a house to assure privacy” (Sir. 29:21).46 Man is called to use his intellect in order to complete nature by constructing a house and other things he needs. In this way, the house becomes a reconciling element between man and nature, enabling man to maintain himself in nature. In his act of completing nature, Van der Laan said that man extracts forms of material (e.g. blocks of rock) from the unlimited mass of the earth in order to construct a wall-separated space (e.g. a dolmen or a proper house). By placing vertical walls on the horizontal earth, he creates a living space. Though man could start living in a cave, for Van der Laan this is not a proper house, and man would be merely flying from nature instead of completing it, as is his task in life. A proper house only comes into being when man separates delimited spaces from the great space of nature by means of solid forms or walls.47 Van der Laan identified four interrelated terms in the housing process: nature—material—house—man. Considering this process in the

46 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (I,1) 1; Vormenspel (VI,5) 56. 47 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (I,12) 9. towards a theory of architecture 205 broadest sense, he recognised the danger for the architect to be focused solely on material and the house, and thus loose sight of the overall function of the house.48 As if to react to this, in De architectonische ruimte, Van der Laan studied the very principles of architecture and only gave a general overview of the material, the construction techniques and the functionality of the building. He was strongly criticised for apparently rejecting all modern architecture and, like Granpré Molière’s Delftse School, seeking refuge in traditional forms.49 However, it is precisely because of his search for the underlying principles of architecture that he cannot be categorised as part of any 20th century movement. It was his great complaint that modern architects place too much emphasis on material and technical possibilities and forget the essential relation with nature and man. This does not mean, however, that he refused to use modern techniques and materials. In an interview he said that concrete as a construction material is “an ideal substance for a form- process led by the intellect”, thus underlining the superiority of the human intellect over the material.50 Architects like Granpré Molière followed a more traditional approach and let the form of the material dictate their designs, therefore objecting to concrete as a construction material, as it has no form of its own.51 Van der Laan not only opposed traditionalism but in opposition to the functionalism of most modern architecture he favoured a totally different approach. Like Van der Laan, the Swiss-French architect Le Corbusier (C.E. Jeanneret, 1887–1965) loved the use of reinforced concrete and designed some very large town-expansions. Among his

48 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (I,4) 4. Cfr. e.g. D. Pouderoyen, ‘Een theorie van het maken’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 1–4. 49 Cfr. e.g. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 5. 50 Cfr. W. van Tijen, ‘Discussie over de betekenis van Granpré Molière’, Plan 3 (June 1972) 30: “ideale materie voor een door het verstand geleid vormproces”. Cfr. e.g. P.J. Armstrong, ‘Architectural Issues for Concrete Design and Construction’, CTBUH review 1 (2001, nr. 3) 1–11, http://parspbl.com/downloads/ebooks/concrete/ Architectural%20Issues%20for%20Concrete%20Design%20and%20Construction.pdf (access 20100522). 51 Cfr. HvdL, Leden van Sint-Adelbertus, Oss 20 Apr. 1959; W. van Tijen, ‘Prof. ir. M.J. Granpré Molière’, Plan 3 (June 1972) 21–24. Cfr. M.J. Granpré Molière, Schoonheidsleer, collegedictaat, Delft 19 Mar. 1940; C.M. van Moorsel, ‘Het modernisme: een fictie’, De Maasbode (22 Oct. 1949) 3; M.J. Granpré Molière, ‘Het aandeel van de Delftse School, KB 21 (1952–1953) 322–323; n.n., ‘Wat wil de Delftse school? Beginselverklaring van prof. Granpré Molière’, De Tijd (19 Aug. 1953) 3; B. Koldewey, ‘Explosies in het Kruithuis’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 282–283. 206 chapter three most famous works are the pilgrim church Notre Dame du Haut in Ronchamp and the priory Sainte Marie de la Tourette near Lyon.52 The work of the German-American Ludwig Mies van der Rohe reveals a different style and steel and glass were his favourite materials. He was influenced by the De Stijl movement and designed the first modern skyscrapers.53 Both architects had their own approach to architecture, but could be called functionalists in the sense that they radically simplified architecture with respect to earlier styles. They eschewed the extensive use of ornamentation, still strongly present in the works of the the American architect Louis Sullivan, famous for the ephitet ‘form ever follows function’ which had become the motto of modern architecture, although this was less strictly interpreted than Van der Laan seemed to believe.54 He too wanted to simplify architecture and get rid of ornamentation, but he went against the current of his time by focusing on the form as an expression of the object itself. One has to accept this starting point, as Dinjens did, in order to grasp the theory of the plastic number.55 If one does not keep in mind this fundamental theory, expressed fully in Vormenspel, one cannot understand that when, for example, modern techniques would allow for a wall thickness of a few centimetres, Van der Laan would still want to construct a wall 45 to 75 cm thick.56 Matter, form, and even the function of the house are subordinate to the expression of that function: the object must express to the intellect what it is for the body. The ultimate aim is the completion of nature. Van der Laan worked this out and identified a threefold contact of human existence with nature: the physical experience of space, the sensory perception of form and the intellectual appraisal of size. This reflects the three levels of human existence, which he later elaborated in Vormenspel.

52 Cfr. e.g. J. van Dongen, ‘Het Dominicanenklooster ‘Sainte Marie de la Tourette’ te Evreux’, KB 28 (1961) 61–68; S. de Bleeckere, ‘Bernard van Clairvaux, architect van het moderne iconoclasme’, Novi Monasterii 2 (2004) 44. 53 Cfr. e.g. R. Padovan, ‘Machines à méditer’, in: R. Achilles–C. Myhrum, ed., Mies van der Rohe: Architect as Educator, Chicago 1986; Id., Towards universality. Le Corbusier, Mies and De Stijl, London 2002. 54 L. Sullivan, ‘The tall office building artistically considered’, Lippincott’s 57 (Mar. 1896) 403–409. 55 Cfr. P.J.M. Dinjens, ‘Het getal’, Bouw 22 (18 Nov. 1967) 688. 56 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIII,13) 189–190; Vormenspel (VII,8) 70. Cfr. also J. P. Kloos, Architectuur, een gewetenszaak, ’s-Gravenhage 1985, 83. towards a theory of architecture 207

Architectural space: cell, court, domain (inside-outside) Architectural space completes the natural space, bounding it from without by walls and thus adding what was lacking in nature. This led Van der Laan to the space-dyad inside-outside, linking the architectural, limited, habitable and visible space inside to the unlimited, natural, and invisible ‘outside’. As the experience-space is a compos- ite “superposition of progressively larger spaces: work-space, walking- space and visual field, in which the smaller always lies at the centre of the larger”, the complete human habitat demands a threefold demarcation of space: cell, court and domain.57 Van der Laan attributed this triple division of space to a book by Bollnow.58 The disposition of cell, court and domain can be central or peripheral, the latter disposition leading to the creation of a square (see fig. 3.03). Moreover, domains may be juxtaposed, like quarters of a town, as long as each domain has contact with the unlimited space of nature, for example through the introduction of parks. These elements form the basis for the later disposition of wall, house and town in the third section of De architectonische ruimte. In the progression from cell to domain and the unlimited space of nature, Van der Laan’s layered method can be observed as he freely zoomed out and into the abstraction of reality he presented himself.59 In Vormenspel he did the same. Each time, one level serves as a background for the other. It is within this ‘play of forms’, that his theory of architecture should be considered.

Architectural form: block, bar, slab (solid-void) For Van der Laan, it is by an artificial demarcation that visible form is made into architectural form.60 The form of a space is wholly dependent

57 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (III,6) 26–27: “superpositie van steeds groter wordende ruimtes: een handelruimte, een loopruimte en een gezichtsveld, waarvan de kleinere telkens centraal ten opzichte van de grotere is gesitueerd”. See for an analysis of the triad e.g. L. Minnema, Bespiegelingen aan het venster. Anthropologische bouwstenen voor een vergelijkend godsdienstwetenschappelijke verheldering van interreligieuze dialoog. Naar aanleiding van K. Nishitani’s boeddhistische en K. Rahners christelijke godsdienstwijsbegeerte, Kampen 1990, esp. 132–156. 58 Cfr. O.F. Bollnow, Mensch und Raum, Stuttgart 1963; HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19831026; A. Douangmanivanh, ‘Hans Van der Laan architecte, la demeure humaine’, ARoots (2003), www.aroots.org/notebook/article123.html (access 20100522). 59 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Beschouwingen over het huis’, Plan 3 (1972, nr. 6) 54–59. 60 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (IV,2) 38–39. 208 chapter three

1 Central court with central cell 2 Central court with peripheral cell 3 Central court with peripheral juxtaposition of cells 4 Peripheral court with central cell 5 Peripheral court with peripheral cell 6 Peripheral court with peripheral juxtaposition of cells 7 Peripheral juxtaposition of courts with central cell 8 Peripheral juxtaposition of courts with peripheral cell 9 Peripheral juxtaposition of courts with peripheral juxtaposition of cells

Fig. 3.03 Disposition of cell, court and domain. [AVdL; AR (III,13) 34] on the solid, bounding form of the mass. This led Van der Laan to the form dyad solid-void. Every form depends on the mutual relation of its three dimensions and is the object of sensory perception. This is independent of its actual size: proportional scaling does not change the form of an object. For a sphere all three dimensions are the same, for a cylinder one dimension is enlarged and for a disk two dimen- towards a theory of architecture 209 sions are enlarged. These are the three phases in which solid form becomes visible form. For Van der Laan, sphere, cylinder and disk become squared in architecture: block, bar and slab.61 Earlier, Van der Laan had referred to the rubrics for the first stone of a church: debet‘ esse quadratus’ (‘it must be square’). The contrast with the organic forms of nature could not be greater. For example, Egbers complained that he felt very little kinship with the theoretical world of Van der Laan, where “everything is square and straight”.62 With this ‘squaring’ of man-made forms Van der Laan underlined the precedence these take over the forms of nature. He spoke of the mutual neighbourhood of (vertical) walls as the basis of architectural space. This neighbourhood depends both on the distance between the walls and on their thickness (see fig. 3.04). For the appreciation of the forms of both wall and space, openings are needed to reveal the wall-thickness. Within the open and closed parts of the solid wall one rediscovers the secondary relationships of solid and void. Whereas in the midst of the open space of nature only the solid was made and the void arose, within the wall both open and closed parts can be made.

Architectural size: line-plane-volume For Van der Laan, architectural size, or quantity, becomes the object of knowledge by measuring it; that is by comparing it to a known unit of size which can be used as a yardstick.63 This unit is established artificially by considering a certain size as an indivisible whole (metre, centimetre, cell, etc.). An abstract number expresses the relation of a fraction of the whole to this unit.64 On one side there is the non- measurable three-dimensional reality and on the other the unreal but measurable line. It is through the union of the triad line-plane-volume in the squared form of the mass that the conflict inherent in measuring is overcome: “the quantity of that form is revealed to our intellect by

61 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische dispositie VII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 22 July & 9 Sept. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte IX, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2 Sept. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]. 62 H. Egbers, ‘De bedachte ruimten van dom Hans van der Laan’, De Stem Gids (10 Oct. 1982) T3: “Alles is er vierkant en recht”. Cfr. also HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 29. 63 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (II,11) 20. 64 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (V,2) 52. 210 chapter three

Fig. 3.04 Neighbourhood. [AVdL; AR (IV,9) 44] the linear size of the boundary of its surface”.65 Van der Laan called this the highest level at which man comes in contact with the spatial datum; the importance of which is shown in the fact that he dedicated half of his book to the concept of number and quantity. One of Van der Laan’s core ideas is that the human intellect regards things as the same size if they are nearly the same size, “because they all correspond to the same image which we have formed of this given size”.66 He limited the unlimited range of sizes in nature of, for example, pebbles, by ordering them in a small number of groups containing pebbles of nearly the same size. Instead of knowing the individual size of each pebble, man only knows the limits within which the sizes fall. Similarly, in De architectonische ruimte he described an experiment with 36 cards, each 1/25 fraction larger than the preceding

65 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (II,12) 21: “de kwantiteit van die vorm [wordt, mpr] aan ons verstand geopenbaard door de lineaire grootte van de begrenzing van haar oppervlak”. 66 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (V,5) 55: “omdat zij alle beantwoorden aan hetzelfde beeld dat wij ons van die grootte gevormd hebben”. towards a theory of architecture 211 one, which he divided in five groups of increasing size (see fig. 3.05). These numbers were the result of some private experiments, in which he asked people to order a heap of pebbles in groups and to divide, by eye, a strip of paper into two equal pieces. However, in his book he proposed the increments of 1/25, the 36 cards and their division into five groups without further justifying this by means of a proper experiment or statistics.67 One recognises that these numbers follow from the plastic number only after the presentation of its proportions. Van der Laan considered his starting points to be based on general insights, similar to the proportions of the octave: one does not need further explanation of the theory of the octave in order to distinguish tuned notes from false notes. As St Ambrose’s said: “the creating spirit in the people cannot err”.68 Van der Laan strongly believed that he had discovered general principles of architecture, valid in all

Fig. 3.05 An experiment. [AVdL; AR (VI,7) 59]

67 Cfr. A. Dam, ‘De theorie van het plastisch getal’, Thematismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 16; D. Pouderoyen, ‘Over matenstelsels II’, Thematismos (May 2004, nr. 3) 18. 68 S. Ambrosius, Explanatio psalmi I, 9, in: CSEL LXIV, Wien-Leipzig 1919, 8: “in populo spiritus artifex nescit errare”. 212 chapter three times and places, and thus probably regarded a detailed justification as superfluous. For Van der Laan, man discovers continuous quantity in three stages. The first intellectual contact with the size of things is restricted to the acknowledgement of a certain range, the margin, within which man calls things the same size. Next, he realised that the sizes within the limits of this margin are of the same type of size, and therefore they are called the same size (i.e. a group of seven cards). In this way a sort of discreteness, similar to that of abstract number, is imposed on the unbroken sequence of possible sizes offered by nature. Finally, the continuous series of concrete sizes, which is limited to types of size, is itself limited by the margin to a restricted number of types of the same order of size capable of being grouped together (i.e. the five groups of seven cards).69 The infinite is broken up and made finite. The smallest of the types of the same order of size provides a yardstick. The three phases—margin, type of size and order of size—form the basis for the discovery of a kind of number particular to continuous quantity. Van der Laan held that one can only penetrate the quantitative properties of line, plane and volume through the (secondary) relations between the concepts of margin, type of size and order of size. In measuring the three dimensions in relation to the unit, “‘so many times’ is not an abstract number, but one of the relations that exists between the types of size within the range of an order of size”.70

Threefold function The preceding section considered Van der Laan’s analysis of the functionality of architecture at three different levels of human existence: space, form and size. As if fearing to lose the overview, he subsequently zoomed out to consider the interaction between man and nature at a larger level. As he elaborated later in Vormenspel, man needs to complete nature with his artificial products (art), but at the same time he cannot do anything without calling on the help of things found in nature. The ‘art-nature’ dyad is the result of what he called a fusion between an incomplete nature and a relative creativity: “The

69 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (V,9) 61–62. 70 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (V,13) 66: “’Zoveel maal’ is . . . geen abstract getal, maar een van de relaties, zoals die bestaan tussen de typen van grootte binnen het kader van een orde van grootte”. towards a theory of architecture 213 three functions of the house at the different levels of experience, perception and insight, fuse together in the great function of completing nature because between each pair of these functions appears the secondary form of the primal ‘art-nature’ dyad”.71 He revealed his layered approach in his assertion that architecture must be played off against the background of the natural spatial datum. In turn, “architectural space, with its disposition of space and form, must itself become the background for the ordering of quantity, and furthermore the disposition of form must take place against the background of space”.72 At this point Van der Laan introduced two Vitruvian definitions which are very important in understanding his thought. Disposition (dispositio) is the totality of tangible and visible factors (quality); it is “the fit mutual collocation of things and the judicious execution of the work in terms of the composition of measurements, in line with the quality of the things”.73 Coordination (ordinatio) is the totality of the factors that have to do with quantity: it is “the balanced agreement of the measurements of the building’s members in each part separately and also the relation between all of the proportions of the building with a view to symmetry”.74 Quantity is determined by the selection of units of measure. Note that symmetry here should be taken in the ancient sense, proportionally relating the different elements of a building. Much of what was said in the preceding sections can be recognised in these definitions by Vitruvius, showing how Van der Laan fully adopted this ancient architectural teaching. It is through coordination that he managed to introduce great harmony between all of the measurements whereby margin, type of size and order of size come to fruition in the building. In this way, it helps

71 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VI,4) 71: “De drie functies van het huis op de onderscheiden niveaus van ervaring, waarneming en inzicht, smelten samen tot de grote functie van het voltooien der natuur, doordat twee aan twee tussen die functies een secundaire vorm van het oerbinoom kunst-natuur optreedt”. 72 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VI,11) 76–77: “architectonische ruimte met zijn disposities van ruimte en vorm moet zelf achtergrond worden van de ordening van de kwantiteit, en bovendien moet de dispositie van de vorm zich afspelen tegen die van de ruimte”. 73 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VI,12) 77: “de geschikte onderlinge plaatsing der dingen en de oordeelkundige uitvoering van het werk krachtens samenvoegingen van maten, in overeenstemming met de hoedanigheid der dingen”. 74 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VI,12) 77: “het evenwichtig samengaan van de maten der geledingen van het gebouw in ieder deel afzonderlijk en bovendien de betrekking tussen alle verhoudingen van het gebouw met het oog op de symmetrie”. 214 chapter three man to ‘grasp’ something of unlimited nature. Just as nature is completed by architecture, so in architecture disposition must be completed by coordination. The whole coordination can be expressed in a sort of number, which Van der Laan called the plastic number, in order “to clarify the meeting together of the continuous quantity of concrete size and the discrete quantity of abstract number”.75 Where the relation to the unit is singular for the abstract number, which refers to an intrinsi- cally known absolute unit, it is threefold in the plastic number, because it involves all three dimensions of breadth, length and height.

The plastic number Ground-ratio The plastic number, which orders and measures architectural size, has its own ground-ratio which for Van der Laan depends entirely on the threefold relation between architectural size and the unit of size. He was not satisfied with the two-dimensional golden section used by Dom Bellot, and said that it needed correction. The geometric proportion of the golden section or sectio aurea was used by, for example, the Egyptians, the Greek, and renaissance artists and architects. It falls beyond the scope of this study to analyse the exact derivation of the plastic number. In brief, Van der Laan identified six thresholds containing a total of five types of size, which determine an order of size. Together these types form a system of six measurements.76 He concluded “that the measurements within the limits of each type of size are not all identified with each other, but partly with the lower and partly with the upper of the two thresholds that enclose the type”.77 Midway through the type of size, at the turning point between one part and the other, the intermediate measurements appear. All possible measurements that lie between two intermediate measurements belong to one threshold. Each threshold belongs to two types, as the smallest of two thresholds is also the upper threshold of a smaller type, and the largest always the lower of a larger type (see fig. 3.06–3.07).

75 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VI,15) 79: “om het samentreffen aan te duiden van de continue kwantiteit van de concrete grootte en de discrete kwantiteit van het abstrakte getal”. Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,15) 17. 76 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VII, 9) 89. 77 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VII,11) 90: “dat de maten binnen de limieten van ieder type van grootte niet alle met elkaar worden geïdentificeerd, maar voor een deel met de kleinste en voor een ander deel met de grootste der beide drempelmaten, die het type insluiten”. towards a theory of architecture 215

Fig. 3.06 Measurements and thresholds. [AVdL; AR (VII,12) 91]

For Van der Laan, the intermediate measurements are derived measurements and the six measurements are authentic measurements. The derived system of measurements is interwoven with the authentic system. Only those measurements above the derived measurement between the two largest measurements of the system are considered equal to the largest measurement. Therefore the smallest measurement equals the maximum reduction possible without affecting the largest. But the system is not complete. The mathematical condition is that the sum of the two smallest of a group of four consecutive measurements is equal to the largest and the difference between the two largest of of a group of six consecutive measurements is equal to the smallest.78 Van der Laan combined these two groups of measurements in a consecutive series of eight measurements. In it, the difference between the sixth and fifth measurements equals the first and their sum equals the eighth (see fig. 3.07). The complete system is coupled with a derived system, also of eight measurements, each of which is the harmonic mean between two consecutive authentic measurements. This is the proportion system, which is totally independent of the size of measurements as such, as it is based on the seven ratios between the eight measurements. The ratios are expressed in terms of the relation between the smallest measurement and the other seven. The smallest measurement thus functions as a unit and the largest serves as the extreme measurement comparable with this unit. Lastly,

78 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VII, 14) 93. 216 chapter three

Fig. 3.07 The complete system of eight measurements.[ AVdL; AR (VII,14) 94]

Van der Laan mentioned an accompanying lower system of which the largest measurement is the original unit and the smallest measurement is the small quantum removed from or added to a measurement without its ceasing to be the unit. Smallest quantum, unit and largest measurement are the limits within which the concrete measurements of the building are enacted, and they correspond respectively to the notions of margin, type and order of size. As shall be seen later, they form the basis for the proportionate relations in a building and even a town, which ultimately relates in all its parts to the thickness of the wall. It is the genius of Van der Laan that managed to make all these levels relate proportionally.

Measurement systems Next, Van der Laan compared the quantitative order of his measurement system with that of abstract number. In order to avoid confusion with the numbers expressing size and ratio, the eight measurements received a name (see fig. 3.08). Though he justified his choice of names, these do not have anything to do with actually understanding the system and at times makes the text rather confusing to read, towards a theory of architecture 217 as Cordonnier confirmed.79 By asking how many times the difference between the major and minor whole (which equals the minor piece) goes into each of them, Van der Laan derived the ground-ratio that occurs between two consecutive measurements of the system as 4:3, noting that a small quantum must be added to or removed from both terms. He did the same for the other ratios, resulting in the following expressions:

Arithmetic expression of ratios In relation to the minor element As parts of the major whole (1) minor element 1 (8) major whole 1 (2) major element 4:3 (7) minor whole 3:4 (3) minor piece 7:4 (6) major part 4:7 (4) major piece 7:3 (5) minor part 3:7 (5) minor part 3:1 (4) major piece 1:3 (6) major part 4:1 (3) minor piece 1:4 (7) minor whole 5⅓:1 (2) major element 1:5⅓ (8) major whole 7:1 (1) minor element 1:7

Fig. 3.08 The eight bars.[ AVdL; AR (VIII,1) 97]

79 Cfr. G. Cordonnier, Letter to H. van der Laan 19770613 [Unp. AVdL]. 218 chapter three

Van der Laan did the same for the derived system, where each derived measurement is 6/7 of its authentic measurement. The numerical expression of the system becomes complex because of minimal divergences, which can be expressed arithmetically as measurements of lower systems. In this context, he referred to Aristotle, who introduced three quanta for the measurement of continuous quantity: the quantum to be measured, the quantum that is used as a unit and the quantum that is or is not noticeable when added or subtracted.80 For Van der Laan the small quantum had a fixed value with regard to the unit: “Each unit derives its value from a small quantum corresponding to the unit of a lower order of size”.81 Within the system of eight measurements, the quanta appear as measurements of a lower system (see fig. 3.09). Van der Laan worked out the arithmetical derivation of the plastic number in detail, which should be considered parallel to the mathematical derivation. Both are ways of gaining insight into the plastic reality. The fact that the sum of the two smallest of four consecutive

Fig. 3.09 Lower system and quanta. [AVdL; AR (VIII,15) 110]

80 Cfr. Aristotle, Metaphysica X,1, ed.: W.D. Ross, t. II, Oxford 1924, 1052b 31–1053a 14; HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VIII,14) 110. 81 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIII,12) 189: “Iedere eenheid ontleent haar waarde aan een klein kwantum, dat overeenkomt met de waarde van een lagere orde van grootte”. towards a theory of architecture 219 measurements is always equal to the largest can be expressed mathematically by the equation 1 + p = p3. Van der Laan warned of the danger of losing contact with the concrete reality of the plastic datum. Therefore, as seen above, he had already developed his theory regarding the abacus in Le nombre plastique. This was another means of gaining insight into plastic proportions, as opposed to purely abstract numbers. With it, he intended to visually demonstrate the derivation of the ground-ratio and the proportions within a system between the authentic, derived and reduced measurements. In measuring continuous quantity, Van der Laan used the lower of two consecutive measurement systems as the yardstick for the higher. In a similar way he related wall-thickness to the space-cell, which in turn relates to court and domain.

Symmetry and eurhythmy—The abacus and the morphotheque Van der Laan distinguished between eurhythmy and symmetry in the Vitruvian sense. Eurhythmy denotes the ratios between the measurements in different directions that fix the form of the same thing. Symmetry in the ancient sense denotes the ratios between the measurements in one direction that fix the form of different things. Similarly, for Van der Laan, symmetrical proportions ensure that the size of the architectural whole is related to the unit, which makes it possible to ‘read off’ from the building the quantitative order of space and form as a large ‘plastic number’. When comparing the measurements of different parts of the building, Van der Laan distinguished between juxtaposition, where two parts into which a whole is divided are compared to each other, and superposition, where “a whole is compared with a part taken from it”.82 The symmetrical proportions demonstrated by the abacus are superpositions, for both measurements have a common basis (see fig. 3.10–3.11).83 For eurhythmic proportions the abacus is not very helpful, as it only compares the linear, in one dimension. Eurhythmic proportions deal with all three dimensions. Therefore Van der Laan developed another tool, the morphotheque (form-bank). By translating the linear measurements of the abacus, first into two and then into three dimensions,

82 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (IX,10) 122: “wordt een geheel vergeleken met een deel, dat er van is afgenomen”. 83 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (IX,12) 123. 220 chapter three

Fig. 3.10 Superposition. [AVdL; AR (IX,13) 125]

Fig. 3.11 Juxtaposition. [AVdL; AR (IX,14) 126] towards a theory of architecture 221 he derived three categories of forms. A block which is expanded in one direction becomes a bar and when it is extended into two dimensions it becomes a slab. This led him to the 36 figures of the morphoteque, consisting of 10 blocks, 10 bars and 10 slabs (see fig. 3.12). The 6 remaining forms are not classifiable as one of these and therefore he called the forms of this core group white forms (see fig. 3.13). Considering the same proportions in a three-dimensional sense brought Van der Laan to the extended morphotheque, a system with a full range of 120 forms (see fig. 3.14). The morphotheque should help the architect to penetrate the three-dimensional reality to its full depth, just as children learn by playing with building-blocks. It is interesting how Van der Laan’s highly intellectual and theoretical

Fig. 3.12 The morphoteque.[ AVdL; AR (X,7) 134]

Fig. 3.13 White forms. [AVdL; AR (X,9) 137] 222 chapter three

Fig. 3.14 The extended morphoteque.[ AVdL; AR (X,10) 139] approach is aimed at providing an empirical experience, rather than leading up to an exact mathematical derivation. This tends to make his theory practically applicable.

From wall to house to town It is striking to observe how in three subsequent steps Van der Laan managed to relate the measurements of a whole town to the thickness of the wall. Expanding the wall-thickness in three dimensions led him to the elementary solid block that serves as a unit. For him, the function of the house is only complete when the entire architectural space, from cell to domain, comes under the influence of architectural form and when both space and form are governed by the architectural ordering of quantity, i.e. by the plastic number.84

84 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XI,1) 148. towards a theory of architecture 223

Disposition of the wall Within the wall there are eurhythmic proportions between height, length and thickness. Similarly, symmetrical proportions arise between the parts when piercing the wall to allow access to the space and reveal the wall-thickness. For Van der Laan the wall-thickness must be 1/7 of the distance between walls. If the length (and height) of walls becomes more than seven times their thickness, they lose their form, which is vital, because in that case a limited form becomes unlimited. Though he posed this ratio of 1:7 without further reference, this has been derived from the fact that the smallest and the largest measurements of a system (relating as 1:7) are the borderline measurements that can only just be compared to each other. On this theme it is interesting that the architect Christopher Alexander proposed a kind of order of size with similar proportions.85 This perhaps suggests that Van der Laan discovered a fundamental truth, in spite of sometimes lacking justification. The extreme slab-form of the whole is made to relate to the form of the parts by a juxtaposition of wall-sections, which in their mutual relations keep their form, as these relations remain within a measurement system. The disposition of (superposed) open and closed parts within the wall-sections can be ‘central’ (doors or windows in a closed wall-section) and ‘peripheral’ (piers and lintels against the background of an open ‘wall’).86 Applying the ratios between the measurements of a system, both the form of the wall and the articulation itself with its symmetrical proportions come under the influence of the plastic number. For Van der Laan, there are three reasons for the articulation of the wall by open and closed parts: first, to allow man to enter, and so experience the space he has separated off; secondly, to reveal the wall’s thickness, and so make the wall visible as a form; and lastly, to make the quantity of the wall knowable.87 Thus articulation enables man to relate the form of the wall as a whole to that of smaller parts and ultimately to the plastic number. Here a parallel can be observed between this purpose of articulation on three levels with the ‘great analogy’ where human ‘making’ stimulates the intellect in analogy to the great creation by the Intellect of God. In both cases what is created

85 Cfr. S. Grabow, Christopher Alexander. The search for a new paradigm in architecture, Stocksfield 1983, 201. 86 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XI,5–9) 151–155. 87 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XII,1) 162. 224 chapter three is called to return to the intellect it originates from. Van der Laan identified a dual motivation of form, material and intellectual, for the house should serve both body and spirit.88

Disposition of the house The smallest space, the space-cell is just one order of size larger than the elementary solid block (based on the wall-thickness) that acts as the unit for the size of the walls (see fig. 3.15a). Like the side-chapel of the Hagia Sophia, described in Le nombre plastique, this space-cell serves as the unit for the entire space, spreading out into the form of the whole house, which in turn is absorbed into the urban context. One can already experience the architectural character of a space through the relation between the revealed thickness of the wall and its distance from the other walls when only one wall is pierced (see fig. 3.15b). But architectural space can also be constituted by two mutual neighbourhoods at right angles to each other (see fig. 3.15c). It is in the difference between spaces defined by one or two neighbourhoods that Van der Laan recognised the germ of the two traditional families of spatial disposition, longitudinality and centrality, with reference to the two typical types of a tent constructed with one central pole or with two poles. A block-shaped cell cannot simply be extended in all directions: when the distance between neighbouring walls increases, their neighbourhood is given up, together with the space that depends on it. But the neighbourhood can spread further in the other direction, so that the cell can be lengthened into a bar-shape, leading to a new spatial form. The two long walls must be made up of wall-sections. If these are pierced, a gallery comes into existence: though the wall consists of sections, each related to the unit, the space is continuous (see fig. 3.15d). The juxtaposition of several galleries does not lead to any new spatial form. However, Van der Laan maintained that, when two galleries are juxtaposed, the wall they share between them can be removed, for “the neighbourhoods of the two halves of the hall absorb and complete each other”, giving rise to a double neighbourhood and allowing for the construction of halls twice the width of a cell.89 Apart from

88 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XI,1) 148. 89 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XII,9) 171: “De nabijheden van de twee helften van de zaal vangen elkaar op en vullen elkaar aan”. towards a theory of architecture 225

Fig. 3.15 Cell, gallery and hall. [AVdL; AR (XII,2) 163; (XII,7) 167; (XII,10) 172] 226 chapter three the juxtaposition of cells and galleries, a superposition is possible, in which case the total space is determined not by the addition of elementary spaces, but by a proportional relation to an elementary space that acts as a unit. For example, a gallery and a hall can be superposed, in which case the gallery acts as a spatial unit for the hall (see fig. 3.15e). The juxtaposition and superposition of cells, galleries and halls is the basis for the composition of a house.

Disposition of the town The hall-space is essentially an inside space related to the width of the gallery, and thus indirectly related to the wall-thickness. Van der Laan noted that if the width of the hall is three times that of the gallery, their superposition is like a juxtaposition of three galleries. The hall corresponds to the first zone of experience-space, the working space, and is surrounded by wider zones needed for movement and vision. Even unroofed (e.g. an atrium) it cannot be called an outside. But Van der Laan held that as soon as its width becomes more than seven times the gallery-width, the hall ceases to exist as such and loses its form. It becomes relatively boundless and counts as an outside for the cell, because the relation to the spatial unit is lost. From this Van der Laan concluded that the size of the smallest urban space, the square, is therefore seven times that of the cell, being exactly one order larger than the cell. Any larger urban space must derive its measurement from the smallest square, which in turn may serve as a unit.90 In order to construct a town one cannot simply enlarge the square, for it would lose its relation to the size of the space-cell as its small quantum. Therefore Van der Laan referred to the street, which exceeds the order of size of the cell in one direction. Together with the square it forms the basis for the disposition of the town. Van der Laan said that if the streets are less than three times the width of the square they break down into parts, the length of which is less than the size of the square. As such they are no longer unlimited with respect to the cell-space and cannot act as an outside. For him, the largest size for an urban space around the square is limited to seven times the square- space, so its possible sizes lie between seven and three times the size of the square.

90 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIII,3) 180. towards a theory of architecture 227

The square governs a district, and the peripherical juxtaposition of districts creates the large town-square, of which the smallest measurement is seven times that of the small square. The length of broad streets between the districts relates the town-square to the complete space of the town, limited to seven times the size of the town-square (see fig. 3.16). With this space, for Van der Laan the limit of the human habitat is reached: it is the ultimate inside that is directly confronted with the unlimited outside of nature. Like the possible juxtaposition of maximal four domains, a juxtaposition of four quarters is possible. Note however that many modern cities are much bigger than four quarters. The schematic image given here by Van der Laan is that of a static town, but in reality the town is subject to a dynamic growth. Though this could be considered a weakness of his system, he

Fig. 3.16 Disposition of the town. [AVdL; AR (XIII,11) 188] 228 chapter three deemed the encounter between the initial settlement and nature to be important, emphasising the importance of keeping track of the human dimension, through, for example, the introduction of parks, when the settlement grows. This evinces in turn a weakness in modern town planning: what happened to the man:town relation in Manhattan, for example? The gigantic sky-scrapers rising up there are truemachines à habiter, but the relation between the tiny cell and the immense tower is disproportionate. As such, the contact between inside and outside is lost completely.91

The theology of Creator and creature: threefold expression It is only in the penultimate chapter of De architectonische ruimte that there is a more clearly recognisable opening to the wider view that Van der Laan would later express in Vormenspel. Apart from the complementary relation between nature and art, necessary for man’s protection, Van der Laan also recognised an analogical relation between them, saying that within the primary relation between Cre- ator and creature there “arises a secondary relation between ourselves and the things we make”.92 This is the closest Van der Laan came to mentioning God in De architectonische ruimte. He implicitly referred to the teaching of Aristotle and St Thomas when he explained that art imitates nature. In a way, man continues where God ‘stopped’, though always in a limited way. Note also the implicit reference to the Christian Neo-Platonic thought of the Fathers of the Church when Van der Laan said that the creating Intelligence intended nature for its own satisfaction, wherefore nature, “proceeding from this uncreated source, necessarily returns to it”.93 This brought him to the ‘great analogy’ of Vormenspel.

91 Cfr. e.g. D. Pouderoyen, ‘Verkenning van de stedelijke ruimte’, Futura 16 (1981, nr. 6) 2–10; L.J.M. Tummers–J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, Het land in de stad. De stedebouw van de grote agglomeratie, Bussum 1997; D. Pouderoyen, ‘Nature and Archi- tecture: A Vision on Green Urban Development’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 87; Id., ‘Van der Laan in a Dutch Context’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 30–38; G. Kruijtzer, Taal en Tal bij Spinoza, Mannoury, Beth, Delft 2003; D. Pouderoyen, ‘De binnenhof van de abdij Roosenberg als stadsplein: sporen van een stedenbouwkundige theorie in ontwikkeling’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 12–17. 92 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,1) 192: “ontstaat dan een secundair verband van ons zelf met onze eigen gemaakte dingen”. 93 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,2) 193: “voortkomend uit deze onge- schapen bron, er noodzakelijk toe terugkeert”. towards a theory of architecture 229

Another link to Vormenspel is the distinction between function and expression. The function of the house (art) is threefold: next to the great function of completing nature, Van der Laan made a distinction between two secondary functions. First the inside-outside dyad, “realised at the level of space-experience, is completed by the solid- void dyad, realised at the level of sensory perception” so that the wall forms one great whole with the inside and outside space.94 Secondly this whole is completed by the line-plane-volume triad, which is realised at the level of the intellectual appraisal of quantity. Similarly, Van der Laan distinguished a threefold expression. Next to the ‘great analogy’, where the house (art) resembles nature by referring back to its ordering intelligence, he discerned two secondary expressions: the first analogy is that the solid-void dyad means the same for human form- perception as does the inside-outside dyad for his space- experience; secondly, a similar analogy is recognised between the level of quantitative appraisal and the other two levels: “line, plane and volume fulfil the same role for our intellectual faculties as the totality of wall, inside and outside does for our lower faculties”.95 The plastic number completes the cycle between intellect and artefact: it provides an insight into measurements, which themselves are expressive of forms and spaces, so that the last two also lie open to the intellect. Van der Laan referred to the great order of the universe as created by the creating Intellect, the macro-cosmos, which is reflected in miniature within the micro-cosmos that man is himself.96 This idea may very well be inspired by the theme of Ordo, as expounded in the teachings of St Augustine, and which is also present in the daily monastic schedule of St Benedict. All this concerns the greater background of the theory of the plastic number. On a concrete level, Van der Laan identified four measurement systems, for wall, house, district and town. Each of these has its own minor element as unit and a major whole that serves in turn as the unit for a higher system. The result of this is the supreme expression of architectural space, where all proportions are interrelated. This brings the same benefit to man’s intellectual existence as

94 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,4) 195: “dat zich realiseert op het niveau van de ruimte-ervaring, wordt gecompleteerd door het binoom vol-hol dat zich realiseert op het niveau van de zintuiglijke waarneming”. 95 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,4) 196: “[dat] lijn, vlak en volume voor onze verstandelijke vermogens een zelfde rol vervullen als het geheel van wand, binnen en buiten voor onze lagere vermogens”. 96 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,10) 201; Vormenspel (II,7) 22. 230 chapter three the function of the house does to his physical existence. Therefore, for Van der Laan the house makes the space of nature both habitable and intelligible. Ultimately, it is the intellect that forms the link between architecture and liturgy and, with the help of grace, it also relates to a still higher world, presented in Vormenspel. Where Le nombre plastique concludes with an analysis of the Hagia Sophia, De architectonische ruimte dedicates a last chapter to the analysis of the megalithic monument Stonehenge (see fig. 3.17). In this monument Van der Laan recognised all the essential principles of the theory presented above. What is interesting in this regard is a review of the book, which on the one hand questions Van der Laan’s many assumptions, but which at the same time praises the concrete example of a church constructed by Jan de Jong, at the time a faithful student of the CKA.97 This would mean that whatever source informed the proportions in his design, in reality it works. The designs by Van der Laan appeal to the human intellect and evoke a reaction.98 Is his theory the only approach possible in order to come to a perfect harmony of proportions? One needs to distinguish between the universal range of proportions that respond to the human intellect, which are to architecture what the octave is to music, and the styles and constructions which implement these proportions. Van der Laan considered his principles to be too general to be limited to a certain school of construction, so that neither these styles nor the buildings of the Bossche School (School of ’s-Hertogenbosch) should be taken as the only possibility for its application.99 Among the reviews of his book, Van der Laan was especially happy with the one in the Tijdschrift voor Filosofie, published by Leuven University.100 This is probably just

97 Cfr. G. Jonker, ‘Engelen van Dom Van der Laan. De architectonische ruimte’, Bouw 33 (7 Jan. 1978) 36. 98 Cfr. e.g. C. Voet, ‘Huizen voor de geest. Expressieve architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Tertio (16 May 2007, nr. 379) 12; Id., ‘Abdij Roosenberg IV: een huis voor de geest’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 26. 99 Cfr. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 7. 100 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19781112; A. van de Putte, ‘H. Van Der Laan, De Architectonische Ruimte’, Tijdschrift voor Filosofie 40 (1978) 541. Cfr. also e.g. n.n., ‘Boekennieuws. De architectonische ruimte’, Heemschut (July-Aug. 1978) 145; n.n., (L.v.W.), ‘H. van der Laan, Der architektonische Raum’, Benedic- tijns Tijdschrift55 (1994) 88; D. Jansen, ‘De Architectonische ruimte—Vijftien lessen over de dispositie van het menselijk verblijf’, Pantheon// 9 (Oct. 2005) 40; A. Neckritz, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, in: U. Schröder, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I-II, Tübingen-Berlin 20072, 88–91; S. Kleigrewe, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, towards a theory of architecture 231 because of its very positive tone and the fact that it was published in a renowned philosophy periodical, for the review itself is only twelve lines long. Another reason is possibly his contact with the founder of the periodical, the Dominican D.M. de Petter op.101 The theory of De architectonische ruimte was presented in a plastic way in the 1981 exhibition Architectuur, modellen en meubels (Architecture, models and furniture), which demonstrated the different elements presented above, from the disposition of the town to the plastic number, giving a plastic insight in the concepts of space, form and size. Van der Laan considered it to be the last step in transmitting the theory in as complete a form as possible.102

Fig. 3.17 Stonehenge. [AVdL; AR (XV,2) 207]

in: U. Schröder, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen-Berlin 20072, 92–95; K. Rothmann., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Archi- tektonische Raum’, in: U. Schröder, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architek- tonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen-Berlin 20072, 96–99; P. Ebenau, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, in: U. Schröder, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen-Berlin 20072, 100–102. 101 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870507. 102 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19820606; W. Graatsma–J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982. 232 chapter three

3.2.3 The culmination of a theory (1989) In his later days, Van der Laan wrote a final article as a contribution to an encyclopaedia on architecture. As a preparation, he tested his new insights in a series of letters in 1989 to Antoine Bodar, who had inter- viewed him in the summer the year before for a TV-documentary.103 Van der Laan called the article the tailpiece of his theory of architecture.104 Surprisingly, the original article entitled Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur (Architecture based on the natural given of nature) differs in its opening and concluding sections, as well as in its title of the English translation, Instruments of Order.105 For example, the Dutch original opens with a phrase from the biography of Dom Guéranger, which does not occur in the Eng- lish translation. This is a missed opportunity, for Dom Guéranger’s thought had an important influence on the theory. However, despite these differences, the main body of the article is translated word for word, rendering Van der Laan’s thought accessible to an international public. In the article, Van der Laan said that De architectonische ruimte explored in depth the ‘making’ process of architecture—material and the house—but less so the two extreme terms of the process—nature and man.106 He recognised on the one hand the first contact of the human intellect with the extension of natural space and on the other

103 Cfr. A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988; HvdL, Letters to A. Bodar 19890224, 19890226, 19890301, 19890303, 19890310, 19890313; Interview Fr Antoine Bodar, Rome 14 Dec. 2006. 104 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to A. Bodar 19890224; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19890402, 19890520; Letter to T. Nix 19910712. 105 Cfr. HvdL, Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur, Vaals 7 Apr. 1989 [Unp. AVdL]. Here reference is made to the pages of the manuscript, as the first published version does not have page numbers: HvdL, ‘Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur’, in: W. Graatsma–H. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. ‘Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur’ / ‘Instruments of Order’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 48–79; ‘Instruments of Order’, tr. R. Padovan, in: B. Farmer–H. Louw, ed., Companion to Contemporary Architectural Thought, London-New York 1993, 284–288; ‘Strumenti di ordine’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 633) 70–77; ‘Instruments of Order’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, nature and mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 12–27; ‘Strumenti di ordine’, in: A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Electa Mon- dadori Milano 2000, 194–197. 106 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (I,2) 3. towards a theory of architecture 233 hand the place in nature of the artefact as an end-product. Again he referred to the ‘great analogy’ of human ‘making’—more important than the making of the house as such—noting that the building process involves limited space, limited form and a limited size. Another key-idea is that the human intellect has only direct access to discrete quantity and therefore needs an instrument to estimate size, which is a continuous quantity. The crux is that by using measurements that are related to the unit, these measurements as well as the forms and spaces that they determine are made accessible to the intellect. The difference between Vitruvius’ eurhythmy and symmetry and the example of Stonehenge helped Van der Laan to show that the ultimate form of the whole is born from the eurhythmy of the smallest part and the subsequent progression of eurhythmies and symmetries, ending with the largest whole. It is this ultimate architectural form that directly confronts the spatial given of nature, the counterpart of the initial encounter of the intellect with the infinite extent of the spatial given. With reference to Jacob’s erection of a stone in Genesis (cfr. Gen. 28:10–22), Van der Laan studied the continuous series of possibilities between lying flat and standing upright (see fig. 3.18). If the volume is to remain unchanged, then the height must change by twice as many inter- vals of the measure-scale as the two horizontal dimensions. He concluded that the measure-scale allows a limited number of forms to be built up. What is new in this article is that Van der Laan placed these forms in each others’ neighbourhood and subsequently studied the proportionate relationship between them. He recognised a kind of super-eurhythmy, which the Greek called ‘thematismos’: “the ordered arrangement of distinct forms”.107 Note that this term does not occur in his earlier writings, so that one might wonder how important this last ‘discovery’ is.108 However, the comparison of standing, sitting and lying forms with which the Dutch article concludes, is a neat conclusion to the study of the form of single volumes in De architectonische ruimte.109 This should always be seen in union with the study

107 HvdL, Een architectuur, 17 [Unp. AVdL]: “het ordentelijk schikken van onderscheiden vormen”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870318. 108 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Vitruvii de architectura, c. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. 109 Cfr. HvdL, Een architectuur, 17 [Unp. AVdL]. 234 chapter three

Fig. 3.18 Thematismos.[ AVdL] towards a theory of architecture 235 of the relation between the plastic number and the abstract number.110 This thematismos can be recognised especially in Van der Laan’s later buildings and the Dutch article refers to his design for two Swedish monasteries. Perhaps in order to open it up to a more universal public, the English version does not mention these buildings, but calls the discovery of the interrelation of volumes the ultimate achievement of architecture, concluding that it is through the coming together of different building forms around squares and courts, that the natural space above the surface of the earth is mastered, just as the immediate space around man is mastered by the form of the walls. Padovan, who translated the article, saw a strong correlation between the composition of building volumes by Van der Laan and the later work of Mies van der Rohe and the designs by the De Stijl movement of Theo van Doesburg and Gerrit Rietveld.111 Theo van Doesburg (C.E.M. Küpper) founded the art magazine De Stijl in 1917 along with some artists and architects. He died early, but his paintings and architecture had an important influence on 20th century art.112 However Van der Laan reacted strongly against the suggestion that his work would conform with that of these modern architects, saying that all his work had been built up independently of the whole of modern civilisation.113 Though a similarity can be recognised between the outside building volumes constructed by Van der Laan and those of certain other architects, the architectural thought behind them is very different. The inside of the buildings especially would show a major difference. For example, for Van der Laan walls are essential in the creation of a space, but Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe and Van Doesburg advocated the open plan created by floors and columns, without the necessity of walls and the distinction between outside and inside.114 It should be clear from the above that this is completely opposite to the distinction between inside and outside spaces which Van der Laan sought to achieve in his architecture.

110 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19880225. 111 Cfr. R. Padovan, Towards universality. Le Corbusier, Mies and De Stijl, Lon- don-New York 2002. 112 Cfr. A. Ottevanger, ‘Küpper, Christiaan Emil Marie’, in: Biografisch Woorden- boek van Nederland, t. V, Den Haag 2002, 289–292. 113 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19880825. 114 Cfr. T. van Doesburg, ‘Tot een beeldende architectuur’, De Stijl 6 (1924) 78–83. 236 chapter three

3.3. Constants and variables: the cardinal elements

Having studied the full theory of architecture, as written down by Van der Laan in his latter years, the second part of this chapter will compare the contents of the earliest documents with the later teaching, focusing on certain key-themes and terms. The aim is to discover continuity and discontinuity, the development and fundamental elements of Van der Laan’s thought ultimately leading to his original sources. It will be seen that the great background of the natural and the supernatural world as presented in the last chapter of Vormenspel was to be the ultimate background to all his work. Just as for the theory of liturgy there exists an early and little-known manuscript by Van der Laan on architecture entitled La forme des églises.115 The manuscript was discovered in a box in his cell which was ordered along with other papers only in the autumn of 2006. In the next section, this work will often serve as a point of reference, for in it many of the fundamental elements of the theory can already be recognised. Given the important insight the manuscript offers into the early maturity of his thought, the text has been added as an appendix. Based on the paper used and its presentation, it should be dated around 1930. Though no author is mentioned, a draft version of the same text is written in Van der Laan’s clear handwriting and corrected by Dom Allard, who copied the final version in a beautiful hand. Presumably the work was presented as a gift to abbot Dom Jean de Puniet on his name day on the 27th of December. The suggestion that it was written by Van der Laan is supported by the contents of the work, which has been written in his style, and already shows very mature thought. Furthermore, it contains exactly the themes that he later presented in his courses and books.

3.3.1. The foundations of pure architecture Throughout his life, Van der Laan correlated architecture with different fields of study. Its relation to nature, music and liturgy in particular was fundamental to the development of his theory. Though the nature of these relations is very different—being primordial, analogi-

115 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, Oosterhout c. 1930 [Unp. AVdL]. towards a theory of architecture 237 cal, theological or practical—each of them brings something new to the theory.

Nature and architecture When one reads the early document La forme des églises, it is impossible not to see the strong parallel with De architectonische ruimte and Vormenspel where the relation of man to nature is concerned. The manuscript affirms that the scope of architecture is more elevated than just satisfying man’s corporal needs. In the Fall man lost the initial harmony between his body and nature. Nature became oppressive (cfr. Gen 3:7.17–19) and man sought refuge in caves or houses, hoping to recover his dominion over nature. The same process takes place on the intellectual level. Man cannot grasp the unity of the space that surrounds him and needs points of identification, either natural or man-made, which help him to recover his lost dominion: “From an intellectual process, architecture becomes the expression of a retrieved domination, of a comprehended space”, just as man demands for his churches.116 Van der Laan said that therefore the discussion should concentrate on “la construction même” (the construction itself), an act of getting in touch with space, of which the house is only a witness.117 The pencilled correction in Dutch is more precise than the French manuscript, as it concerns the act itself of constructing (‘het construeren zelf’). Note the parallel with both De architectonische ruimte and the first lecture in 1939: “When we make something, we should not initially consider the object we wish to make, nor the possibilities of the object we are to make, but the ‘making’ itself, namely to consider what happens when we construct something”.118 Having studied the fundamental relation of man to nature, the manuscript turns to the principles that regulate forms. Natural forms are not enough to express the ‘getting in touch’ with space. The natural elements are grouped in three levels, “which are successively

116 HvdL, La forme des églises, 9 [Unp. AVdL]: “De procédé intellectuel l’architecture devient l’expression d’une domination retrouvé, d’une espace comprise”. 117 HvdL, La forme des églises, 10 [Unp. AVdL]. 118 HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]: “Als wij iets maken, moeten wij niet in de eerste plaats beschouwen hetgeen wij maken, noch de mogelijkheden van hetgeen wij gaan maken, maar het maken zelf, d.w.z. overwegen wat er gebeurt als we bouwen”. Cfr. also e.g. A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Mar- kant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988; HvdL, Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989, 5. 238 chapter three

determined by themselves: space, form and measurement”.119 As in all later work, size is the most important of the three. The intellectual getting in touch with space is exercised precisely through size. The parallel with the first chapters of De architectonische ruimte is so striking, that no further proof would be needed to demonstrate that the essence of the theory was there from the beginning. Moreover, a parallel with Neo-Platonism and Aristotle can be recognised, when in 1939 Van der Laan underlined the dependent role of the human intellect, defining architecture subtly as “the artificial getting in touch with space”, adding that “our first enactment takes place in relation to something already existing [i.e. nature, mpr], which falls beyond the domain of architecture”.120 The intellect recognises this dependency and restores the unity of the beginning. If this last remark is not very much in line with Plotinus, the following is: though man-made forms must reflect the fundamental harmony of creation by God (cfr. Sir. 18:1), Van der Laan said, “here there is no question of the Unity which has never known multiplicity and everything which we call One and Beautiful here on earth is only one and beautiful in a certain way”.121 The parallel with Vormenspel is clear when in the 1940s Van der Laan considered nature as one great play of forms.122 Man needs to use his intellect and adapt the forms of nature for his use. Though created by God, the forms of nature should not be considered sacred in the sense that they cannot be adapted. It is not the glorification of nature in its own form that should be sought, for that would lead to idoliza- tion, but “the glorification by our intellect which in its own way brings the things back to God”.123 Here the Christian Neo-Platonic movement away from God and of return to Him can be clearly recognised. In this context, Van der Laan often referred to the ancient adagio ars

119 HvdL, La forme des églises, 11 [Unp. AVdL]: “qui se déterminent successivement par eux-mêmes: l’espace, la forme et la mesure”. 120 HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]: “het kunstmatig contact nemen met de ruimte . . . Onze eerste bepaling heeft plaats ten opzichte van iets wat reeds bestaat en wat buiten het domein der architectuur valt”. Cfr. also HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden July 1940 [Unp. AVdL]. 121 HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 7 July 1940 [Unp. AVdL]: “[dat] hier geen sprake is van de Eenheid, die nooit geen veelvoudigheid gekend heeft en [dat] alles wat we Een en Schoon noemen hier op aarde, maar een en schoon is d’une certaine façon”. 122 HvdL, Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]. 123 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur II, Breda 16 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “de verheerlijking van ons verstand dat op haar manier de dingen tot God terugvoert”. towards a theory of architecture 239 imitatur naturam (art imitates nature), which for him simply meant the imitation of the divine Intellect by that of man.124 Man needs to learn from his architectural activity by letting it ‘return’ to his intellect. This is a bit like the intermediary role of the intellect in Van der Laan’s progression from an initial measuring-up (from measurement to number) towards a subsequent measuring-out (from number to measurement). The proportion of the measuring-up may be different from the measuring-out, which allows for the use of scale drawings for example, but also for the shift between the different measurement systems from cell to house and to the entire town.125 Not only must the human intellect be informed by nature in order to make an artificial form, the artificial form can also inform the intellect, so that architecture has an educational function.126 In this respect, Van der Laan sometimes quoted the tale of a wise Chinese king, who at his deathbed urged his son to encourage good architecture and good music, for when space is well ordered by architecture and time by music, so too will the inner life of the people be ordered, so that no revolution would occur.127 For Van der Laan, only good architecture is able to educate people; bad architecture can make them very unhappy.128 In 1947 he taught that architecture occurs when “the great natural unity of the original space is broken up for the sake of our architectural spaces, just as light is broken by a prism and sifted in the

124 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIII, Breda, 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460919; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur II, Hoeven 25 June 1947; III, Hoeven 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, III, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19520310; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 125 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]; Le nombre plastique (I,4) 2–3; De architectonische dispositie XI, ’s-Hertogen- bosch 16 June 1962 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Nov. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte (XIV,12) 202; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004; Academie voor Bouwkunde, Maastricht 28 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL]; Een architectuur, 5–6 [Unp. AVdL]. 126 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19520310. 127 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Het nieuwe klooster in Maarssen, s.l. 3 Oct. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; W. van Tijen, ‘Discussie over de betekenis van Granpré Molière’, Plan 3 (1972) 32–33, 36; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to I. Prinsloo 19861029; Vormenspel (VII,3) 64; (VIII,4) 76. 128 Cfr. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 9. 240 chapter three colours of the rainbow”.129 Just like the harmony of these colours seeks to bring back the original unity of light, so architecture should be seen as a way to artificially express the unity of space in a building. Van der Laan mainly used the term ‘prismatising’ in the context of breaking up the endless series of measurements of nature into intelligible portions.130 In a similar way, Dom Delatte spoke of ‘sainteté prismatisée’ (prismatised sanctity), warning against focusing on only one virtue which eclipses the other. Next to this ‘prismatised sanctity’, he recognised a certain sainteté blanche (white sanctity), which spreads out its effect over all human life, without coming to the fore in specific fields: “those who do not pay attention enough perceive even nothing”.131 Though this form of sanctity is less recognisable in daily life, God will know to reward man’s acts. The term ‘sainteté blanche’ recalls the white forms of Van der Laan’s morphotheque, which led him to the proportions of his buildings. In these buildings too the deep truth of the proportions may be hidden from the ignorant observer, but there is truly much more than just a concrete box. Van der Laan vacillated between calling the first chapter of De architectonische ruimte ‘Nature and Architecture’ or ‘Architecture and Nature’. In all other dyads the ‘man-made’ preceded the ‘created’, for Van der Laan believed that man-made things complete nature as they are necessary for man’s created existence. But in the end he reserved ‘Architecture and Nature’ for the deeper perspective, which he would later lay down in the ‘last chapter of his life’, in Een architectuur: This last chapter might then truly be called ‘Architecture and Nature’, because I then no longer make an inside with an outside with my architectural space, and bring spaces into being by a peripherical juxtaposition of domestic spaces and of urban spaces, which are in superposition with these juxtapositions, but, by the placing together of building volumes, I come into direct contact with the space of nature, and as it were make it intelligible between these volumes, by a certain play of its

129 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XVII, Breda 22 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]: “De grote natuurlijke eenheid van de oorspronkelijke ruimte wordt verbroken ter wille van onze architectonische ruimtes, zoals het licht door een prisma gebroken wordt en geschift in de kleuren van de regenboog”. Cfr. also HvdL, Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]. 130 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]; Rietveld- sche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 12–13 July 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. 131 Cfr. P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Règle de saint Benoit, Paris 1913, 193110, 403–404: “les inattentifs ne s’aperçoivent même de rien du tout”. towards a theory of architecture 241

dimensions, something for which our separated dwelling space offers the possibility.132 This thematismos of volumes directly confronting the unlimited space of nature is a further expression of what was said in La forme des églises and De architectonische ruimte. A play between foreground and background can be distinguished, which found its highest expression in the background of the visible and invisible world as described in Vormenspel.

Music and architecture Van der Laan often compared his proportion scheme to that of musical laws.133 He claimed that he sought to do for space what Dom Moc- quereau had done for time with his restoration of the true Gregorian chant in the 19th century.134 Though not yet mentioned in La forme des églises, in his first systematic exposition of the theory of the plastic number in 1940, he referred to the way in which Plato founded the harmonic scale that is the basis for the musical scale. Like in architecture, the different modalities in this scale correspond to ideal numbers, which “serve as milestones on the way back to the unity which carries in itself the lustre of beauty”.135 Though Le nombre plastique starts with a quotation from Plato’s Timaeus, Van der Laan did not consider it

132 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870318: “Dit laatste hoofdstuk zou dan werkelijk ‘Architectuur en natuur’ kunnen heten omdat ik dan niet met mijn architectonische ruimte een binnen maak met een buiten en door een perifere juxtapositie van bin- nenhuiselijke [ruimtes, mpr] en stedelijke ruimtes [ruimtes, mpr] laat ontstaan die met die juxtaposities in superpositie zijn, maar door een samenplaatsing van bouw- volumes direct met de natuurlijke ruimte in aanraking kom & haar als het ware tussen de volumes inzichtbaar maak door een bepaald spel van haar dimensies, iets waartoe onze afgescheiden woonruimte de mogelijkheid biedt”. 133 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Het plastische getal (XI,9) 97; De architectonische ruimte (V,4) 54; Een architectuur, 11 [Unp. AVdL]. See also B.J.M.M. Pouderoyen, ‘Architectuur en Muziek’, Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans, 21 (1996, nr. 3) 101–112; Id., ‘Architectuur en Muziek’, Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans, 22 (1997, nr. 2) 42–47. 134 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400205; Letter to Mr Asberg 19420526; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413, 19540919, 19620603; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906, 19840305, 19870326; Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to R. Padovan 19840102, 19840406; Letter to A. Mertens 19870105; Letter to A. Bodar 19880808. Cfr. also A. Zielhorst, ‘Gregoriaans en liturgie. Een studieweek op Queekhoven’, Mens en melodie (1976) 274–279. Cfr. A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma-Tournai 1908; t. II, Paris-Roma-Tournai 1927. 135 HvdL, Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp.AVdL ]: “als mijlpalen dienen op de terugweg naar de Eenheid die met zich de glans der schoonheid draagt”. 242 chapter three to be a music theory because he said Plato only used elements of the music theory to explain the creation of the universe.136 Van der Laan knew very few musicians that would explore the fundamental principles of their profession, as he did for architecture.137 For both professions he considered these fundamental basics an unclaimed field of study. In 1952, he dedicated a full lecture to the analogical relation between music and architecture.138 While the way of performing ancient music is not known, the extant musical notation contains precious data concerning the composition. For architecture this is the contrary: the performance is known in ancient monuments, but not the formula of the composition.139 The parallel which Van der Laan recognised between architecture and music served as a catalyst in the elaboration of the theory of the plastic number. He recognised an analogical relationship between his view of architectural space and the modality of certain tones from the musical scale, which he compared to a space which has its own form (like a Gothic nave) and a musical melody. He said that “the impression of a modality goes much deeper than that of a melody” and concluded that pure architectural space is much more expressive than a space with its own form.140 In 1980 he added that modern architecture had almost lost this conviction, and thus he deemed it of great importance to base his churches on that pure architectural space.141 Different as they are, Van der Laan recognised a certain analogy between the fields of time and space, the two primordial elements of creation.142 In the liturgical year the totality of the ungraspable time of the mysteries is drawn together. There- fore the preface in the Eucharist calls man to sing God’s praise semper et ubique (at all times and everywhere). He saw a similar harmony between architecture and space, recognising how liturgical forms have their cause and explanation in natural forms, and how in themselves

136 Cfr. Plato, Timaeus, 32b, in: A. Rivaud, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. X, Paris 1956, 145. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (I,1) 1; Muziek en architectuur, s.l. 15–16 Sept. 1951 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19840406. 137 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413. 138 Cfr. HvdL, Muziek en architectuur, Antwerpen 1952. 139 Cfr. HvdL, Muziek en architectuur, Antwerpen 1952, 6–7 [Unp. AVdL]. 140 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19610601: “De indruk van een modaliteit gaat veel dieper als die van een melodie”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19540919, 19560826. 141 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]. 142 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19840406. towards a theory of architecture 243 they refer to invisible forms.143 Here one can recognise Vormenspel in a nutshell.

Liturgy and architecture As the relationship between liturgy and architecture is the theme of this entire book, the following will simply show how the theme per- vaded Van der Laan’s life. In Vormenspel he said that his theory needs to be considered against the greater background of the whole of creation and its aim. From the beginning, liturgy and architecture were closely connected in his thought, and he considered liturgy to be a means of informing his architectural insight.144 One might be tempted to conclude that the link between liturgy and architecture was more present in his earlier rather than his later work. It is true that in his writings he focused more and more on the principles of pure architecture. However, liturgy remained the framework of his daily life in the monastic Office. Note the implicit reference to the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger when Van der Laan said that it is not only with the material building that man bears witness to his religion, but also by singing, the ceremonies, the clothing and all the other external signs and objects.145 Not only are architecture and liturgical singing linked— for example when calling Solesmes du grégorien pétrifié—but clothing and liturgy too are connected—for example when in the Apocalypse St John compared the heavenly Jerusalem to a well-dressed bride (cfr. Rv. 19:7; 21:2).146 In liturgy, the fruits of architecture are lifted up in order to play a role on a higher level, for “the church is not only the place where worship takes place, it also is itself part of that worship”.147 An article titled ‘Liturgy and architecture’ starts with the question: ‘Can liturgy teach us something about architecture?’148 The original lecture was given by Dom Boer, but written by Van der Laan. Two other

143 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121. 144 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to F. Siebers 194304; Kerk en kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur III, Breda 27 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 145 Cfr. HvdL, Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]. 146 Cfr. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I, s.l. 30 Nov. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 147 HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 98: “Het kerkgebouw is niet alleen de plaatsruimte waar de eredienst plaats heeft, maar het is zelf een deel van die eredienst”. 148 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgie en architectuur, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Actio Catholica 9 (1946) 352. 244 chapter three articles with the same title were to follow in 1963 and 1978, which demonstrates Van der Laan’s continued interest in the subject.149 Though the relation between liturgy and architecture is essential, these two fields are not synonymous and they should not be joined into one. When Van der Meer suggested that they were interdepen- dent, Van der Laan replied that he saw them rather as complete in themselves and mirroring each other. He made an engineering analogy when he added that the first view links the domains in a series connection, thus accelerating the ‘voltage’, without elevating the power; the second allows for a parallel connection, leading to a higher ‘amperage’, a higher power.150 If the nobilis simplicitas (noble simplicity) advocated by Vatican II were applied to each field separately, Van der Laan said, this would be a true feast for him.151 Architecture as a discipline must be considered within his total worldview, which includes the natural, cultural and liturgical forms. Only then can architecture be given the place which it deserves: “In liturgy one does not find a rudiment of architecture like a memorial monument, but true architecture, one single hall in its most original form”.152 Van der Laan sought simplicity in order to find the essential beauty of artefacts, not in sobriety for its own sake, but in pure and perfect forms. In liturgy he encountered true clothes in their most original form of over and undergarment and true vessels in the form of one single cup and a plate. Similarly, though perfect, the church building is a real architectural object. It is the house in its most real, purest and noblest form. The above has hopefully shown that, contrary to what authors like Van der Vaart and Padovan said, in Van der Laan’s theory there was no development in distinguishable phases, but a gradual refining of the vocabulary to express the fundamental intuitions he had in the late 1920s.153 They were developed in a constant Benedictine and liturgical

149 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Openbare les over liturgie en Architectuur gehouden op 5 oktober 1963 door Dom van der Laan’, KB 30 (1963) 500–504; ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 470–480. 150 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19691219. 151 Cfr. MR 1969; IGMR 1969. 152 HvdL, Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]: “In de liturgie . . . geen rudiment van architectuur zoals een gedachtenismo nument, maar echte architectuur, een enkele aula maar in zijn meest originele vorm”. 153 Cfr. F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 41; R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, passim; Id., ‘After Van der Laan’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh towards a theory of architecture 245 environment. Therefore it should not be surprising that the relation between liturgy and architecture is central to his thought. Not only as an analogy, as is the case for music, but architecture truly has its place within the three form-worlds and form-types that make up the visible and invisible world as presented ultimately in Vormenspel. Van der Laan himself claimed that in De architectonische ruimte and in Vormenspel he reduced both architecture and liturgy to the fixed basis of the created forms of nature. Similarly, he desired for all people that their entire life as a human being and Christian would take place against that same background of creation, the great beginning of everything (cfr. Gen. 1:1).154

3.3.2. The divine foundations of architecture? In spite of the greater liturgical background, it was nevertheless Van der Laan’s thesis that the essentials of architecture could be derived objectively, without any direct reference to faith, though he had an ardent desire for people to come to the true Church. He was very discrete in expressing this desire and took a playful pleasure in the fact that his books on architecture hardly spoke of the great background of the creation by God or of liturgy. Still, the idea of his ‘great analogy’ between the divine and human intellect is at the root of his entire theory of liturgy and architecture:155 I have always attempted to make my work a representation of the whole plan of salvation, the creation with all the longing for God which is intrinsic to it and the return to God, who fulfils all our desires in the Incarnation. I have made it a sport to avoid every direct allusion to it, but for me it was a way to keep up my spiritual life in spite of all the worries brought about by the work in the hope that others would have a similar experience.156

2001, 42–76. See also e.g. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, Plastisch Lexicon, Haarlem 1996, 28; D. Hanssens, ‘De alchemie van het voorbeeldig bouwmeesterschap’, De Kovel 2 (June 2009, nr. 8), 48–49. 154 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19870105. 155 Cfr. HvdL, Het Vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985, 70. 156 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314: “Ik heb er [van mijn werk, mpr] altijd een neerslag van willen maken van het hele heilsplan, de schepping met alle verlangens naar God die daarin gelegd zijn & de terugkeer naar God die alle onze verlangens uitput door de Menswording. Ik heb er een sport van gemaakt iedere directe allusie op te vermijden, maar het is voor mij het maniertje geweest om mijn inwendig leven intact te houden ondanks alle besognes die het werk meebracht in de hoop dat het anderen. . . ook zo af zou gaan”. 246 chapter three

It was his foremost intention to give people a framework where the intellect may find rest, so that it can confront the essential elements of life.157 For him, the objective norms that rule architecture in space and time have great influence on the human intellect and heart.158

Ecclesiastical architecture? As Van der Laan’s theory was developed largely in the specific context of the construction of churches, it must be asked: did he develop a general theory of architecture which was then applied to the construction of churches or did he develop a theory of ecclesiastical architecture, which is also applicable for secular architecture in general? This question is relevant for understanding the deeper motivation and religious dimension of his theory. Though his books do not speak of ecclesiastical architecture as such, for Van der Laan churches are emi- nently suited to the creation of true architecture, as they are subject to very few secular demands. He concluded that the purest architectural forms and proportions are best suited to serve as a natural sign of the supernatural order.159 From the very beginning, Van der Laan noticed that precisely those buildings that need to be adapted to their material use have the most characteristic forms. Thus the kitchen and the workshops are clearly recognisable as such.160 He noticed that when the function of a place is of a more elevated nature, its forms become more universal. The less attention is needed for specific material demands, the more a house can respond to the universal laws of architecture. The same argument he used, for example, when formulating ‘five questions from an architect about the human act of procreation’, in an attempt to support the papal document Humanae vitae on human life.161 With reference to the Rule of St Benedict, which decrees that “the oratory should be what its name says it is” Van der Laan concluded that just as a workshop mirrors the work that takes place there, a church must be a domus

157 Cfr. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 11. 158 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to I. Prinsloo 19861029. 159 Cfr. e.g. Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989, 9–11. 160 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 2 [Unp. AVdL]. 161 Cfr. Paulus PP. vi, Litt. encycl. Humanae vitae, 25 July 1968, in: AAS 60 (1968) 481–503; HvdL, Vijf vragen van een architect over de menselijke voortplantingsdaad, Vaals 24 Aug. 1968 [Unp. AVdL]. towards a theory of architecture 247 orationis, a thing for prayer as the name oratorium itself says, reflecting the ‘form’ of the prayer, the opus Dei.162 He wrote to his brother “not to search for a direct link between the liturgical specificities and liturgical forms, but to recognise the parallel between the fundamental idea of liturgy and that of architecture”.163 This led Van der Laan to the question: “Then what must be the forms of a habitation that serve exclusively for prayer and the reunion of the faithful?”164 If one only adhered to the direct influence of the function of a building on its form, the church would not have a very determined form.165 The liturgical rubrics do not prescribe the form of a building. In Vormenspel Van der Laan would later say that a church is simply a place to be in, to move in and to speak in: a living room in the largest sense of the word.166 For him, it is above all in a church that the laws of architecture find their greatest expression.167 Again the relation to Vormenspel can be recognised when he wrote that a church, the most eminent exponent of the house, has only a relative functionality and should be seen as a pure monument (but not as a purely monumental form).168 The Incarnation took place in a specific place and time, but it was valid in all times and for all people.169 Similarly, Van der Laan believed that the true foundations of architecture are universally valid, also for churches, so that purely ecclesiastical architecture does not exist at all. Thus he moved from the question ‘what is a church?’ to the question ‘what is a house in its essence?’170 Throughout his life he

162 Cfr. S. Benedictus, Regula, ed: R. Hanslik, CSEL LXXV, Wien 1960, c. 52: “Oratorium hoc sit quod dicitur”. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400910. 163 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400910: “geen direct verband zoeken tussen liturgische bijzonderheden & liturgische vormen, maar het spiegelbeeld ontdekken tusschen de hoofdgedachte van de liturgie & die der architectuur”. 164 HvdL, La forme des églises, 3 [Unp. AVdL]: “Quelles doivent être alors les formes d’une habitation qui ne sert qu’à la prière et la réunion des fidèles sans plus?” 165 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 2 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also e.g. the lecture of the CKA-professor C. Pouderoyen, ‘Liturgie, theologie en kerkbouw’, Roeping 34 (1958, nr. 6) 309–314. 166 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (IX,8) 89. 167 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 6 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19451103; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19451204; ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (5 Feb. 1949) 101. 168 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19500926, 19511125. 169 Cfr. HvdL, Algemene lesdag 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]. 170 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, La forme des églises, 3 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 7; Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Keyenberg, Renkum 17 Sept. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also A. van Kranendonk, 248 chapter three searched for the most universal laws, for the purest architectural elements, and for the best way for these to be assembled into one single achitectural whole. He emphasised that as God does not need a house for functional demands, the application of the full architectural process is conditio sine qua non in the construction of churches: “It is His Name that must be glorified in the church building and if this honouring does not find a reflection in the external form, then all constructing in the honour of God is in vain”.171

A critical approach to the history of (church) architecture Though for Van der Laan it was by building houses that man must learn how to build them, this does not mean that he carefully studied the history of architecture.172 He went back to what he called the very origins of architecture in order to unearth its universal laws. As Koster said, “Van der Laan begins his exposition as if nothing had ever been built since man’s arrival on the earth, as if absolutely no architectural history existed”.173 However, he did not start by considering a cave or a dolmen. Rather, he turned to the high point of ancient architecture, to that of the Greeks and the early Christians. He tried to discover their underlying principles and subsequently recognised these principles in even more ancient constructions like Stonehenge. He was critical about almost everything that had been constructed since the early Christian basilica, claiming that the knowledge and usage of the ancient laws of proportions was lost and with it the relevance of later buildings. Such a rigorous attitude to the history of art was not unusual in the first half of the 20th century. For example, a rather similar approach can be recognised in certain works of the Dutch art historian Van der Meer.174

‘Weleerwaarde Pater’, KB 16 (1948–1949) 6; C. Pouderoyen, ‘Een onvriendelijk Sin- terklaasvers’, KB 16 (1948) 48. 171 HvdL, Bouwen ter ere Gods, Zwolle 19 Jan. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het is zijn Naam die in het kerkgebouw moet worden verheerlijkt en als dat eerbetoon zijn weerklank niet vindt in de uitwendige vorm, dan is iedere bouwerij ter ere Gods ijdel”. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19511125, 196910; Docentenbijeenkomst CKA, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Mar- kant, broadcasted 24 Dec. 1988. 172 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XIV,3) 194. 173 E. Koster, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’s Arcadian Architecture’, Architectura & Natura Quarterly 1 (1992) 36. 174 Cfr. F. van der Meer, ‘Liturgie en gewijde kunst in de achttiende eeuw’, in: J. Waterink, ed., et al., Cultuurgeschiedenis van het Christendom, t. IV, Amsterdam- Brussel 1951, 42–74; Id., ‘Liturgie en gewijde kunst in de negentiende eeuw’, in: J. towards a theory of architecture 249

Van der Laan said “that the position of Neo-Gothic architecture, which rejected classical architecture as pagan and therefore un- Christian is not tenable”.175 For him, things went wrong in the middle ages, for then the clear classical space of the basilica was hidden ‘behind the sensual, soft and round forms of Romanesque architecture’, which he strongly disliked.176 Though in his early years he had a certain appreciation for Gothic architecture, a few years later he claimed that it does not allow for spatial expression as all solid walls are covered with niches, colonnettes and statues.177 He said something similar about the Baroque.178 However, his dislike did not so much concern a certain style, but a general fear of a profusion that would conceal the true architectural form behind ornamentation.179 Therefore he also criticised more modern tendencies which referred to architecture as ‘religious’ when the form prevailed over the function. This he deemed incorrect, for then “a building should look like a cellar or a barn in order to be called a church”.180 For him, the fact that usually only barns are vaulted down to the ground and the fact that only attics lack walls should be enough to show that these ‘undercroft forms’ belong to an inferior type of space and therefore should not be considered as churches. Contrary to his contemporary Father Constantinus, he strongly disliked the idea of symbolism, the attempt to express a symbolic concept in architectural form. He especially reacted against the concept of ‘so-called christo- centric or theocentric churches’, which he regarded as absurd, because to fulfil these demands it would require the construction of supernatural

Waterink, ed., et al., Cultuurgeschiedenis van het Christendom, t. V, Amsterdam- Brussel 1951, 1–45. 175 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]: “dat het standpunt der neo-gotiek, die de klassieke architectuur verwierp omdat zij heidens en daarom onchristelijk was, onhoudbaar is”. 176 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XVI, Breda 8 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19650701. 177 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIV–XV, Breda 11 Jan. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 178 Cfr. HvdL, Reis naar Rome, Rome 28 Feb. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; M. van Rooy, ‘De parabel van de sandaal’, NRC (7 May 1982) CS 1; Id., Het verhaal van de architectuur, Amsterdam-Rotterdam 2007, 23. 179 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIV–XV, Breda 11 Jan. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. 180 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XVI, Breda 8 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]: “Een gebouw moest een kelderachtig of schuurachtig aanzien hebben om een kerk te heten”. 250 chapter three churches, which is impossible for man.181 He simply wished to emphasise that the church is the most beautiful house man can design as the result of the consequent application of the right proportions. He even asserted that a building without these relations has no right to be called architecture, especially not when it concerns a church.182 Other Catholic architects of his time had a completely different approach. Kropholler, for example, had a very functional approach, when seeking to apply traditional forms.183 Koldewey was closer to Van der Laan and saw architecture as the art of construction and put ornamentation in second place, although he still considered it essential.184 It has become clear that Van der Laan was very critical about every design that did not fully correspond to his personal concept of pure architecture. Though he was right to say that just a few statues and arches do not make a church beautiful in itself, true styles like Romanesque, Gothic and Baroque each have their own architectural value. The problem is not that Van der Laan claimed to have found the key to the objective conditions of beauty, but that he criticised many architectural styles solely on the basis of their use of ornamentation, without properly verifying whether the proportions of the plastic number could be recognised in the products of these ages. One exception is when he noted that the Cortile del Belvedere in Vatican City consists of a coordination of 9 by 16 units each of 8 metres.185 However, he did not study these proportions in detail, and focused mainly on the ancient Roman basilicas.186 Though it would lead one too far astray from the subject of this book, it would be interesting to study some great examples of Gothic and Baroque architecture—leaving aside the questions concerned with ornamentation—just to see whether in their basic forms these examples would respond to the proportions of the plastic number. These generally acclaimed examples of good architecture are considered beautiful by many scholars, so that—if Van der

181 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 55–56; Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. C. Reijgersberg, Liturgie en kerkelijke kunst, Antwerpen 19502, esp. 146–151. 182 Cfr. HvdL, In het vriendenboek van Granpré Molière, s.l. Feb. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]. 183 Cfr. e.g. A.J. Kropholler, ‘Over hedendaagschen kerkbouw’, in: Vier lezingen, Tongerloo n.d., 5–25. 184 Cfr. e.g. B.J. Koldewey, ‘Het sieren van bouwwerken’, in: Vier lezingen, Tonger- loo n.d., 53–71. 185 Cfr. HvdL, Reis naar Rome, Rome 3 & 9 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 186 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Reis naar Rome, Rome 4 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. towards a theory of architecture 251

Laan did indeed discover the unique set of proportions that makes good and beautiful architecture—these proportions should also be found in, for example, Gothic and Baroque buildings. That conclusion would not only lead to a reconciliation between Van der Laan and the history of architecture, but it would also give more support to the link he made between liturgy and architecture. In other words: if he was right, one should not only be able to recognise these proportions in his church in Vaals, but also in the cathedral of Chartres and St Peter’s Square in Rome, to name just two examples. Many a tourist has had the experience that the colonnade of Bernini makes the square seem to be smaller than it is, and adapted to the size of human beings so that they can feel secure there. Visitors describe a similar experience in the architecture of Van der Laan. The ultimate proof of the validity of the theory is not the building itself, but the experience of ‘true architecture’, which would tend to reinforce the conclusion that the theory ‘works’ in reality.187 Van der Laan’s great contribution is that he ‘dusted off’ the ancient Greek approach of proportions and tried to apply it to modern constructions. Though he was not the only one to do so—the Renaissance and Neo-Classicism were a prelude to the 20th century rediscovery of the geniality of the classics and especially of the scheme of the golden section—Van der Laan is probably the only architect who worked out a system that in consecutive steps manages to link the width of a wall not only to the entire town, but also to the order of the whole created world. However, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that his genera- lised critique of almost all architecture apart from ancient Greek and early Christian is too radical and unfounded.

A theology of church architecture? For Van der Laan, religion was the deepest mainspring of architecture: “what the sanctification of Sunday means for time, are churches and holy places for space”.188 In an early class he listed an interesting hierarchy of motives for construction, tending towards a possibly underlying theology of (church) architecture.189 Firstly, man builds

187 Cfr. e.g. J. Dawson, ‘Bouwen om thuis te komen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 4–11. 188 HvdL, Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]: “wat de Zondagshei- liging is voor de tijd, dat zijn de kerken en heilige plaatsen voor de ruimte”. 189 Cfr. HvdL, Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Over het laatste doel van het bouwen, 10 Jan. 1942 [Unp. AVdL]. 252 chapter three from a natural or physical perspective in his need to create a delimited part of the world which he can dominate and where he is safe. Next, he constructs from an intellectual or aesthetic perspective to dominate and understand space intellectually. Thirdly man constructs from a religious perspective; because he is too weak to recognise the sovereignty of God everywhere in nature, he sets apart certain places where the divine sovereignty is shown to full advantage. Van der Laan distinguished between the three areas of the physical solid-void, of the intellectual measure-proportion-margin, and of the religious building that reserves a place for God: “Such a place represents all creation and is a visible witness of the domain of God”.190 As he always strongly reacted against architectural symbolism, it was possibly a momentary expression of conventional piety that in his early years he recognised the fundamental characteristics of the Church in the church building, which should also be One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic.191 Above all it should be an expression of the unity of the Church.192 He subsequently made the point that just as the Church is universal, its buildings must answer to the universal laws of pure architecture.193 In this way, the Church not only expresses her universality, but also withdraws these forms from the influences of time, space and individual expression, in order to serve the world of the intellect: “The worship of the Holy Church is for all peoples, for all times; it is one with the eternal worship in heaven”.194 This clearly reflects the teachings of the Fathers of the Church.195

190 HvdL, Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zo’n plaats verte- genwoordigt als het ware de hele schepping en is een zichtbaar getuigenis van Gods domein”. 191 Cfr. HvdL, Paters SVD, Teteringen 21 Feb. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to N. van der Laan 19410831, 1947; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur IX, Breda 20 July 1946; X, 3 Aug. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 192 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 1, 7 [Unp. AVdL], which probably quotes J. de Puniet de Parry, La Liturgie de la Messe. Ses origines et son histoire, Avignon 1928. Cfr. also HvdL, Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Annex Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Dom P. Nau 19440303. 193 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, La forme des églises, 8 [Unp. AVdL]; Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 29. 194 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur IX, Breda 20 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “De eredienst der H. Kerk is voor alle volken, alle tijden; zij is één met die der eeuwigheid”. Cfr. also HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur X, Breda 3 Aug. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19550518. 195 Cfr. e.g. S. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, Catecheses, 18,23–25, in: PG XXXIII, 1043–1047. towards a theory of architecture 253

It could be argued that Van der Laan included architecture in a theology of the Incarnation. As seen above, with the Incarnation, the earth and everything on it was consecrated to God and taken up into a great movement towards Him.196 All consecrations by the Church recognise and realise the divine dominion over the earth. Therefore, everything on earth can serve not only in daily life, but also in liturgy. As a monk, he wanted to include the objects of daily life in his worship, as the Rule of St Benedict requires.197 This explains the importance attributed to the act of consecration or blessing of these objects, through which these are set apart for their sacred function. Just as in a family the house guarantees domestic happiness and mutual love, by virtue of its consecration the church becomes “a great mystery of grace and supernatural life”.198 Van der Laan referred several times to the fact that since early Christianity a church came into existence by sacrificing (part of) a family house to be consecrated entirely to God by the Church. Places where Mass was celebrated were no longer used for profane purposes. The same applies to churches constructed specifically for their purpose: as a sacrifice to God they are set apart from daily life and made into the most beautiful house possible for man.199 By virtue of its consecration, the church building becomes part of the worship of the Church and “as such, it is an external sign, by which the Holy Church expresses and proclaims her religion”.200 This refers to the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger.201 For Van der Laan, though some of the signs of liturgy have been instituted by the Church by virtue of the supernatural meaning, the ‘sign’ of the church has been derived from natural life: it is the natural human habitat, subject to the laws of nature and architecture, but by its consecration it is withdrawn

196 Cfr. HvdL, Paters SVD, Teteringen 21 Feb. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to N. van der Laan 19410831, 1947. 197 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 31,10. 198 HvdL, Paters SVD, Teteringen 21 Feb. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]: “een groot mysterie van genade en bovennatuurlijk leven”. 199 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur II, Breda 16 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 200 HvdL, Samenvatting, Breda 13 Mar. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het is als zodanig een uitwendig teken, waardoor de H. Kerk haar Godsdienst tot uitdrukking brengt en verkondigt”. Cfr. HvdL, Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 201 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 1: “La liturgie considérée en général, est l’ensemble des symboles, des chants et des actes au moyen desquels l’Eglise exprime et manifeste sa religion envers Dieu”. 254 chapter three from every profane use and totally dedicated to the service of God and the expression of the mystery of the Church.202 Van der Laan never developed a proper theology of architecture although he did consider architecture within the context of creation and the Incarnation. There- fore certain theological elements can be recognised in his thought.

3.3.3. Some important dyads Certain dyads are used over and again in Van der Laan’s work. Most important in the field of architecture are the solid-void and inside- outside dyads, which are completed with the line-plane-volume triad. In architecture Van der Laan wanted to show the space of nature, “for it is through architectural space that we can grasp natural space, just as within that architectural space we can grasp the outside through the inside”.203 It is the solid of the walls that helps man grasp the inside space, and he can grasp the form of the solid by the figure of its surface. This figure he can only grasp through the length of its outline. And it is through the discrete quantity of the number that man is able to grasp the continuous size of this length. “Finally, the single basis of the number is the unit, which for the plastic number is the ground-ratio”.204 A kind of poem, written by Van der Laan in his latter years, shows this complex reasoning in seven steps, where everything is interconnected: 1. The outside space under the spell of the inside space. 2. The form of the inside space under the spell of the form of the solid wall. 3. The mass of the wall under the spell of the figure of its surface. 4. The surface of the wall under the spell of its linear demarcation. 5. The length of that line under the spell of its measure from beginning to end.

202 Cfr. HvdL, Samenvatting, Breda 13 Mar. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also e.g. C. López, ‘Una nueva ruta en la arquitectura de las iglesias. Una arquitectura en busca del orden’, Liturgia 12 (May–June 1957) 159. 203 HvdL, Letter to W. Lockefeer 19860423: “Het is namelijk door de architectonische ruimte dat wij vat krijgen op de natuurlijke ruimte zoals wij in die architectonische ruimte door het binnen vat krijgen op het buiten”. 204 HvdL, Letter to W. Lockefeer 19860423: “Voor het getal tenslotte is maar één basis en dat is de eenheid, die dan voor het plastische getal bestaat in de grondverhouding”. Cfr. also W. Lockefeer, ‘Theorie en kader’, in: n.n., Dom Hans Van der Laan. Architektuurtentoonstelling, Antwerpen 1986, 13–16 [Exhibition catalogue De Singel]. towards a theory of architecture 255

6. The continuous quantity of this measure under the spell of the discrete quantity of the number. 7. The number under the spell of the unit.205 Here Van der Laan listed the most important terms of his theory, saying that unit, number, measure, length, surface, mass, inside and outside are the eight terms of the seven relations. The following sections will study some of these terms more in detail. The solid-void and inside-outside dyads, as well as the plastic number with the ground- ratio and the margin should be considered to be among the main elements of Van der Laan’s architectural theory. Each of these elements is necessary for man to get in touch with the space of nature, and to adapt it to his own capacity. Implicitly or explicitly, they all were part of his fundamental intuition back in 1929 when he discovered the embryonic form of the plastic number.

Solid-void: the origin of architectural space According to Van der Laan, the opposition between solid elements and the void they create between them is the first way architecture imposes itself on the natural extension of space, and by which man dominates nature.206 Both the solid and the void have a specific form, which is “as a new element, superior to the simple contrast of solid and void which it determines”.207 The solid may exist by itself, but the void depends on the solid for its existence: “just as the Great Space becomes perceptable for us in artificial spaces, so we must imagine that the latter can only come into existence and become knowable because

205 HvdL, De zeven architectonische betrekkingen, Vaals c. 1986 [Unp. AVdL]: “1. De ruimte buiten in de ban van de ruimte binnen. 2. De vorm van de ruimte binnen in de ban van de vorm van de massieve wand. 3. De massa van de wand in de ban van de figuur van zijn oppervlak. 4. Het oppervlak van de wand in de ban van zijn lineaire begrenzing. 5. De lengte van die lijn in de ban van zijn maat tussen begin en einde. 6. De continue kwantiteit van deze maat in de ban van discrete kwantiteit van het getal. 7. Het getal in de ban van de eenheid”. Cfr. also HvdL, ‘The Seven Relationships of Architectonic Space’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 78–79. 206 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 10–11 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]; Douze lettres sur l’architecture 1944–1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur I, Breda 6 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeen- komst, Breda 29 Mar. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. 207 HvdL, La forme des églises, 11 [Unp. AVdL]: “comme un nouvel élément supérieur au simple contraste du plein et du vide qu’elle détermine”. 256 chapter three of solid elements”.208 For Van der Laan the architectural process has two poles: “on the one hand we have the solid element with which the forming of space begins, and on the other hand a spatial given”.209 Both the solid and the void have a size in three dimensions which can be measured and calculated by the rules of the plastic number. He distinguished between the three levels of space, form and measure.210 In the first years he very rarely used the term ‘architectural space’, which signifies the new space created by architectural elements like walls.211 He only introduced the term in 1960 and from that moment on it was used very frequently and even served as the title of his book on architecture.212 Van der Laan loved the play between foreground and background that occurs between window and wall. He was intrigued by the fact that one can draw windows against the background of a closed wall (solid), but also draw pillars against the background of an open wall (void). When a window is made progressively larger, there is a point where the window no longer is a hole in a wall, but that there is only a solid frame around a void hole. If windows become too big, the piers (the space between the windows) become like columns, and if the columns become too wide, the space between them becomes like windows, making the wall either too open or too closed. The architect searches for that one ratio which is exactly right.213 The diameter of columns must correspond to the space between them, just like the proportions between windows and the closed wall.

208 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XVII, Breda 22 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]: “zoals de Grote Ruimte voor ons vatbaar wordt in kunstmatige ruimtes, zo moeten wij ons voorstellen dat die laatste alleen maar kunnen ontstaan en kenbaar worden door massieve elementen”. 209 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur I, Breda 6 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “hebben wij aan den ene kant het massieve element waarmee de ruimtevorming een aanvang neemt en aan den anderen kant een ruimtelijk voorkomen”. 210 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 11 [Unp. AVdL]. 211 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XVII, Breda 22 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. 212 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, De architectonische dispositie I–XIV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1960–1962 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19610601; De architectonische ruimte I–III, ’s-Hertogenbosch Mar. 1963, Apr. 1963, May 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19700925; De architectonische ruimte, passim; Letter to R. van der Does de Wille- bois 19780105; Letter to Sr R. Engels Advent 1979; Letters to R. Padovan 19831227, 19840102, 19840629, 19870318; Letters to W. Lockefeer 19860423, 19900517. 213 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, III, 3, ed: C. Fen- sterbusch, Darmstadt 1991, 144–152; HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XI,10–11) 155–158. towards a theory of architecture 257

Van der Laan made an analogy with his faith, when he considered heaven as something taking place behind the ‘wall’ of faith. Interior prayer then is like windows that give a sneak preview of heaven. He dreamt of the moment that these windows would become so big that they would become piers in an open wall. Then life would no longer be a continuous working with moments of prayer, but of an almost continuous prayer, which is interrupted by the things one needs to do.214 This is a good example of faith, life and architecture being very much interconnected for Van der Laan and it represents different levels in the great play between background and foreground in created and uncreated reality.

Line-plane-volume: ground-ratio, margin and the plastic number La forme des églises (1930) is the first document that presents the essence of the later plastic number. It dedicates a separate section to the “Deduction of the proportion between the orders of size”.215 It causes some confusion due to its use of certain key terms with different or contrary meanings with respect to later publications. The contents of Le nombre plastique and De architectonische ruimte can be recognised in embryonic form in the distinction between three cases of extension: linear, two-dimensional and three-dimensional. The latter is expressed by the algebraic equation a3 + a2 = 1, in which a ≈ ¾. The document explains that the succession of the orders of size (later renamed ‘types of size’) is limited to a system (later: ‘order’) of seven, and within each system the smallest order is determined by the margin between the two greatest orders. This shows how Van der Laan first discovered his small system with six measurements and the full system with eight measurements and only later derived the explanation given in De architectonische ruimte.216 From the very beginning the margin “rules all architectural forms from the point of view of the intellect”.217 Initially, Van der Laan used the term ‘margin’ when referring to his system.218 It is not difficult to recognise here the nucleus of what Van

214 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19830223. 215 HvdL, La forme des églises, 14–16 [Unp. AVdL]: “Déduction de la proportion entre les ordres de grandeur”. 216 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VIII, Breda 6 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 217 HvdL, La forme des églises, 15 [Unp. AVdL]: “régit toutes les formes de l’architecture au point de vue intellectuel”. 218 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, La forme des églises, 15 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]; Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; 258 chapter three der Laan would later call the plastic number, worked out in detail during long years of teaching and writing. In not wishing to exactly calculate the numerical expression of a, Van der Laan claimed that he was following the tradition of Plato, who derived the harmony of things “from the arithmetical and mathematical middle of the interval 1–2”.219 Van der Laan later used the term ‘geometrical middle’.220 The problem with a numerical calculation is that in an arithmetical sense the plastic number is an irrational number: “namely all proportions allow for margins in which feeling can be shown to full advantage”.221 Therefore Van der Laan said that his ‘margin’, which in this context was later referred to as the ‘plastic number’, lies somewhere in between the undetermined forms of nature and the absolute precision of the abstract number.222 Similarly, art lies somewhere between the natural form and the purely abstract notion. He claimed that “therefore in the margins, which come into existence in the development of the proportions, we must see the expression of our intellect”.223 He complained that modern architecture suppresses the margin by lapsing into either natural forms or into purely mathematical schemes. Later, after he had distinguished more clearly between the terms ‘margin’ and ‘plastic number’, he said that it is the margin that allows for a personal interpretation of the values calculated with the formula of the plastic number.224 He also recognised margins in music.225

Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 7 July 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Resumé. Doel en eerste beginselen der architectuur, Oosterhout 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19391106, 194109, 19440323, 19460408, 19520310; Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460520; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413, 19540919; Letter to R. Padovan 19860721. 219 Cfr. HvdL, Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp.AVdL ]: “van het aryth- metische en mathematische midden van het interval 1–2”. 220 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VII,12) 91. 221 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413: “alle verhoudingen laten namelijk spelingen toe waarin het gevoel tot zijn recht kan komen”. 222 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (IV,8) 30; De architectonische ruimte (VII,4) 82–83. 223 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XII, Oosterhout 14 Sept. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “Wij moeten dus in de marges, die bij het ontwikkelen der verhoudingen ontstaan, de expressie zien van onzen geest”. 224 Cfr. HvdL, Beknopte uiteenzetting van het plastische getal, Delft 14 Jan. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. 225 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 27. towards a theory of architecture 259

Van der Laan often used the term ‘ground-ratio’ and, as already mentioned, he considered it to be an expression of the fundamental proportion 4:3: “The smallest interval which the proportions mutually allow in order to be distinguished intellectually, can be determined objectively as a fixed ground-ratio, which is typical for architecture as a plastic art”.226 The architect uses a measurement system to derive the proportions, which all depend on the ground-ratio. The consequence of this fixed fundamental interval is that the proportions based on it are ordered in systems. The term ‘plastic number’ seems to have appeared first around 1949, though it was only from 1953 onwards that the term was used more frequently.227 In the use of the terms ‘margin’, ‘type of size’ and ‘order of size’ an evolution can be observed, though it can be concluded that

226 HvdL, Samenvatting, Breda 13 Mar. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het kleinste interval, dat die maatverhoudingen onderling toelaten om verstandelijk onderscheiden te kunnen worden, is objectief te bepalen als een vaststaande grondverhouding, die eigen is aan de architectuur als plastische kunst”. For the term ‘ground-ratio’ cfr. e.g. HvdL, Resumé. Doel en eerste beginselen der architectuur, Oosterhout 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946; VII, 22 June 1946; VIII, 6 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, Breda 29 Mar. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19520310, Pente- cost 1968, 19810918, 19830314, 19870716; Letter to A.D. Fokker 196712; Letters to R. Padovan 19800811, 19831026, 19840102, 19840122, 19840406, 19840529, 19860428, 19870507, 19870824; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004; Letters to W. Lockefeer 19830406, 19860423; Letter to T. Maas 19840322; Letter to C. Leufkens 19840710; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19851221, 19871219, 19890615; Letter to K. de Haan 19860503; Letter to A. Bodar 19880728. 227 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]. Note that this concerns the first occurrences in the body of the text: titles are not counted, as these may easily have been added in later years. Cfr. also HvdL, Studiebijeen- komst samen met Brouwer, Wissing, Bleker, Kranendonk en Jan Hermans, ’s-Hertogen- bosch 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Het plastische getal I-X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1953–1956 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; Beknopte uiteenzetting van het plastische getal, Delft 14 Jan. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Le nombre plastique. Bref exposé, s.l. 29 June 1959 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie II, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2 Apr. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413, 19550714, 19571013, 19620603, 19630807; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19540307, 19580629, 19590426, 19590808, 196010, 19620904, 19681101, 19851221, 19870326, 19871219; Letters to M.J. Granpré Molière 19641228, 19690327; Letter to A.D. Fokker 196712; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19770729; Letters to R. Padovan 19800901, 19811110, 19831026, 19840102, 19840406, 19840515, 19840629, 19860311, 19870507, 19870824; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314; Letters to W. Locke- feer 19830406, 19860423; Letter to C. Genders 19840612; Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to T. Strawinsky 19880706; Letter to A. Bodar 19880728. 260 chapter three the theory of the plastic number was ready from the beginning, valid then as it is now.

Inside-outside Because it is so important in Van der Laan’s later work, it is interesting to note that in the 1930 manuscript La forme des églises no reference is made to the inside-outside dyad. It is not completely absent from his early work, but only received its later meaning in the 1950s. An example of an early occurrence of the terms is when Van der Laan agitated against the so called ‘honesty’, taught at Delft University, “to show on the outside what is inside and to accentuate externally in this way the form of the inside”.228 Though internal and exterior architecture should not contradict each other, they should not be paralleled or mirrored. Rather, they are two major pieces of a puzzle that together form the total work. Architecture orders the unlimited space of nature from inside to outside.229 The dyad was often used together with the solid-void dyad. Van der Laan said, for example, that when someone crawls through an opening in a wall from outside to the inside he experiences the opposition of the solid and the void.230 The use of the terms was not yet uniform and consistent and its later use does not simply refer to the outside in the sense of ‘exterior’ but in the opposition to inside space.231 It is during his lectures in the early 1950s that Van der Laan spoke of the opposition between the inside of the house and its outside as expressed in architecture.232 From these lectures onwards the dyad gained more and more importance in the presentation of the theory until taking the fundamental form it has in De architectonische ruimte.233

228 HvdL, Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19280507: “om van buiten te laten zien wat er van binnen is & zoo de inwendige [hoofdvorm, mpr] uitwendig extra accentueeren”. 229 Cfr. HvdL, HBO Tilburg, Oosterhout 16 Jan. 1944 [Unp. AVdL]. 230 Cfr. HvdL, Lezing voor de Bouwkundige Studiekring, Delft 14 June 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 231 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur V, Breda 25 May 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 232 Cfr. HvdL, Bouwen ter ere Gods, Zwolle 19 Jan. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 23. 233 Cfr. esp. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (III,1–5) 23–36. For the gradual introduction of the dyad inside-outside see e.g. HvdL, Nabeschouwingen op de lezing van ir. van Ravesteyn, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Apr. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie II, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2 Apr. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie VII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 22 July & 9 Sept. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte III, ’s-Hertogenbosch May 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, towards a theory of architecture 261

On a deeper level, Van der Laan identified from the beginning the opposition between the exterior and interior life of a Christian.234 For him, it is through exterior things that man is able to advance in his interior life. This was extremely important in his own interior life. He compared the interaction of the intellect with the forms and things around him to the breathing in and out of the spiritual existence of man.235 The being together with God in His house, in the church, he

’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Het nieuwe klooster in Maarssen, s.l. 3 Oct. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie I-V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1965– 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 21 Aug. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Bouwen en bidden’, Mededelingen voor de Vrienden van de Abdij St. Benedictusberg, Mamelis 1966, 11–25; De architectonische ruimte III-V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 Mar. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; Over een Schotse tartan, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 Nov. 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte I-V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1970–1971 [Unp. AVdL]; Inleiding, ’s-Hertogenbosch 31 Jan. 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19700925; Algemene lesdag 17 Oct. 1970, 9 Jan. 1971, 27 Mar. 1971, 5 June 1971, 8 Jan. 1972, 22 Apr. 1972, 21 Oct. 1972, 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19701220; Zestien stedelijke disposities, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 May 1973 [Unp. AVdL]; Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19751222, 19871219; Lezing, Vaals 1 May 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; TH Eindhoven, Eindhoven 4 Nov. 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur, s.l. 28 Jan. 1977 [Unp. AVdL]; Groep Rijnland BNA, s.l. 10 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 474; Letters to J. Naalden, 19790419, 19850907; Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer XII, Vaals 25 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19810528; ‘Toespraak’, in: W. Graatsma—J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982, 7–9; Letter to N. and E. Steenbergen 19821024; Naar aanleiding van een bezoek aan het huis Naalden, s.l. 2 Dec. 1982 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to N. van der Laan 19830314, 19851220; Letters to R. Padovan 19840610, 19840629, 19850605, 19860428, 19870318, 19870824; Voor een groep heren rondom Dr. Van der Eerden, Vaals 19 Jan. 1985 [Unp. AVdL]; Academie voor bouwkunde, Maastricht 28 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL]; Voor de tentoonstelling in Middelburg, Middelburg 20 Feb. 1986 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to W. Lockefeer 19860423; Letter to M. Tyra Antonia 19870531; Letter to B. Bremer 19870611; ‘On a Scotish tartan’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 12–25. 234 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19390709, before 19421026, 19480311, 19640720, 19701220; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 194005, 19420913, 19430523, 19440107, 19440305, 19500813, 19630804, 19640722, 19650403, 19710831, 19720706, 19811220, 19880818, 19890615; Letters to N. van der Laan 19400705, 19430217; Letters to T. Strawinsky 19550409, 19860920; Letters to Sr R. Engels Advent 1979, 19800603, 19841127; Letter to R. Padovan 19840629. 235 Cfr. HvdL, Oog en Al, Utrecht 29 Jan. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Preek huwelijk van Dick van Dam en Cécile de Puniet de Parry, s.l. 3 Aug. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer VII, 5 Mar. 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 262 chapter three saw as an externally visible form of man’s being together with God in his soul through Baptism.236

3.4. Excursus: The plastic number and the golden section

According to Cornford, Van der Laan developed “a major new theory of dimensional proportioning”.237 The theory of the plastic number has often been compared to other proportion systems.238 Several publications have been dedicated to it.239 The plastic number was often

236 Cfr. HvdL, Altaarwijding, Boxtel Nov. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 237 C. Cornford, ‘From the Ground Up. Architectonic Space’, The Architectural Review (Mar. 1984) 56. 238 Cfr. e.g. A. Bodar, ‘Vitruvius in de Nederlanden’, in: Bouwen in Nederland, vijfentwintig opstellen over Nederlandse architectuur opgedragen aan prof. ir. J.J. Ter- wen, Delft 1984, 95 [Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 3]; T. de Jong, ‘Met mate. De beginselen van het meten en maatsystemen’, De Architect Thema (May 1986, nr. 23) 5–11; C. de Boer, ‘Het ontwerp als maatspel. Maat en maatsystemen en hun praktische rol in het architectonisch ontwerp’, De Architect Thema (May 1986, nr. 23) 18–25; S. Bruins, ‘Maat en getal in het werk van Dom van der Laan en John Körmeling’, in: J. de Jong–V. Schmidt–R. Vos, ed., Opstellen voor Hans Locher, Groningen 1990, 133– 139; F.J. van der Vaart, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 19–23; G. Kruijtzer, Ruimte en Getal. Het Plastische getal en Het Gulden-snedegetal, Amsterdam 1998; P. Reinsha- gen, ‘Gulden snede en het plastische getal’, Delft Integraal 15 (1999, nr. 6) 19–21; E. Rees, ‘Geometry in Art and Nature’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathemat- ics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 92–102; J. Aarts–R. Fokkink–G. Kruijtzer, ‘Morphic Numbers’, Nieuws Archief voor Wiskunde 1 (2001) 56–58; B. Burggraaf, Ideale verhoudingen. Een beknopt overzicht van de gulden snede en het plastisch getal, s.l. 2001 [Unp. Essay]; J.C. Dürsteler, ‘El número plástico y la divina proporción’, Inf@vis! (10 May 2004, mess. 145), http://www.infovis.net/printMag.php?num=145&lang=1 (access 20100522); J.F.M. Boelen, Het bouwkundig contrapunt. Ontwikkeling van een instrument voor harmonisch bouwen met behulp van de visualisatie van muziek, Eind- hoven 2006, 85–93; J. Roefs, ‘Tektonische duizeligheid. Essay architectuur: filosofie en kritiek’, Chepos (June 2006, nr. 6) 24–27; O. Boom, ‘2010. Een goed jaar voor John Körmeling’, Chepos (Mar. 2007, nr. 9) 25–27. 239 Cfr. e.g. R. Padovan, ‘Measuring and Counting’, The Architect (May 1986) 54–58; Id., ‘Theory and Practice’, The Architect (June 1986) 54–58; A.E. Stamps, ‘Architectural detail. Van der Laan septaves and pixel counts’, Design Studies 20 (Jan. 1999) 83–97; R. Padovan, ‘The Plastic Number’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 28–44; D. Pouderoyen, ‘Over matenstelsels’, Thematismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 6–9; A. Dam, ‘De theorie van het plastisch getal’, The- matismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 16–17; D. Pouderoyen, ‘Over matenstelsels II’, Thema- tismos (May 2004, nr. 3) 18–21; G. Kruitzer, ‘Drie-eenheid bij Dom Van der Laan’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 14–17; G. Kruijtzer–A. Dam, Het ontstaan van het plastische getal, Voorburg 2005 [Unp.]; L. Feijs, ‘In search of a golden ratio for the aesthetics of movement’, in: L. Feijs–S. Kyffin–B. Young, Design and semantics of form and movement, Eindhoven 2006, 34–41; J. Swiers, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Het plastische getal’, in: Tien jaar papierdruk, ’s-Gravenhage 2007 [Althaea Pers]; towards a theory of architecture 263 compared to the system of the eminent 20th century architect Le Cor- busier, who used a harmonious proportion system, ‘le modulor’, which is based on the sectio aurea and the mutual proportions of the human body.240 Contrary to the modulor, the plastic number of Van der Laan does not start with the dimensions of the human body, but with the way man apprehends form, space and size in all three dimensions as estimated by the human intellect. This echoes St Augustine, who distinguished between three ways of knowing: one can know on the basis of authority (auctoritas), reason (ratio) and love (caritas), which is the most important of these: ‘Res tantum cognoscitur quantum amatur’ (A thing can only be known insofar it is loved). Van der Laan never mentioned love in this context, though it can be noted that love as an act of will is an all-permeating reality which accompanies every thought. He did not consider the plastic number as a means, but as an end.241 For him, the application of his proportion system was vital for architecture. Against the very infrequent use of proportional systems by modern architects, Padovan argued that laws of proportion are both necessary and fundamental generators of architectural design: “If our sense of proportion is a biologically acquired faculty, its laws must be sought in the nature of our three-dimensional spatial environment and in our powers of perception”.242

P. Dijkema–N. Liesker, Binnen en buiten bij een. Een denkweg tot een meer dichterlijk wonen, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2009, 255–269; T. Barrie, The Sacred In-Between. The Mediating Roles of Architecture, London-New York 2010, 150–166. 240 Cfr. e.g. C. Cornford, ‘From the Ground Up. Architectonic Space’, The Archi- tectural Review (Mar. 1984) 56; P. Christou–N. Golzari, ‘The plastic number’,AIII Times (1985, nr. 5) 4–5; M. Hsu, ‘A short introduction to the design of the abbey church’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 7) 9; I. Prinsloo, ‘Homage to Genius and Wisdom: Le Corbusier and Dom Hans van der Laan. Towards a comparative study of La Tourette and St Benedictusberg’, Architecture South Africa (Jan.-Feb. 1988) 31–39; R. Pado- van, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, esp. 239–244; W. Muller, Vormgeven. Ordening en betekenisgeving, Utrecht 1997; R. Padovan, ‘Vitruvius and Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: R. Rolf, ed., Vitruviuscongres, Heerlen 1997; Id., Proportion. Science, philosophy, architecture, London 1999, passim; A. van der Schoot, ‘Rationality and irrationality in architecture’, in: F. van Peperstraten, ed., Jaarboek voor esthetica, Tilburg 2001, 200–211; D. Pouderoyen, ‘Van der Laan en het Nieuwe Bouwen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 3–7; D. Jansen, ‘God als getal. In de voetsporen van een gewijde architect’, Pantheon// 9 (Oct. 2005) 8–11; J.H. Jensenius, ‘Hvor ble det av proporsjonsbegrepet i arkitekturen?’, Nordisk Arkitektur- forskning 19 (2006, nr. 2) 81–93. 241 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XIII,1) 109. 242 R. Padovan, ‘A Necessary Instrument?’, The Architect (Apr. 1986) 57. 264 chapter three

Van der Laan claimed to have developed his plastic number entirely by himself.243 Though he seems to have known for example the numerical ideas of Dom Desiderius Lenz of Beuron and of Dom Jan Verkade, he never spoke about these in his writings.244 It is interesting to learn that the plastic number was discovered completely independently around the same time by a French ex-Marine officer, Gérard Cordon- nier (1907–1977).245 Van der Laan was to learn of this only much later and his contact with Cordonnier was very brief due to the latter’s sud- den death in 1977. Cordonnier called his ‘number’ le nombre radiant (the radiating number), and gave a few conferences about it around 1958.246 Whereas Van der Laan spoke of a ‘correction’ of the golden section, Cordonnier considered the plastic number to be an ‘extension’ of it. He questioned certain non-mathematical conclusions made by Van der Laan, especially that of the distinction between masculine and feminine numbers. Certain scholars hold that there are only two morphic numbers, the golden section and Van der Laan’s plastic number.247 For Van der Laan, the golden section is a phase in the derivation of the ground-ratio. The proportions of the sectio aurea are related to a two-dimensional world, thus involving two measurements: 1 + g = g2. In the following, the rectangular A has the proportions of the sectio aurea:

a A a = g 1 + g = g2 b

243 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19851221, 19870326; Letters to R. Padovan 19831026, 19860311, 19870824. 244 Cfr. W. van Heugten, ‘De mens en zijn ruimte’, Levensvenster (Feb. 1983, nr. 297) 7. 245 Cfr. G. Cordonnier, Letter to H. van der Laan, 13 June 1977 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19770729. 246 Cfr. G. Cordonnier, Au delà du nombre d’or: le nombre radiant, s.l. 1958 [Unp.]; J. Ravatin, ‘Au-delà du Nombre d’Or. Le nombre Radiant’, Arkologie (1999, nr. 18) 8–14. 247 J. Aarts–R. Fokkink–G. Kruijtzer, ‘Morphic Numbers’, Nieuws Archief voor Wiskunde 1 (2001) 56–58. See also: G. Kruijtzer, Ruimte en Getal. Het Plastische getal en Het Gulden-snedegetal, Amsterdam 1998. towards a theory of architecture 265

In the formula of the golden section 1 + g = g2 the ‘number’ g ≈ 1,618. This proportional system follows the Fibonacci line of Leonard Pisano (1170–1250).248 In his Liber Abbaci, the book of the abacus, Pisano studied a series of numbers to calculate the possible procreation of rabbits, in which each measurement is the sum of the two preceding measurements:

Fibonacci: 1, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 13, 21, 34, 55, 89, 144, etc.

This is, however, a linear progression, involving only two dimensions. Van der Laan searched for a proportion system that would involve all three dimensions of architectural space, and his systematic searching led him to the discovery of the following formula: 1 + p = p3. Though he was a very good mathematician, he did not wish to calculate the exact number, for, as he said, the plastic number could only be expressed in abstract numbers if the small quantum was taken into account.249 Therefore, in the formula of the plastic number 1 + p = p3, the ‘number’ p ≈ 4/3. This proportion 4:3 forms the basis of the system of Van der Laan, from which all the measurements of a building can be derived. His system is not a progressive line, but a set of eight proportions:

plastic number: 1:1, 4:3, 7:4, 7:3, 3:1, 4:1, 5⅓:1 and 7:1.

The Fibonacci line is based on a rule of addition. The further one advances on this geometrical line, the less imprecise this becomes. The ‘line’ of the plastic number is realised in a completely different way.250 It also is an imprecise geometrical line, but not with an increasing accuracy. Van Embden called it an ‘intellectual satisfaction’ that the relation between the exponents 2 and 3 corresponds so correctly to the two and three-dimensional worlds of the two proportion systems.251

248 Cfr. L. Pisano, Liber Abbaci, in: B. Boncompagni, ed., Scritti di Leonardo Pisano, t. I, Firenze 1857; C.J. Snijders—M. Gout, De gulden snede, Amsterdam 1969. 249 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (VIII,12) 67; De architectonische ruimte (IX,1) 112. 250 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (VIII) 96–111. 251 Cfr. S.J. van Embden, ‘Ordening en eenvoud. Herinneringen aan Dom van der Laan’, Architectuur/Bouwen (1991, nr. 9) 12. 266 chapter three

The preceding showed how the proportion system of the plastic number forms the basis of Van der Laan’s work. The thickness of the wall of a building and the size of a cell are the starting point, from which—using the proportional system of the plastic number—all other measurements of the building and even of the town are derived.

3.5. Concluding remarks

3.5.1. The objective principle of proportion What has been discussed up to now shows how Van der Laan searched for the true foundations of architecture. He took a totally different approach from that of his contemporaries and started with the essence of architecture, which should not be considered in itself alone, for it is born from the confrontation of man and nature. As Bekaert said, “The attraction of Hans van der Laan’s work and life lies in the radical- ism with which he pared everything down to a primordial experience, as if he were the first (and only) man on earth”.252 However, though Van der Laan’s philosophy of architecture—if one may thus refer to his thought—does indeed contemplate the initial encounter of man with nature, he recognised his plastic number especially in the ancient Greek proportion system. The latter was described by Vitruvius in a moment of history when man had had thousands of years to develop a true architecture which not only served as a shelter against the bru- tal forces of nature, but which was also and especially an expression of the human intellect. Architecture is essential because it presents to man the way in which he interprets measurement, form and size. It is in this sense that one should understand Van der Laan’s position that the plastic number is not only a tool for the realisation of architecture, but that architecture fundamentally serves to manifest physically the plastic number and make it intelligible to man. It is the way in which man confronts the unlimited extension of nature and introduces a ‘human scale’ into it. Van der Laan’s designs are not based on inspiration, nor on economical or technical principles, but only on the objective principles of proportions. It is the fundamental role of

252 G. Bekaert, ‘In memoriam Dom Hans van der Laan (1905–1991)’, Archis (Sept. 1991) 9: “De aantrekkelijkheid van het werk en het leven van Hans van der Laan ligt in de radicaliteit waarmee hij alles op een oerervaring terugbracht, alsof hij de eerste (en enige) mens op aarde was”. towards a theory of architecture 267 the margin to allow the human aspect of feeling to play a role within the intellectually derived proportions. These factors together make his system unique. Van der Laan was not the least interested in personal originality. He even used terms like ‘pathetic’ and ‘adrift’ for the kind of expression that comes forth from personal feelings.253 He sought to free architecture from symbolism, functionalism and modernism. The objective rules of true architecture he advocated may frighten people at first sight, given the fact that they eschew almost every form of symbolism, retaining in a religious sense only the great symbol of the church as the domus Dei. Though symbolism is exactly what Van der Laan disliked in medieval architecture, at the same time it is also what many people miss in his architecture. A critic considered it difficult to create dynamic space which still retains an element of mystery while sitting in a monastic cell.254 On the other hand, for some people the theory of Van der Laan is apparently so distant and so difficult to understand, that they call him the “inventor of a mysterious system” or even “a ‘mystic’ of modern architecture”.255 This describes the absolute opposite of what Van der Laan searched for in his life and he strongly reacted against any kind of mysticism in this context.256 Padovan, one of the very few true scholars of the theory affirmed that “nothing could be further removed than Architectonic Space from any hint of mystical or esoteric knowledge”.257 Van der Laan used a very authoritative style in his courses and books. But is this the emphatic imposition of a stubborn eccentric or the result of an absolute faith in the logic of his argument? Such a distinctive style, without the acknowledgement of its sources was not uncommon in the first decades of the 20th century. He reacted against functionality and did not search for an agreement between consump- tion and production, as modern marketing would do, but he only

253 Cfr. T. Maas, ‘Vormen die nooit nieuw zijn geweest’, Cobouw, Weekuit (20 Oct. 1995, nr. 198) 13. 254 Cfr. H. Egbers, ‘De bedachte ruimten van dom Hans van der Laan’, De Stem Gids (10 Oct. 1982). 255 B. Witman, ‘Alle zintuigen tintelen tegelijk’, Volkskrant (26 Oct. 2000) 4: “beden- ker van geheimzinnig stelsel”. U. Winterhager, ‘Maastricht. Dom Hans van der Laan’, Bauwelt 92 (12 Jan. 2001) 4: “Einem ‘Mystiker’ der modernen Architektur”. 256 Cfr. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 5. 257 R. Padovan, ‘The Rational Architecture of Hans van der Laan’,Transactions (1984, nr. 5) 28–38. 268 chapter three wanted to construct that which people should want. His motivation was not born of an elitist vision, but from his deepest personal experience: “We ourselves have experienced here [in Vaals, mpr] the boon of such architecture, and we desire nothing more than to let everybody share in it”.258 Just as the fundamental truth of faith, Van der Laan considered the fundamental laws of architecture necessarily true and valid at all times and all places. Though society can influence certain aspects of architecture, it is rather architecture that should influence society. In this sense, architecture has an educational function. Van der Laan always intended to return to the founding principles of architecture, valid at all times. Therefore he deemed his principles to be neither modern nor original, though he was aware that not many architects used them. Only in this last sense could his work be called unique. When in 1989 he received a prize for his architectural work, he reacted by making a comparison to a great music competition, where the ancient Gregorian melodies for the singing of the Psalms would win the prize. He considered the fact that he did win a prize similarly absurd because he had simply applied the objective laws of architecture, which are almost as ancient as mankind.259 This is the reason why he would silently laugh when people called his work modern.260 Though he might be called ‘modern’ in a certain sense, he was not a modernist. In a theological sense, modernism includes a purely rationalist approach to Scripture, secularism and modern philosophical systems without reference to the Tradition of the Church.261 From

258 H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 9: “Wij hebben hier zelf de weldaad van zo’n architectuur ondervonden en willen niets liever dan iedereen daarin laten delen”. 259 Cfr. HvdL, Dankwoord, s.l. 22 Sept. 1989; HvdL, ‘Dankwoord’, in: W. Graatsma– H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp.; L.J.M. Tummers–J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Bloemendaal 2005, 49. Cfr. e.g. C. Genders, ‘Bekroning van theorie en praktijk’, in: W. Graatsma, ed.,–H.W.J. Tilmanns, Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp.; Id., ‘De architectonische ruimte van Dom van der Laan’, De Architect, 20 (May 1989) 66; J. Herraets, ‘Prijs voor monnik-architect van der Laan’, NRC (22 Sept. 1989) 6; C. Genders, ‘Hans van der Laan: monnik en architect’, Cobouw Week/uit (22 Sept. 1989). 260 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19680514. 261 Modernism was condemned in 1907 by Pope Pius x. Cfr. Pius PP. x, Litt. Encycl. Pascendi Dominici gregis, 8 Sept. 1907, in: AAS 40 (1907) 593–650. towards a theory of architecture 269 the preceding chapters it has become clear that Van der Laan was not a modernist in this sense, as they demonstrated his great love for the Church, for Scripture and for ancient philosophy and theology. In the field of art, modernism is more difficult to grasp in a few lines. The term usually refers to a period of time between the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, which for architecture advocated the use of modern materials and the application of new forms. In this sense one could call Van der Laan a modern architect. Framp- ton caricatured modern architecture as the opposition between two currents: functionalism and traditionalism.262 This has also been seen above in the opposition between the functionalism of for example De Stijl and the traditionalism of for example Granpré Molière.263 Maas even saw a combination of these two in, for example the work of Van Doesburg.264 Though Van der Laan agitated strongly against functionalism, advocating the primacy of the expression of the form, he also opposed the traditionalism of Granpré Molière. Not tradition itself, but the very principles of architecture should lead the architect in his design. It must be concluded that Van der Laan could not be pigeon- holed as modernist, functionalist or traditionalist. The term ‘modern primitive’, applied by Padovan, seems therefore appropriate to describe his approach.265 The image of St John the Baptist is called to mind, a primitive voice crying out in the desert in order to proclaim something very modern (cfr. Mt. 3:3), both by the enunciations of Van der Laan himself and by the fact that his theory is relatively unknown.266

3.5.2. Why is the theory so little known? Few people have properly studied Van der Laan’s theory of architecture and the wider field of liturgy and the entire visible and invisible world has received even less attention. What little media attention there has been has often been quite superficial. It is noteworthy that most of the articles about this monk and his theory are descriptive. It

262 Cfr. K. Frampton, Modern architecture. A critical history, London 1980, 9–10. 263 Cfr. e.g. R. Blijdenstijn–R. Stenvert, Bouwstijlen in Nederland. 1040–1940, Nijmegen-Amsterdam 2004, 140–156. 264 Cfr. T. Maas, ‘Bevrijd van symboliek en nut. Van der Laans weg naar ‘de eigen wetgeving der natuur’’, Architectuur en Bouwen 9 (1989) 37. 265 Cfr. R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 17–18; H. van Bergeijk, ‘Theorie en praktijk van Dom van der Laan’De Architect (May 1995) 120. 266 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to J. Naalden 19850907. 270 chapter three is as if its authors had more than enough trouble understanding his thought and did not feel themselves in a position to utter criticism. This may also explain the many inaccuracies and mistakes made. For example, Vastrick held that Van der Laan was inspired by medieval architecture, though the contrary is true. Another example is the fact that a picture of the entrance hall of Abdij St. Benedictusberg which was printed both upside down and mirrored.267 Van der Laan has not been mentioned in many important overviews of modern architecture. This seems unfair, for Padovan said that Van der Laan has made the most important contribution so far to the theory of architecture.268 Where for example Vitruvius, Alberti and Le Corbusier have merely assembled a number of more or less disconnected ideas about particular aspects of architecture, Van der Laan constructed a total theory “in which the single aspects are welded into an indivisible whole”.269 If all this is true, then why is he so little known and studied? One reason for Van der Laan’s relative anonymity may be the solemn style of his language and the dense rendering of the theory. In his books in particular, he does not use one superfluous word. For Rhowbothan, the text of De architectonische ruimte “often remains esoteric and pedantic. . . causing the more densely argued passages to appear rather obscure and unintelligible”.270 At the same time, Rhow- bothan believed that the subject in itself is simply not very interesting for most people. Therefore he said that the lack of public interest “will not result from any serious failure on the part of the text to deliver up its message, but from a general ignorance of, and disinterest in, the issues which it chooses to examine and the methods with which it chooses to do so”.271 Other authors had more problems with the textual

267 Cfr. W. Vastrick, ‘Van der Laan en De Bossche School’, Brabants Dagblad (28 Sept. 1982) 13; Id., ‘Ideeën Dom Van der Laan grondslag Bossche School’ Eind- hovens Dagblad (20 Oct. 1982) 11; R. Nys, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Abbazia a Vaals/ Olanda’, Domus (Feb. 1992, nr. 735) 45. 268 Cfr. e.g. R. Blijstra, Nederlandse bouwkunst na 1900, Utrecht-Antwerpen 1962; B. Champigneulle, Histoire de l’architecture, Paris 1972; K. Frampton, Modern architecture. A critical history, London 1980. 269 R. Padovan, ‘The Rational Architecture of Hans van der Laan’, Transactions (1984, nr. 5) 29. 270 K. Rhowbotham, ‘Argumentation by numbers’, Building Design (18 Nov. 1983, nr. 666) 26. 271 K. Rhowbotham, ‘Argumentation by numbers’, Building Design (18 Nov. 1983, nr. 666) 26. towards a theory of architecture 271 expression.272 Cornford commented that because of its profound contents the theory should be just as important as the books by Le Cor- busier, but he added that Van der Laan wrote in a less lively style and had a far more complex argumentation.273 One might feel trapped when reading a text by Van der Laan: if one is not critical from the beginning, one has to admit that every step in the argument of Van der Laan is subject to a rigid logical progression. His admirers would say that it is “a clear, logical whole, where progressively by means of a primitive observation—so primitive that it must be true—an image is formed of what is truly important in architecture”.274 Apparently one needs to first believe in the theory in order to apply the necessary patience to its study. De Haan and Haagsma considered the books of Van der Laan, which require total concentration, to be lost on architects, as they are impatient readers.275 Another reason why Van der Laan is not very well known may be that he intended to give architecture an objective basis. Many will be opposed to this. However, for Cornford the book is “anything but an authoritarian diagram: rather, a set of wise and inspiring guidelines”.276 And Maas concluded that Van der Laan has developed his system of proportions on the basis of the way in which man observes the world.277 This gives the system not only a very human, but also a truly objective and universal basis. A completely different reason for the sparse interest in Van der Laan is the wrong but widespread idea that the Bossche School is a satellite of the traditional Delftse School of Granpré Molière. Though it is true that the Delftse School emerged from the student circle BSK founded by Van der Laan, he himself went a completely different way. Maas

272 Cfr. e.g. H. Haverkate, ‘Pleisterplaats’, in: Vespertied. Over Twente en de Twen- tenaren, t. IV, Hengelo 1993, 89–97. 273 Cfr. C. Cornford, ‘From the Ground Up. Architectonic Space’, The Architec- tural Review (Mar. 1984) 56. 274 H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 1: “een helder, logisch opgebouwd geheel waarin telkens aan de hand van een primitieve observatie—zo primitief dat het wel waar moet zijn—stap voor stap een beeld wordt gevormd van waar het in de architectuur werkelijk om gaat”. 275 Cfr. H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Dom van der Laan ontdekte de architectonische ruimte’, De Volkskrant (21 Aug. 1991). 276 C. Cornford, ‘From the Ground Up. Architectonic Space’, The Architectural Review (Mar. 1984) 56. 277 Cfr. T. Maas, ‘Van der Laan zet puntjes op de i van de moderne architectuur’, De Architect 15 (Mar. 1984) 57. 272 chapter three said that, though his designs make him a child of his time and his past in Delft, the theory behind it makes Van der Laan a modern architect in the sense of the different currents of the pre-warNieuwe Bouwen.278 However, as already seen, Van der Laan cannot simply be categorised as one of the different currents of the early 20th century, and the term ‘modern primitive’ seems to be the only one that does justice to his approach. Cornford asked whether Van der Laan’s architecture is the sublime manifesto of a major sector or orientation of sensibility rather than a once-and-for-all summation of all that pertains to architecture.279 One might answer that the architecture by Van der Laan should be considered such a sublime manifesto, but if his theory is indeed universally applicable, it is automatically a once-and-for-all summation valid in all times and places. It could be argued that Van der Laan’s theory is not easily accessible because of his abstraction of reality. His point of departure was not a real building but rather the concept behind it. His starting question was always: ‘How does one construct a perfect house?’280 He believed there was only one correct answer. As such, his theory is an instrument which should not be limited only to one specific style. And it is the theory, not the actual buildings he designed that should be studied most by scholars, as these buildings were mere examples of what was possible with the theory, and not the only and ultimate answer to the question. He himself wondered what forms would be created by future generations of architects through the application of his theory.281 In addition to this his theory of architecture was not even the most fundamental aspect of his work. He always hoped that people would recognise its roots, for the Gospel and its proclamation were close to his heart, though he did not raise this topic very often in architectural circles. Maas’ conclusion that “even if one rejects the more exalted ideas about the place of man in the world, ‘De architectonische ruimte’

278 Cfr. T. Maas, ‘Van der Laan zet puntjes op de i van de moderne architectuur’, De Architect 15 (Mar. 1984) 55. 279 Cfr. C. Cornford, ‘A Fresh Frame of Reference’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 7) 8–9. 280 Cfr. T. Maas, ‘Het bouwen van de ‘Bossche School’, De Architect 15 (Apr. 1984) 65. 281 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Algemene lesdag 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]; H. de Haan–I. Haagsma, ‘Bossche School’, in: Een onderwerp van voortdurende zorg. Het na-oorlogse bouwen in Nederland, Utrecht 1983, 83. towards a theory of architecture 273 is still an extremely practical handbook”, needs correction.282 For Van der Laan, the whole theory of architecture should be considered precisely against the background of the place of man in the world, and especially his relationship with his Creator. He devoted his whole life to this relationship by serving God as a Benedictine monk. And this service took the form first and foremost of the daily liturgy, which makes use of man-made forms for its communication with God.

3.5.3. Evaluation Despite the relative anonymity of Van der Laan’s work, it forms a great contribution to the general corpus of architectural theory. He claimed to have unearthed the unique principles of architecture, valid in all times and places. Although he confined his study to the ancient styles, if he did indeed find the unique principles of architecture, it can be assumed that the proportions of the plastic number can be recognised also in Gothic cathedrals and Baroque churches, for example. Testing these styles in detail would in fact have been of great value to his theory. Though he was right that a room stuffed with furniture and other things does not necessarily make a pleasant living space, on the other hand it is not only the proportions that make a space liveable. The finishings, the colours, but also the images and other objects all play their part, something which is not fully developed in the theory. Moreover, although the line of thought is very logical, one could question certain fundamental starting points, which have not always been properly justified. This is mainly because Van der Laan considered his proportion system to be like the octave in music, which one does not need to analyse in detail to distinguish pure melody from false notes. It is Van der Laan’s great contribution that he did not consider architecture to be an isolated discipline, but placed it in the wider context in which it has to play its role. The fact that he started with the encounter of man, limited especially since the Fall, with the unlimited extension of nature evokes the idea of limited man encountering his unlimited Creator. On the basis of the Incarnation, everything on

282 T. Maas, ‘Van der Laan zet puntjes op de i van de moderne architectuur’, De Architect 15 (Mar. 1984) 56: “Ook als men de meer verheven ideeën over de plaats van de mens in de wereld verwerpt, blijft ‘De Architectonische Ruimte’ een uiterst praktisch handboek”. 274 chapter three earth is joined into one great movement of praise and return towards God, which is expressed especially in liturgy. On a more detailed level, it is the attention to proportion in art and the human appreciation of spaces which correspond to certain carefully-calculated measurements that gives his theory extra importance. Though the theory allows for all measurements of a town to be interrelated proportionally in response to the unique set of proportions that are pleasing to the human intellect, it is the margin that allows a certain adaptation of the strict system to the human level. In the end, it is the margin that rules all other elements of the proportion system. This is the same margin he recognised in the application of the proportions of his own plastic number in the ancient Roman courtyards of Ostia. It should have become clear from the above that the nucleus of the theory, the proportion system of the plastic number, should never be considered in an isolated way, but always against its different backgrounds. Therefore, the greatest achievement of Van der Laan’s theory of architecture is the constant, though implicit and indirect, reference to the relation between God and man through creation and the way man deals with the created world. CHAPTER FOUR

LITURGY AND ARCHITECTURE: PLASTIC DESIGNS

4.1. Introduction

In a letter to the Sisters for whom Van der Laan had designed Abdij Roosenberg along with its furniture, he appealed to them to accept a certain discomfort when using their furniture: “Some violence will necessarily have to be done to the common use of tables and especially of chairs, in order to let also this furniture speak the language of architecture in its parts and proportions”.1 Though he did his utmost to make comfortable chairs, he considered the strict application of his system to be of greater importance than their physical service to the body: “I count on your good will to give up lower interests for the sake of higher ones, just as this is so often necessary for the spiritual life. And the higher interest is especially the greater unity of furniture and space, and the peace this brings to the intellect”.2 In practice the strict lines of his furniture require their neat location in the architectural space, so that the Sisters had to move the heavy chairs back to their exact spot after every usage, or otherwise the room would appear messy, which was of course unthinkable for them. This example is a useful introduction to the study of the practical implementation of Van der Laan’s comprehensive theory in the fields of liturgy and architecture studied in the preceding chapters. He would often say that he had drawn all his wisdom from the drawers in the sacristy, where he learned to unite the different fields of his interest into one single theory.3 These fields taken together, whether they concern architecture,

1 H. van der Laan (HvdL), Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 50: “Noodzakelijk zal het gewone gebruik van tafels en vooral van stoelen enig geweld moeten worden aangedaan om te bereiken dat ook die meubels door hun geledingen en proporties de taal spreken van de architectuur”. 2 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 50–51: “Ik reken dan op de goede wil om lagere belangen prijs te geven voor hogere, zoals dat ook in het geestelijk leven zo dikwijls moet gebeuren. En dat hoger belang is dan vooral de grote eenheid van meubels en ruimte, en de rust die daardoor aan de geest wordt verschaft”. 3 Cfr. e.g. J. Willems, ‘Monnik-architect Dom H. van der Laan: Ik heb al m’n 276 chapter four vestments, or vessel-making, can be considered as different drawers in the same sideboard. In the end, the contents of all of the drawers together serve their highest goal in liturgy. For some authors, Van der Laan’s texts have the attractive self- assurance of, for example, Descartes’ Discours de la méthode, in that they are clear, timeless and all-embracing.4 His approach can be compared to that of Wittgenstein in his Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, saying once and for all what needs to be said and, in particular, reducing everything to its absolute simplicity and unity.5 The same can be said of the plastic objects which Van der Laan designed. These could be considered the means by which he implemented his theoretical world view, one which primarily intends to help man find his place in a hostile environment. The body must be clothed, but the natural environment must also be adapted to human life, by introducing intermediate forms. Van der Laan often explained this with ‘the parable of the sandal’: the ground being too hard and rough for his naked feet, man introduces the sandal as an intermediate, softer than the floor but stronger than his feet.6 He considered clothing and architecture as the two poles of the intermediate world man creates around himself: “Clothing removes the indefiniteness of the body itself, architecture removes the indefiniteness of the environment”.7 And between these two extremes Van der Laan included many other objects like vessels and furniture.

wijsheid uit de sacristiela getrokken’, Bisdomblad ’s-Hertogenbosch ed. West 60 (22 Oct. 1982) 6–7; A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988. 4 Cfr. G. Bekaert, ‘Een beginsel van altijd en overal’, in: W. Graatsma—H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. Cfr. R. Descartes, Discours de la méthode, Leyde 1637, Paris 1946. 5 Cfr. L. Wittgenstein, Tractatus logico-Philosophicus, 1921, Frankfurt am Main 1989. 6 Cfr. HvdL, Het kazuifel, s.l. 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Het heiligdom der christenen en de moderne architectuur’, BW 78 (1960) 491; De architectonische dispositie III, ’s-Hertogenbosch 25 June & 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte I, ’s-Hertogenbosch Mar. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische Ruimte I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte (I,1) 1; Letter to R. Padovan 19830806. 7 HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 21: “De kleding heft de onbepaaldheid van het lichaam zelf op, de architectuur die van de omgeving”. liturgy and architecture 277

As seen above, Van der Laan concluded with reference to Scripture that man needs architecture for protection against the harsh effects of nature, vestments to cover his nakedness and warm him, and vessels to help him take in the necessary food and drink (cfr. Sir. 29:21).8 He sometimes mentioned furniture as a further domain.9 This chapter intends to show how the theory of the plastic number is not only effec- tively applied to architectural designs, but also to vestment making and the design of vessels.10 It will further provide an overview of Van der Laan’s main creations. The detailed study of individual designs like the many products by the followers of the Bossche School will be left to other researchers. The same goes for buildings that were constructed following Van der Laan’s direct advice, as was the case for almost all of the constructions by Nico. Further examples are a parish church in Wevelgem and Siebers’ refurbishment of the sanctuary of the cathedral of Breda.11 The focus shall be on the three main areas of Van der Laan’s designs. The first section will deal with the application of the theory to his architectural designs, followed by a second section on its application to the world of vestments and finally, how he applied it to the field of vessels.

8 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (I,1) 1. 9 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Oog en Al, Utrecht 29 Jan. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 8 Jan. 1972 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer I, Vaals 2 Oct. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Groep Rijnland BNA, s.l. 10 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer I, Vaals 16 Feb. 1981 [Unp. AVdL]. 10 Cfr. e.g. B. Kegge, ‘De complete samenhang van architectuur’, Platvorm 45 (Apr. 2002) n.pp. 11 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19460308, 19460514; J. Siebers– W.M. van Dael, ‘Uitbreiding van het klein seminarie Ypelaar te Breda’, BW 81 (28 June 1963) 209–212; n.n., ‘Kerk van de maand november’, Kerk en leven (3 Nov. 1999); n.n., (O.D.W.), ‘Geen ronde vormen in kerk Wijnberg’, Het Volk (29 Oct. 1999); J. Leenknegt, ‘Monnikenwerk? De Wijnbergkerk en dom Hans van der Laan o.s.b.’, Wibilinga 22 (2009, nr. 1) 2–26; A. Geux, Wie er op steunt zal niet wankelen, Tilburg 2010. See for other examples e.g. H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Een afwerende bunker die een hemelse ruimte omsluit’, De Volkskrant (13 Dec. 1997) 21; Id., ‘Door het licht tot leven gewekt. Zinsbegoochelend expositiegebouw voor de Heilige Maagd’ De Volkskrant (7 Dec. 2000) 26; H. de Haan, ‘Levende erfenis: Uitbreiding woonhuis door Miel Wijnen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 21–24; W.M.M. Spapens, Bre- dase kerken door de eeuwen heen, Breda 2008, 125–128; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, Gebouwen van het Plastische Getal. Een lexicon van de ‘Bossche School’, Haarlem 2010, 116–251. 278 chapter four

4.2. Architectural designs

4.2.1. A search for pure design Unlike Van der Laan’s theory of architecture which was essentially complete at an early stage, a great development can be discerned over time in its architectural application. This is demonstrated in Table 1 (following p. 366), which lists the main works he undertook. The form of Van der Laan’s designs gradually changed from the use of traditional forms and materials—partly caused by the need to adapt to existing buildings—to the squared forms of the later buildings, which are made in the austere and rough style of what became known as the Boss- che School. In the following, the same development will be recognised when four of these designs are studied more closely: the chapel of St Joseph in Helmond, the crypt and church for Vaals Abbey, Roosen- berg Abbey in Waasmunster and a private dwelling in Best.12 As the abbey church of Vaals will serve as a paradigm of the embodiment of the plastic number in architecture, it will be studied more extensively than the others. This church is the first specimen of the typical style of the Bossche School, and later designs by Van der Laan always used the same general form-pattern and materials.13 Together these four constructions should give a good insight into the implementation of Van der Laan’s architectural theory.

4.2.2. Four examples

Helmond 1948: Chapel of St Joseph

Genesis In a highly complimentary review, written before the construction of the chapel of St Joseph which was designed by the Van der Laan brothers Hans and Nico in Helmond, one of their their supporters, Van Kranendonk, wrote that it is impossible not to be emotionally involved when contemplating this design. Never had he been affected by a mod-

12 See for a good photographic overview of the work of Van der Laan e.g. A. Fer- lenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000. 13 Cfr. e.g. H. van Rooij, ‘Bossche School van benedictijner monnik krijgt internationaal meer belangstelling’, Bisdomblad (29 July 1988) 8; C. Genders, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan (1904–1991). Ein Benediktiner als Architekt’, Saison (May 1992) 32–34. liturgy and architecture 279 ern architectural design in the way he was affected time and again by the poplar tree in front of his house, by paintings, by poems, and also by older architectural designs, concluding: “I have always missed something, and tonight I have found it in these drawings”.14 The design came about from a request by the parish priest, Van Leeuwen, to design a devotional chapel dedicated to St Joseph as the result of an ex voto.15 The first sketches for the design show a simple cell with an apse (see fig. 4.01). The concrete implementation of the theory was still being developed, which is shown by the fact that some 20 centimetres of the walls which had already been constructed had to be destroyed when the Van der Laan brothers discovered how the plastic number could be better applied to the disposition of the chapel (see fig. 4.02–4.03).16 A scale model of the chapel was used for the courses in ’s-Hertogen- bosch. Though the chapel was dismantled in 1982, it was reconstructed in 1995 at a new location (see fig. C14).17

Analysis The final design consists of a small, octagonal building, which reflects the design of ancient baptism chapels. This is confirmed by the rounded arches and simple brick work. When asked to comment on their building the Van der Laan brothers wrote: “What do you want us to tell you about such a simple building?”18 By just describing its shape, they deemed to have said it all, for they did not want to be original, but to stand in the ancient tradition of architectural forms, claiming that in their time these forms had never been new: “Who could date a rounded arch, or a sphere, an octagon or a tent roof?”19 Something which is new, however, is “that the matter and the forms of the building are so permeated with coordination, that when contemplating it, the eye is

14 A. van Kranendonk, ‘Bij een kapel te Helmond’, KB 15 (1947–1948) 153: “ik heb altijd iets gemist en nu vanavond heb ik dit gevonden in deze tekeningen”. 15 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 194505, 19450613, 19450724, 19480602; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19450715, 19480716. Cfr. also E. van Leeuwen, Letter to abbot Dom M. Mähler, 5 July 1945 [Unp. AVdL]; A. van Kranendonk, ‘Bij een kapel te Helmond’, KB 15 (1947–1948) 154. 16 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840122. 17 Cfr. H. van Wetten, ed., Herbouw gedachteniskapel St. Jozef Helmond, Hel- mond 1995. 18 HvdL—N. van der Laan, ‘Kapel te Helmond’, BW 69 (1951) 319: “Wat wilt U, dat wij vertellen van zo’n eenvoudig gebouwtje?”. 19 HvdL—N. van der Laan, ‘Kapel te Helmond’, BW 69 (1951) 319: “Wie kan een rondboog of een bolvorm, een achthoek of een tentdak dateren?”. 280 chapter four

Fig. 4.01 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, first sketches (1945). Architects Hans and Nico Van der Laan. [Letter to Nico 19450613]

Fig. 4.02 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, design drawing (1948). Architects Hans and Nico Van der Laan. [AVdL] liturgy and architecture 281

Fig. 4.03 Helmond, St. Josephkapel, chapel door (1948). Architects Hans and Nico Van der Laan. [AVdL] not drawn towards any aspect of the matter, nor is the attention drawn to any element in particular”.20 The brothers mainly attributed this to the total lack of ornamentation. The inside has a dome, and therefore the outside and inside forms have no direct relation to one another because their shape is totally different.21 Still, considered from outside

20 HvdL—N. van der Laan, ‘Kapel te Helmond’, BW 69 (1951) 320: “dat de materie en de bouwvormen zo van die ordonnantie zijn doortrokken, dat het oog bij het beschouwen door geen aspect van het materiaal wordt getrokken, noch de aandacht wordt vastgehouden door een of ander onderdeel”. 21 Cfr. R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 168, who quoted the unpublished study by T. Maas, De eigen wetgeving der architectuur. Woorden en werken van Dom H. van der Laan en de Bossche School, Delft 1988, 57 [Unp. Essay]. 282 chapter four or inside, all elements used to bring about this design are part of the total architectural whole, and each one contributes harmoniously to the finished building. Though still hidden under forms that are clearly influenced by ancient history, all of the main elements of the theory as examined in the previous chapter can be recognised in this building, such as the strong sense for proportion and size, the relation of details to the whole and the application of coordination.

Vaals 1956–1968: Crypt and church Abdij St. Benedictusberg

Genesis In retrospect Van der Laan admitted having experienced a certain fear when starting the design for the crypt and church of Vaals. Historical forms had been left behind, but new forms had not yet been concre- tised (see fig. C17–C27).22 Therefore, he said his designing was purely based on theory, and in a certain way it was a step into the dark. While the chapel in Helmond still had some strong links with traditional construction styles, he wanted this new design to be the full realisation of the theory of the plastic number.23 In 1956 Van der Laan was asked to make the design for a new crypt and church for Abdij St. Benedictus- berg in Vaals. The plans, devised in cooperation with Nico, had to be such that the building could be constructed in phases, and if necessary spread out over several decades, should funds be lacking. This was for Van der Laan another reason to advocate the use of timeless forms, in order to create a ‘totally detached plan’, which he considered the key to success.24 By the end of 1957 the plans were ready and expressed in a scale model. It took almost two years to convince the local authorities of the soundness of the architecture. According to Van der Laan, the main problem was that “it was not modern enough”.25 Though he held a different opinion concerning architecture, it was Frits Peutz who

22 Cfr. HvdL, Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 21 Aug. 1965, 9 Sept. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]. 23 Cfr. HvdL, Autobiografie, 22 Sept. 1983, 9 [Unp. AVdL]. 24 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19650403. 25 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19811110: “ce n’était pas assez moderne”. Cfr. also e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19590808; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19591220, 19620603; n.n., Bouwvergunningen 1532, 2112, 2227, Vaals [Unp. Archief gemeente Vaals]; n.n., ean 1081, Stichting het Limburgs welstandstoezicht te Maas- tricht: Beroepskwesties, Gemeente Vaals, Bouw abdijkerk klooster Mamelis, 1959– 1965 [Unp. Sociaal Historisch Centrum Limburg]; A. Wagenaar, ‘Edele eenvoud in de hof van de Dom’, Haagsche Courant (21 Jan. 1989) 48. liturgy and architecture 283 helped him to obtain the necessary permits. In 1960, the construction of the crypt started.26 Van der Laan as often as he could would leave Oosterhout, albeit for brief periods, and would be found on the building site in Vaals, walking around anxiously. He wrote to Dom Botte: “At Vaals one can see the interior now. Very austere, but I believe it is something good”.27 The crypt was finished in 1961 and was inaugurated on 25 February 1962 (see fig. 4.04–4.05).28 Van der Laan, in reference to the link between architecture and spiritual life, said that in the architecture of the crypt he recognised something essential, the equivalent of which he found in himself at the bottom of his heart: “If it is poor, at least it is true”.29 With the election of the new abbot, Dom De Wolf, in 1964, the construction of the church was ordered, following Van der Laan’s by then more than eight-year-old design.30 The work was carried out in cooperation with Nico’s studio. Again it was difficult to get the various construction permits. In the end, however, a governmental subsidy was provided for the project.31 The first stone for the new church was laid by abbot Dom De Wolf on the 18th of December 1966.32 The

Fig. 4.04 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, sketches (c. 1956). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL V02/2]

26 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Eerste schets gereed voor bouw van crypte. Begraafplaats voor stichters’, Limburgsch Dagblad (14 Nov. 1957) 2; n.n., ‘Plan voor uitbreiding van de abdij St. Benedictusberg. Eerst crypte, later nieuwe abdijkerk’, Limburgsch Dagblad (2 Oct. 1958) 2; n.n., ‘Kleine geschiedenis uit de abdij van Mamelis. Bouw van crypte in nabije toekomst’, Limburgsch Dagblad (28 Dec. 1960) 11. 27 HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19611018: “A Vaals l’intérieur est maintenant vi sible. Très austère, mais je crois que c’est qq [quelque, mpr] chose”. 28 Cfr. L. Herberghs, ‘’t Avontuur van de orde en de regelmaat’, Limburgsch Dag- blad (3 Apr. 1963) 3. 29 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19620306: “Si c’est pauvre au moins c’est vrai”. 30 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘De architect over zijn werk’, in: n.n., De nieuwe abdykerk van Mamelis, Vaals 1968, 15–17. 31 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19651216, 19660606. 32 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19661230. 284 chapter four

Fig. 4.05 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, sanctuary of the church, first draft (c. 1956). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL V09] actual construction of the church started in the spring of 1967 and was executed by Fried de Bonth, the same contractor who had constructed the guest wing in Oosterhout in 1939.33 By then Van der Laan was living more or less permanently in Vaals and was almost always on the construction site. He oversaw every detail. For example, when he noticed that one of the masons managed to give the brickwork a careful balance between nonchalance and roughness, he alone was allowed to carry out the masonry work on the columns of the church. Glancey suggested that another way to achieve this rough hewn tex- ture was to encourage the workmen to drink a few glasses of red wine during their lunch breaks, though this is probably apocryphal.34 The church was consecrated on the 4th of May 1968.35 Before the heavy

33 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127. 34 Cfr. J. Glancey, ‘Eternal values’, RIBA Journal (Jan. 1986) 29. 35 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Abdijkerk op Benedictusberg wordt imposant bouwwerk’, De Nieuwe Limburger (7 June 1967) 5; n.n., ‘Op 4 mei komt Mgr. Moors naar Mame- lis. Consecratie van Abdijkerk wordt gedenkwaardige dag voor Zuid-Oost-Hoek’, De liturgy and architecture 285 altar top of natural stone was heaved onto the freestanding altar by sixteen monks, the bones of St Antipas Pergamum, a Roman martyr from the catacombs of St Priscilla, were placed inside it.

Zuid-Oost hoek 5 (May 1968) 1–2; n.n., ‘Abdijkerk Mamelis alleen bestemd voor de eredienst’, Limburgs Dagblad (3 May 1968) 27; n.n., ‘Abdij te Mamelis heeft eindelijk een echte kerk’, De Limburger (3 May 1968); n.n., ‘Eigen kerk voor abdij Maeme- lis’, De Tijd (4 May 1968) 6; n.n., ‘Abdijkerk Mamelis geconsacreerd’, De Limburger (6 May 1968); n.n., ‘St. Antipas te Mamelis in altaar ingemetseld’, Limburgs Dagblad (6 May 1968) 5; n.n., ‘Kroniek mei 1968. Godsdienstig leven’, Maasland 15 (June 1968) 333; P. Moors, ‘Homilie uitgesproken door zijne hoogwaardige excellentie mgr. Petrus Moors, bisschop van Roermond, tijdens de plechtige consecratie van de Abdij- kerk van St. Benedictusberg te Vaals op 4 mei 1968’, Confrontatie (July 1968, nr. 36) 6–9; HvdL, ‘Beschouwingen over het huis’, Plan 3 (1972, nr. 6) 54–59; HvdL, Voor Vlaamse academici, s.l. 10 June 1972 [Unp. AVdL]; F. Lammers, Achter de kloostermuren, ’s-Gravenhage 1977, 20–27, 98–101; P. Post, ‘Sacrament van ruimte: notities over het kerkgebouw als sacrament en als ruimte voor liturgie’, Rond de tafel 38 (May 1983) 74–81; HvdL, Voor een groep uit Brugge, Vaals 4 Apr. 1987 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989; R. Nys, ‘Benediktinerabtei Vaals, Hol- land. Hans van der Laan, Architekt und Mönch’, Bauwelt 83 (1992) 586–587; D. van Hooff, et al., Langs moderne architectuur (1945–heden). Architectuurroutes in Neder- land en België, Utrecht-Antwerpen 1994, 141–142; R. Ryan, ‘Plastic arts—Academy of the Arts building in Maastricht, Netherlands’, The Architectural Review (Sept. 1995) 48–52; C. Grafe, et al., Architectuur volgens Cees Dam, Hilversum 1999, 20–27; I. Flagge, ‘Stonehenge in Vaals’, Frankfurter Algemeine Zeitung (21 Aug. 1999) 44; n.n., ‘Cinq manières d’être (ou de ne pas être) moderne’, L’architecture aujourd’hui (Dec. 1999, nr. 325) 42–43; P. Groenendijk—P. Vollaard, ‘Architecten van deze eeuw. Dom Hans van der Laan met de Abdij Mamelis in Lemiers (1956–1986)’, Cobouw (20 Dec. 1999); P. Müllejans, ‘Ein Baudenkmal für Entdecker’, Rheinische Heimatpflege 37 (2000) 299–300; L. Moonen, ‘Abdij St. Benedictusberg 1951–2001’, Monastieke informatie 32 (July 2001, nr. 194) 170–191; J. Dekkers, ‘Het mooiste gebouw van Limburg is . . .’, Woonpunt (Summer 2001) 22–23; E. Brussee, ‘50 Jaar Mamelis. God zoeken en God alleen’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (6 Sept. 2001) 22–23; W.J. Stock, ed., Europäischer Kirchenbau 1950–2000 / European Church Architecture, Munich-Berlin- London-New York 2002, 172–175; R. Robbertz, ‘St. Benedictusberg. Architectuur voor feilbare wezens’, Desipientia 13 (Sept. 2006) 40–43; M. Kuipers, Toonbeelden van de wederopbouw. Architectuur, stedenbouw en landinrichting van herrijzend Nederland, Zeist 2002, 92–93; P. Pronk, Bodar. De binnenzijde van een omstreden priester, Kampen 2004, 86–88; W.J. Stock, Architekturführer: christliche Sakralbauten in Europa seit 1950 / Architectural guide: Christian sacred buildings in Europe since 1950, München 2004, 40–41; T. van Schaik, Gebouwd op geloof. Monumenten van religie, Amsterdam 2005, 116–117; L.J.M. Tummers—J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Leuth 2005; F. Fijen—E. Galle—P. Pronk, Wandelen met God rond abdijen, Leuven-Kampen 2005, 167–175; M. Hageman, De Nederlandse architectuur, 1000–2007, Bussum 20072, 48; W.H. van Egdom, ‘De top van Limburg is protestants’, Reformatorisch Dagblad (28 Aug. 2008) 2; H. de Lange, ‘‘In concepten kun je niet wonen’’, Trouw (25 May 2007) 5; R. Kohnen, Mens. Monnik. Mamelis, Nuth 2008; R. Zaal, ‘Hotspot Holland. ‘Indrukwekkend in al zijn absoluutheid’’, Metro (14 Jan. 2010) 18. 286 chapter four

Analysis When entering the crypt, descending one of the two curved stairwells in the rear corners, the first thing one notices is the play of the light, coming in through high windows from the left hand side only. Together with the carefully planned proportions and the rhythm of the different architectural elements, the visitor is forced to admit that here there is more than just an undercroft. The crypt has a rectangular floor plan. The central nave is completed on both sides by a double gallery. The outside gallery forms a number of cells, containing 11 altars for the daily individual celebration of Mass. The perforations in the wall between these chapels and the gallery are much closer together than the columns that separate the first gallery from the central nave. A play between the different proportions can be recognised. A side door on the right hand side gives access to the crypt from the lower sacristy. The material used is very simple: a concrete slab floor with washed river pebbles, straight wooden furniture, brick columns which are lightly roughened with cement, and grey concrete beams supporting the ceiling. In contrast to this, the wall behind the altar is made out of polished natural stone, into which the names of those who contributed financially to the abbey were grafted using a typeface designed by Van der Laan, and behind which their bodies are buried, awaiting the day of the resurrection. They are honoured with the inscription: “Here rest in peace those who with their piety and their funds founded this church, so that the honour of God may resound here forever”.36 On top of the free-standing altar the Blessed Sacrament is reserved behind surprisingly detailed and colourful doors. It is the only miniature design that one finds in the entire church. Together with the architecture, which seems to force man to focus on truly important things, the Pres- ence in the tabernacle makes the crypt a place where many a monk and visitor pause a moment to concentrate on the essence of life and death. Though Van der Laan was against any hint of mysticism, the crypt could be described as a place where one automatically whispers and where the sacred seems to become tangible, without being helped by the ornamental elements one would usually come across in other churches.37

36 “Hic iacent in pace, qui pietate et aere suo fundaverunt ecclesiam hanc ut in ea laus Dei perpetuo enarretur”. 37 Cfr. e.g. H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 5. liturgy and architecture 287

The church is reached from the outside through a small courtyard reigning over two subsequent floors, which is inspired by the atrium of the ancient Roman house, and by climbing a flight of stairs, which has very often been photographed since its construction because of the special play of light between the columns of the atrium and the steps of the staircase.38 The doors open onto the side aisles, so that it takes a series of steps to arrive into the actual church. The floor plan strongly recalls that of the ancient basilica, with a single row of columns on either side of the central nave the floor of which is lower than the aisles. According to the theory described in the preceding chapter, this nave is a hall, a composition of two galleries, the adjacent wall of which has been taken out.39 About the columns, Van der Laan said: “In itself, each column does not say very much, but it works only because all seven stand together in a row and at proper distances. Such uniformity lies at the origin of every rhythm”.40 The flat ceiling is made of rough brown timber. A surprising difference from an ancient basilica is the absence of a proper apse, which has been replaced by a single row of columns making the aisle go round on three sides of the church, as if to surround it, as according to Van der Laan: “a gallery does what a frame does for a painting”.41 Light enters through a row of high windows in the wall above the columns, thus enhancing the impression of an ancient basilica. However, the flood of light entering through the large clear glass windows, as well as the untreated concrete beams and rough cemented brickwork rising from the grey cemented floor are quite unlike a basilica. These grey colours allow for different geometric patterns caused by the play of light on walls and floor. The outside shape of the church also recalls the design of a basilica, but in a less visible way. It is roofed with black tiles, and the top of the outer wall is adorned with a row of curved red tiles, playfully offsetting the extremely austere and strong lines of the architecture.

38 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to P. Buys 19690314. 39 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (XII,10) 172. 40 H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 7: “Op zichzelf heeft iedere pijler weinig te vertellen, maar zij werken pas omdat zij met zijn zevenen op een rij staan en op goede afstanden. Zo’n gelijkvormigheid ligt aan ieder ritme ten grondslag”. 41 J. Willems, ‘Monnik-architect Dom H. van der Laan: Ik heb al m’n wijsheid uit de sacristiela getrokken’, Bisdomblad ’s-Hertogenbosch ed. West 43 (22 Oct. 1982) 6–7: “Een galerij doet wat een lijst voor een schilderij doet”. Cfr. HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosen- berg, May 1974, 25. 288 chapter four

The chair of the celebrant is placed in the aisle that takes the place of the apse. On two sides of the free-standing altar, rows of choir stalls are placed, and in the rear part of the church, pews for the faithful. Everything was painted in tones of grey-green. All these elements were designed by Van der Laan, as were the sacred vestments and vessels that complete the inventory of the abbey church. This is where the monks celebrate the divine liturgy, sing the psalms, and with their vestments bring colour into the architectural space constructed for the greater glory of God. Ordinary symmetry does not seem to apply when one notices for example that the rhythm of the rows of windows does not agree with that of the bays of the columns below (see fig. 4.06). A very subtle play between the architectural elements is taking place and the average visitor realises, merely by feeling, that here there is something more than just a shelter of rough concrete, cemented bricks and glass. Given the reaction of many visitors, who affirm that they feel how the architectural space influences them, one could say that whatever the theory, the result ‘works’. Some even hold that Van der Laan’s actual constructions are more important than the theory itself, something that he himself would have denied.42 Alhough before the construction phase experts warned of bad acoustics in the church, Van

Fig. 4.06 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, isometry of church and atrium (c. 1964). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL A13; A14]

42 Cfr. A. Ferlenga, ‘L’architetto Dom Hans van der Laan’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 52–55. liturgy and architecture 289 der Laan had faith in his own theory: “If the architecture is good, the sound too, the acoustics will be good”.43 His faith proved to be correct, for, without the help of acoustic counselling, the church of Vaals has very good acoustics and is perfectly suited for the pure Gregorian chant which is performed there daily as a part of the opus Dei, sung in honour of God. Van der Laan reacted strongly when people attributed the beauty of the church to his genius instead of to his theory: “that is of course nonsense. The church was not erected because of a stroke of genius or a flash of inspiration. It simply has been assembled piece by piece, each time with the consideration: ‘this is how it should be good’”.44 Though the concept of the margin allows for a certain amount of ornamentation, Van der Laan chose not to apply this in Vaals, because he deemed it more important to first study the main concepts of his theory of architecture by strictly applying the architectural laws.45 Later generations could always start adding ornamentation, he said, as long as they had truly integrated the classical rules of proportion dictated by the plastic number. He felt confirmed in his convictions when Théodore Strawinsky told him at the occasion of his visit to the crypt: “it is the first time in my life that I have experienced the feeling of the antiquities in a modern building”.46 Van der Laan said that this building had in common with the monastic Offices that “everybody who hears them finds them very beautiful, but still the general modern mentality is unable to comprehend the principles that form the foundation of such an ordering”.47 He said with reference to the turmoil in the Dutch Church in the 1960s about the crypt: “this is

43 M. van Rooy, Het verhaal van de architectuur, Amsterdam-Rotterdam 2007, 27: “Als de architectuur goed is, is het geluid, de akoestiek, ook goed”. Cfr. HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 25; M. van Rooy, ‘Dom van der Laan 1905–1991. Het ware menselijke verblijf’, NRC (20 Aug. 1991) 8. 44 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19670423: “dat is natuurlijk onzin. Wij zijn helemaal geen genie & die kerk is ook helemaal niet door een geniale ingeving tot stand gekomen. Zij is rustig stukje voor stukje in elkaar gezet met telkens de overweg- ing: ‘Zo zou het goed moeten zijn’”. 45 Cfr. HvdL, Algemene lesdag 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]. 46 HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19880706: “c’est la première fois dans ma vie que j’ai l’émotion de l’antiquité dans un bâtiment moderne”. Cfr. also e.g. A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988; G. Votolato, ‘The Sacred Art of a new Dutch Humanist’, The Independent (14 Feb. 1990) 20. 47 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19590519: “Iedereen die ze hoort vindt het prachtig, maar toch is de geheele moderne mentaliteit ontoegankelijk voor de beginselen die aan zoo’n orde ten grondslag liggen”. 290 chapter four for me the tangible evidence that a renewal in all the other domains of the design of liturgical form is possible without all these foolish experiments. It is completely traditional and still acceptable as true and new”.48 During the years that followed, Van der Laan felt vindicated in his design, the execution of which confirmed that his theory of the plastic number was correct. A dream had come true.49 He used the design as explanatory material in his lectures.50 Not for a moment did he lose his enthusiasm for the church and the sacristy, saying that eternal life is nothing to it!51 He scandalised the novices by looking around the church in a very satisfied manner during his oraison (personal prayer).52 Only later did they discover that this monk had a very deep spirituality which passed through man-created objects. Van der Meer mentioned the church of Vaals in one line with Saint Sulpice and the Hagia Sophia, affirming that all great architecture is naked.53 Van der Laan was delighted when a German author recognised the church as a Nützraum or Zweckraum: a functional space. His church had only one aim: to open man to God.54 Though the design for the church was made before the second Vatican Council, it was perfectly suited to the implementation of the new liturgical Ordo Missae, and thus allows for the celebration of both the ordinary and the extraordinary form of the Roman Rite.55 Van der Laan showed how important it is to have someone who knows liturgy from within as an architect for a church, when he told his sister how he always kept in mind the ceremonies of Holy Week when designing the church.56 In this sense, the best architect for

48 HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19680514: “is dit voor mij het tastbaar bewijs dat er een vernieuwing in alle andere domeinen van de liturgische vormgeving mogelijk is buiten al die zotte experimenten om. Volkomen traditioneel & toch als echt & nieuw aanvaardbaar”. 49 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19620603, 19630807; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19620904; Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 50 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, 27 Mar. 1971, 22 Apr. 1972, 21 Oct. 1972 [Unp. AVdL]. 51 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19700319, 19710504. 52 Cfr. Interview Dom Marc Loriaux osb, Vaals 8 Nov. 2007. 53 Cfr. F. van der Meer, Open Brief over Geloof en Eredienst, Tielt-Utrecht 1973, 107. 54 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19740217. Cfr. probably A. Beaujean, ‘Weihnachten in Mamelis’, Aachener Volkszeitung (29 Dec. 1973). 55 Cfr. MR 1570; MR 1969. 56 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690316. liturgy and architecture 291 a church is a believer.57 Though a secular architect might not deem these few days so important, they are at the very heart of the liturgical year and indeed of all the Christian faith.

Vaals Abbey finished in 1986 Throughout the years that followed, the monks gradually adapted the abbey buildings, constructed in 1923, to correspond better to Van der Laan’s style.58 In 1980 the windows of the church and the abbey were replaced with clear glass, a large tower was deconstructed and the carved capitals of the columns chipped off.59 A statue of St Benedict by Niel Steenbergen completed the restoration of the inner court.60 In 1983 extra cells were needed and the abbey was to be completed with a library wing.61 The way of working at that time was very different from when Van der Laan had started in 1956, and great machinery and excavators were used, so that he was happy to be able to leave supervision in the hands of a young monk.62 The works were completed in 1986.63 Now the new library wing formed a cloister together

57 Cfr. e.g. J.B. Knipping, ‘Sacrale kunst’, in: n.n., Honderd jaar religieuze kunst in Nederland. 1853–1953, Utrecht 1953, 10. 58 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19781112. 59 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19801002, 19801122, 19801224, 19810804. 60 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19811122, 19820606; Letters to N. Steen- bergen 19820126, 19821024. 61 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19830810, 19840202, 19850318, 19850506. 62 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19851115. 63 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19860920; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19861113. Cfr. also e.g. n.n., ‘Klooster van Mamelis: Grote toeloop noopt paters tot uitbreiding’, De Limburger (8 May 1984) 7; n.n., ‘Klooster van Mamelis’, Confrontatie (June 1984, nr. 227) 267; n.n., ‘Gemeente Vaals informatief. Bekendmaking’, Vaalser weekblad (8 June 1984) 1; n.n., ‘Limburgse abdij wil uitbreiding’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (4 Dec. 1984) 7; n.n., ‘Abdij Mamelis wordt uitgebreid. Groeiende interesse voor kloosterleven’, Limburgs Dagblad (5 Dec. 1984) 13; n.n., ‘Maquette nieuwbouw Mamelis’, Lim- burgs Dagblad (6 Dec. 1984); n.n., ‘Eine Abtei wird zu klein’, Stadt Gottes (12 Dec. 1984) 17; M.J.R. Habets, et al, Architektuur uit de 20e eeuw in Limburg. 1900–1985, Heerlen 1985, 17, 50; A. Erftemeijer, ‘Een huis van God, waarin het geestelijk leven kan gedijen’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (5 Feb. 1985) 6; P. Groenendijk—P. Vollaard, Gids voor moderne architectuur in Nederland / Guide to modern architecture in The Netherlands, Rotterdam 1987, 186–187, 199–200, 345; N. de Roy van Zuydewijn, MonumentenReisboek van Nederland. Deel: Zeeland, Noord-Brabant en Limburg, Den Haag 1991, 250–251; P. Verde, ‘Ampliamento dell’abbazia di San Benedetto a Vaals (Olanda)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 50–54; P. Groenendijk—P. Vollaard, Gids voor hedendaagse architectuur in Nederland / Guide to contemporary architecture in The Netherlands, Rotterdam 2004, 332; A. Geux, ‘En het woord werd beeld’, 292 chapter four with the church and the ancient abbey building. With the help of the garden architect Pieter Buys, in 1987 Van der Laan turned the former gravel quarry behind the abbey, closed in 1965, into a monastic garden with a cemetery (see fig. C51).64 Thus the abbey buildings were fittingly framed in the midst of the existing landscape. The very last addition to the abbey was the refurbishment of the entrance of the ancient abbey building, which was executed posthumously in 1992 following Van der Laan’s design, together with some restoration works.65 For the completion of the abbey with the library wing, Van der Laan received several prizes including the first Limburg Prize for Archi- tecture, which had been instituted by the Ailbertus foundation of Maastricht.66 This foundation is named after another monk-architect,

Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 11–13; P. Groenendijk—P. Vollaard, Architectuur- gids Nederland (1900–2000) / Architectural Guide to the Netherlands, Rotterdam 2006, 32, 537; D. Pouderoyen, ‘De windwijzer’, Thematismos (Feb. 2006, nr. 5) 22–23. 64 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19870903. Cfr. M. Steenhuis, Pieter Buys. Maken en laten. Tuin- en landschapsarchitect, Rotterdam 2008, 77–85. 65 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Subsidie voor herstel abdijkerk Mamelis’, De Limburger (19 Sept. 1992) 7; n.n., ‘Oppositie Vaals wil niet betalen voor onderhoud kerken’, De Limburger (29 Sept. 1992) 7; ‘n.n., Face-lift abdij. Herstel kerk Mamelis kost twee ton’,Limburgs Dagblad (25 Sept. 1992); n.n., ‘Twintig mille voor herstel abdijkerk’, Limburgs Dag- blad (30 Sept. 1992); n.n., ‘Subsidie voor restauratie abdijkerk’, Vaalser Weekblad (2 Oct. 1992) 2. For later construction works see e.g. J. Houben, ‘Hijskranen kijken neer op abdij’, Limburgs Dagblad (23 Feb. 2002); E. Hollman, “Beter passen op cultureel erfgoed”, De Limburger (5 July 2005) 17. 66 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijzen in Limburg. Stichting bekroont werk pater Van der Laan’, Cobouw 131 (24 Apr. 1987) 5; n.n., ‘‘Spatie’ geeft prijzen en plussen voor architectuur’, De Limburger (28 Apr. 1987) 5; n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan voor hele oeuvre onderscheiden’, De Trompetter (6 May 1987) 29; n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs voor GAB Valkenburg’, Limburgs Dagblad (9 May 1987). Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs Lim- burg 1989 voor Dom Hans vd Laan’, De Limburger (22 Dec. 1988) 3; W. Graatsma— H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989; n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan krijgt architectuurprijs’, Bouw 44 (1989) 4; C. Genders, ‘De architectonische ruimte van Dom van der Laan’, De Architect 20 (May 1989) 64–69; A. Herkens, ‘Von der Allgemeingültigkeit des Einfachen’, Aachener Volkszeitung (16 Sept. 1989) W2; n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs Limburg voor Dom van der Laan’, Dagblad voor Noord Limburg (21 Sept. 1989) 26; n.n., ‘Benedictijner monnik met architectuurprijs geëerd’, De Volkskrant (22 Sept. 1989) 9; J. Herraets, ‘Prijs voor monnik-architect van der Laan’, NRC (22 Sept. 1989); C. Genders, ‘Hans van der Laan: monnik en architect’, Cobouw Week/uit (22 Sept. 1989) 11; n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs uitgereikt aan Dom van der Laan’, Limburgs Dagblad (23 Sept. 1989) 15; n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs voor ‘brouwerij’ [sic] Dom Van der Laan’, De Limburger (23 Sept. 1989) 5; n.n., ‘Prijs voor bouwerij’ Dom Van der Laan’, De Limburger (23 Sept. 1989); H. van Heijningen, ‘Limburgse architectuurprijs voor benedictijnse monnik’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (26 Sept. 1989) 4; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Monnik van der Laan componeert liturgy and architecture 293

Ailbertus of Antoing, who founded the nearby Rolduc Abbey in Kerk- rade in 1108.67 The jury wrote that in Van der Laan’s building its modern philosophy was clearly recognisable, a philosophy that regards values that are valid for all times. Thus, according to the jury, Van der Laan demonstrated ‘his strong conviction to keep searching for the essential conditions for unity in life and architecture’.68

Vaals and the plastic number The design of the church of Vaals was the direct result of the application of the plastic number, and especially of coordination, which was defined by Vitruvius as the modica commoditas, the balanced agreement of measurements in parts as well as in the whole of the building.69 For the ground plan, Van der Laan chose from his abacus the middle proportion between four fields (1:1, 3:4, 4:7, 3:7) and four strips (1:3, 1:4, 1:5⅓, 1:7). Thus he chose the proportion between the smallest field (3:7) and the widest strip (1:3 = 3:9), which led him to a derived proportion of 3:8. This proportion can be recognised in the ground plan of the church (see fig. 4.07). This same proportion is present in, for example, the atrium or the width and thickness of the columns, so that a chain of proportions unites the largest measurement in the church with the smallest, i.e. the thickness of the wall (or column). By simply measuring the size of one of the eight compartments in the church (4550 mm) and by comparing it to the thickness of the wall (550 mm), one will find that this is eight times larger, allowing for a margin. The studies that followed after the publication of Le nombre plastique and the invention of the morphoteque (form-bank) led to the conclusion that the floor-plan of the church needed correction, as the middle forms of the form-bank led to the three proportions 4:7, 3:7, and 1:4. Thus the proportion of the floor-plan had to be 3:7, an authentic proportion that follows directly from the theory of the plastic kloosters zoals muziek. De kern van de architectuur is het matenstelsel’, De Volkskrant (27 Sept. 1989) 13; T. Maas, ‘Bevrijd van symboliek en nut. Van der Laans weg naar ‘de eigen wetgeving der natuur’’, Architectuur/Bouwen 5 (Sept. 1989) 36–41. 67 Cfr. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs Limburg. Dom Hans van der Laan: eenvoud als stijl’, De Limburger (20 Sept. 1989) 2. 68 Cfr. n.n., ‘Juryrapport’, in: W. Graatsma—H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertus- stichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Lim- burg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. 69 Cfr. HvdL, Beschouwing over de kerk van Vaals, Vaals 12 Dec. 1984 [Unp. AVdL]. 294 chapter four

Fig. 4.07 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, floorplan of the church with the proportion 3:8 (c. 1964). Architect Dom Van der Laan. This is the floorplan of the actual church as it was constructed. [AVdL V28/1]

Fig. 4.08 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, floorplan of the church with the proportion 3:7 (c. 1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. This is the floorplan of the church as it should have been constructed, after new discoveries concerning the proportions. [AVdL V28/2] number, and not indirectly like that of the derived proportion 3:8 (see fig. 4.08).70 A scale model for an exhibition in 1982 implemented this new disposition.71 This shows again how Van der Laan learned step by

70 Cfr. HvdL, Beschouwing over de kerk van Vaals, Vaals 12 Dec. 1984 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to R. Padovan 19841213, 19850124. 71 Cfr. D. Pouderoyen, ‘Inwendige en uitwendige faktoren bij het bouwen’, Futura 15 (1980, nr. 6) 5–12; W. Graatsma—J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982; HvdL, Beschou- wing over de kerk van Vaals, Vaals 12 Dec. 1984 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 295 step how to better apply the essential proportions in the simplest way in his designs. However, even in its derived form, the church of Vaals is a master- piece of proportion. Though the above has concentrated on the floorplan, the same proportions can and should be recognised in the other parts of the building. The third dimension is essential. Before setting a pencil to paper, Van der Laan wanted to picture complete building in his mind: “We only start drawing when the building has become a unity in its three dimensions”.72 This study cannot possibly examine all of the proportions of the church of Vaals, although the preceding brief summary should suffice to indicate how all of the elements are related proportionally in the building. Further elements from the theory can be also recognised in the design. The concept of inside-outside, for example, is expressed on different levels. Within the church the bays act as an outside for the ship, the atrium is an outside for the church, which in turn is an inside with regard to the outside of the entrance of the abbey, and so forth. Moreover, the concepts of solid-void, as well as those of disposition and coordination received due attention in this design.73 The entire theory studied before can be recognised in this church, which is the reason it is used here as a paradigm.

Waasmunster 1975: Abdij Roosenberg

Genesis In 1972 Van der Laan was invited to design a convent for the Mar- ian Sisters of St Francis in Waasmunster in Belgium. The commission came about as a result of a long interview in the Belgian newspaper De Standaard, in which he explained his completed theory.74 It was the first time the press was truly interested, though not all reactions were positive.75 In Waasmunster, unlike Vaals, Van der Laan had a chance

72 HvdL, Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL]: “We beginnen pas te tekenen als het gebouw in zijn drie dimensies tot een geheel ge-worden is”. 73 See further HvdL, ‘Beschouwingen over het huis’, Plan 6 (1972) 56–59; L.J.M. Tummers—J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Leuth 2005, 39–48. 74 Cfr. G. van Hoof—A. Mertens, ‘Wederdoper der architektuur bouwde in Vaals abdijkerk’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971) 17. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710403; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19730121. 75 Cfr. also F. van der Meer, ‘Bezoek aan de Benedictusberg’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971); A. Smeets, ‘Pleidooi voor de ‘liturgische’ kerk’, Vlaanderen (Sept.– Oct. 1971) 278, 295; L. Lenzen, ‘Die Versuchung der Abtei St. Benedictusberg’, Das Gespräch—Eucharistie und Leben (Mar.-Apr. 1972) 16–18. 296 chapter four to apply his theory without being hindered by existing buildings. Furthermore, he had just finished the final description of the theory at the Course for Church Architecture in ’s-Hertogenbosch, so that it now could be applied in all its glory with a totally new design.76 Between January and June 1973 he worked on the design, along with Nico’s studio and the local architects E. and P. de Vloed.77 A scale model, made by the cabinet maker Engelberts, was used for the last class of the CKA on 16 June 1973.78 Van der Laan seemed almost surprised that the Sisters were satisfied with the design: “It is improbable that a congregation of Sisters wants it like this in these days”.79 In 1974 the construction of Abdij Roosenberg was started and finished.80 Almost all of Van der Laan’s old friends cooperated in the finishing of the project: Wim van Hooff (1918–2002) mixed the colours of the paint, Tebbe delivered the fabric for the vestments, Jan Noyons made the vessels, Niel Steenbergen made a relief, Théodore Strawinsky painted a panel with Mary, Mother of the Church, and Rosemarijn van

76 Cfr. HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 23; F. van der Meer, ‘Indrukken van professor F. van der Meer na een bezoek aan het voltooide klooster Roosenberg op 30 juli 1975’, in: Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 30–36. 77 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004. 78 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19730604; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL]. 79 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19730227: “C’est invraisemblable qu’une congrégation de Sœurs le veut ainsi actuellement”. 80 Cfr HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975. About the project in Waasmunster e.g. n.n., ‘Beeldrapportage klooster Roosenberg te Waasmunster’, De Architekt 12 (1981) 117–122 [Archiphoto]; G. Bekaert, ‘Een beginsel van altijd en overal. Abdijkerk Roosenberg, Waasmun- ster’, in: n.n., Landschap van Kerken. 10 eeuwen bouwen in Vlaanderen, Leuven 1987, 279–287; G. Triest, ‘Abdij Roosenberg (Waasmunster)’, Hemaco info / Schakels (July 1991) 63–64; J. van Remoortere, ‘Abdij Roosenberg. Waasmunster’, in: Abdij- engids voor België, Tielt 1995; K. van Synghel, ‘Architektuur als een monnikspij’, De Standaard Magazine 3 (3 Mar. 1995) 16–18; T. de Leur, ‘Wennen aan stilte van abdij Roosenberg’, Nieuwsblad Streeknieuws Waas (29–30 July 1995) 13; P. Verde, ‘Convento per le suore francescane a Waasmunster-Roosenberg (Belgio)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 56–59; M. Dubois, ‘Het kerkgebouw op het einde van het millennium. De sacraliteit van het licht’, Vlaanderen (Mar.–Apr. 1997) 87–90; Id., ‘De sacraliteit van het licht’, TvL 85 (2001) 22–28; A. van der Toolen, ‘De strenge schoonheid van dom Hans van der Laan’, Limburgsch Dagblad (20 Apr. 2002); H. Raemdonck, Roosenbergabdij Waasmunster. Getuige van trouw aan traditie en vernieuwing, Antwerpen 2008; R. Stegers, R., Sacred Buildings. A Design Manual, Basel 2008, 182–183; M.P. Remery, ‘Inleiding’, in: HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 20082, 1–2; n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in Waasmunster’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 1–3. liturgy and architecture 297 der Does made an icon of the Transfiguration.81 In short, “everything [was] as at Vaals, but in a more feminine execution”.82 Van der Laan had always felt that the workers should truly feel involved in the total project and be proud to be part of it. He later said that this had especially been the case in Waasmunster: “The masons would speak about ‘their façade’ and after the work they would leave the television and come back in the evening to look at the work with their wives”.83 Van der Laan himself designed all of the some 400 pieces of furniture, the vestments, and the sacred vessels.84 The church was consecrated on the 6th of August 1975. The intention of Mother Superior was to have a strict, poor, but beautiful convent.85 Hans and Nico gave a lecture for the architects of the former CKA in the new convent.86 Van der Laan was proud when in 1977 the Belgian Queen Fabiola paid a surprise visit to the abbey and remarked that she had not known that Belgium had such a beautiful convent (see fig. C28–C32).87 Van der Laan had a great eye for detail. As often happened when he had finished a project, he kept seeing the mistakes he made in Waas- munster: “A gutter which is just too wide, a wall of the inner court measured just wrongly and so on. That is then my confession to keep myself humble”.88 He complained that most Sisters did not realise how the beauty of their abbey depended on a few centimetres more or less. He confided that he used to go to Utrecht to see the silversmith Noyons and made him change the form of a chalice with half a mil- limetre. For him, that made all the difference. It would seem that Rilke

81 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750323; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, Wim van Hooff, vakman en polychromeur. Kleur en architectuur, Amsterdam 2001; J. Oldenburger, ‘In memoriam Wim van Hooff (1918–2002). Kleur en architectuur’, Thematismos (2003, nr. 2) 10–11. 82 HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19750115: “tout cõ [comme, mpr] à Vaals, mais dans une édition plus féminine”. 83 HvdL, Voor een groep heren rondom Dr. Van der Eerden, Vaals 19 Jan.1985 [Unp. AVdL]: “De metselaars spraken over ‘hun gevel’ en na het werk kwamen ze ’s avonds met hun vrouw naar het werk kijken en lieten de TV er voor staan“. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Keyenberg, Renkum 17 Sept. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. 84 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750114. 85 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19740410. 86 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750928. The text of this class on 24–25 Oct. 1975 is not found in the AVdL. 87 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19770328; n.n., (S.W.), ‘Vorstin op bezoek in abdij Roosenberg’, De Nieuwe Gids (25 Mar. 1977). 88 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19850506: “Een goot die net te breed is, een binnenhofwand die precies verkeerd gemeten is en zo meer. Dat is dan mijn biecht om me klein te houden”. 298 chapter four spoke exactly about this balanced point when he spoke of the ‘impossible’ precision of an artist, ‘jene seelige Präzision’. And suddenly in this difficult nowhere, there is suddenly that unspeakable point, where the pure ‘too little’ incomprehensibly transforms, shifts to that empty ‘too much’. [A point] where the total of items amounts to the numberless.89 Admitting that his attention to detail may seem mad, Van der Laan explained that one has to consider the fact that it is all background for a higher world, where these trifles are of great importance, for there one has to become perfect like the heavenly Father.90

Analysis In the design for Abdij Roosenberg one easily recognises the different planning elements as discussed in the former chapter: cell, court and domain. The domain is an irregular four-sided lot, the shape of which is mirrored by the abbey-buildings that consist of two L-shaped blocks, one with two storeys and the other with one (see fig. 4.09). The ‘armpit’ of the latter contains the rectangular basis of the ‘aula Dei’, the octagonal church, which recalls the form of the chapel in Helmond, albeit completely purged of classical ornamental elements. This is what Van der Laan called the heart of the house.91 All light enters from above through windows in the octagonal walls. The octagonal pattern is mirrored in the floor plan where the columns are surrounded by a squared gallery. The main altar has a central place. Unlike Vaals, which lacks an apse and where the tabernacle was placed in the crypt, here there is a proper apse, in which the tabernacle is placed. This takes the form of a tall and monumental mausoleum, evoking the sacramental towers that were constructed in the Low Countries beginning in the late fourteenth century. There was, in fact, a struggle about the design of the tabernacle with the bishop of Gent who desired it to be placed on a small altar.92 The detailed tabernacle doors recall a labyrinth

89 R. M. Rilke, Duineser Elegie V, in: Werke. Kommentierte Ausgabe, t. II, Frankfurt am Main 1996, 216, 661: “Und plötzlich in diesem mühsamen Nirgends, plötzlich die unsägliche Stelle, wo sich das reine Zuwenig unbegreiflich verwandelt—, umspringt in jenes leere Zuviel. Wo die vielstellige Rechnung zahlenlos aufgeht”. 90 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219. 91 Cfr. HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 23. 92 Cfr. L.A. van Peteghem, Letter to M. Fernandine of Waasmunster 17 July 1975 [Unp. AVdL]; HvdL, Letter to Mgr L.A. Van Peteghem 26 Aug. 1975. liturgy and architecture 299

Fig. 4.09 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, domain (c. 1973). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL RO02] pattern, and the large stone doors of the ciborium can be closed during the celebration of the Eucharist, so that all attention can be cen- tred on the Mass being celebrated. Just like in the crypt of Vaals, the tabernacle is the only object in the church which received a detailed design, illustrating the special attention given to the Body of Christ. Van der Laan specifically tried to implement the general introduction to the 1969 Roman Missal in the design of the church and was very satisfied with the result.93 In this plan, the inside-outside dyad plays a very important role, as there is not only need for a separation between outside nature and inhabited space, but also between more public areas and the convent as such: “the convent wants to be a strongly separated ‘inside’ dedicated to God”.94 For Van der Laan, the inner court of the convent is “a self-made outside, which comes anew into existence inside the

93 Cfr. IGMR 1969; RR 1974 De Comm.; HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 35–41. 94 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 12: “het klooster dat een sterk afgescheiden en aan God toegewijd binnen wil zijn”. 300 chapter four house and therefore it is such a beautiful image of the supernatural life we carry hidden in our heart. It is the ‘hortus conclusus’ of the Song of Songs, not an outside garden, but an enclosed garden” (cfr. Sg 4:12).95 The fact that the shape of the building and thus that of the inner court reflects the shape of the compound directly illustrates the relation domain-court: “The building fits in the lot as a child on the lap of its mother”.96 The basic elements of the theory of architecture can be recognised not just in pillars and walls, but also in spaces: bar- shaped corridors, block-formed staircase hallways and slab-shaped halls.97 Forms and materials are very much the same as in Vaals. The greatest difference is the use of colour. Whereas in Vaals everything seems to be grey-green, here a fresh white is used for the walls, both outside and inside. The floors are covered with large ochre-coloured Indian slabs. The furniture too is more colourful, though here too the colours remain blanched ( faisandé). These elements were chosen and designed by Van der Laan to complement the architecture as a whole. Everything should work together to achieve the aim of this building. It was his intention not only to construct a house of prayer, but more pertinently a house to pray in.98 The form of the spaces as well as the windows on the ground floor answers to the proportion 4:3 corresponding to the ground-ratio. On the first floor, rooms are almost square, just like the windows. This gives the façade a special touch: upstairs there is a frieze consisting of sets of square windows separated by a column, and downstairs there are rectangular windows answering to the proportion 4:3 (see fig. 4.10). Note that in his theory Van der Laan claimed that the proportion 4:3 had more male association and that 7:4 had more female ones.99 Still, in this convent for women, he used the proportion 4:3, thus downplaying the importance of these associations. On the basis of

95 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 21: “een eigengemaakt buiten dat in het huis opnieuw ontstaat en daarom zo’n prachtig beeld is van het bovennatuurlijk leven dat wij verborgen in ons hart dragen. Het is de ‘hortus conclusus’ van het Hooglied, geen buitentuin maar een ingesloten tuin”. 96 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 6: “Het gebouw past in het terrein als een kind op de schoot van zijn moeder”. 97 Cfr. HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 30. 98 Cfr. HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 24. 99 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XI,15) 97. liturgy and architecture 301

Fig. 4.10 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, façade (c. 1973). Archi- tect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL RO25] the theory, he worked out three different orders of size, corresponding to wall-window, corridor-hall and court-garden.100 The wall-thickness is 500 mm, a size which returns in the ochre floor-slabs. The width of the corridors is seven times this size (i.e. 3,5 m). Subsequently, the width of the square in front of the convent is again seven times this size (i.e. 25 m), and furthermore the longest size of the plot is seven times larger (i.e. 175 m). Commenting on the design, Van der Laan compared these orders of size to the division of the year in seasons, weeks and days: “As such every day receives its place in the entire year and in the same way the wall-thickness, which is very small in comparison to the entire domain, still gets its definite value in the entire composition”.101 He applied the same proportions on a smaller scale to the design of the furniture (see fig. 4.11). In conclusion, this design again contains the most important elements of the theory. It is interesting that the ancient octagonal form employed in the design of the chapel in Helmond is adopted once more. The extra attention given to the inside-outside dyad as well as to the use of colours is a new departure with respect to Vaals.

100 Cfr. HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 17. 101 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 45–47: “Zo krijgt iedere dag zijn plaats in het gehele jaar en op dezelfde manier krijgt de muurdikte, die ten opzichte van het hele domein toch maar heel klein is, toch zijn uitgesproken waarde in de hele compositie”. Cfr. also HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 21. 302 chapter four

Fig. 4.11 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, confessional (c. 1973). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL]

Best 1982: Private dwelling Naalden

Genesis In November 1978, Van der Laan designed a dwelling in Best near Eindhoven for Jos Naalden, which was simplified in 1981 to make it financially feasible (see fig. 4.12; C37).102 It was difficult to get the necessary permits, ‘for almost every rule for civil dwellings had to be bent’. Van der Laan admitted that “it is very understandable that com- missions have at least some difficulty with a dwelling which has four almost blind walls towards the outside, which moreover are on, or at least very near the border of the lot”.103 This was down to the fact that

102 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19810528; Letters to R. Padovan 19810727, 19811110. 103 H. Hijmersma, ‘De architectuur van Dom H. van der Laan’, Het financieele dagblad (1 Oct. 1982): “Het is alleszins begrijpelijk dat welstandscommissies op z’n liturgy and architecture 303

Fig. 4.12 Best, dwelling for Naalden, executed design, isometry (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] when Van der Laan had previously visited one of Naalden’s houses, designed by Jacob Berend Bakema, he had promised to draw a similar house, “but then with walls”.104 Van der Laan gave the house a motto, referring to the inside-outside dyad: ‘Het buiten in de ban van het binnen’ (The outside under the spell of the inside).105 He said that he applied the motto of the house to his interior life too: “if we ourselves construct such an inside in our hearts, where God Himself lives so truly with us . . . then we shall bring the outside of the world under the spell of the inside and we shall see everything a little like a paradise in preparation of the new earth and the new heaven that will follow later”.106 The text

zacht gezegd moeite hebben met een woonhuis dat naar buiten toe bijna vier blinde muren laat zien, die dan liefst ook nog op, of in ieder geval zeer dicht bij de perceel- grens staan”. 104 HvdL, Letter to J. Naalden 19850907: “maar dan met muren”. 105 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19810528; Letter to N. van der Laan 19851220. 106 HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19810528: “als wij zelf zo’n binnen opbouwen in ons hart, waar God zelf zo waarachtig met ons leeft . . . dat wij dan dat buiten van de wereld in de ban brengen van dat binnen & dat wij alles dan al een beetje als een paradijs zien in voorbereiding op de nieuwe aarde en de nieuwe hemel van later”. 304 chapter four

‘Het binnen door wanden verwekt’ (The inside generated by walls), which he originally had planned to inscribe above the fire place, was covered when Van der Laan decided to add a larger framing in natural stone (see fig. C38). The plans were executed by Nico’s son, Hans Van der Laan (Junior), and his associate Harry van Hal. Construction works were concluded in 1982.107 Like the other buildings by Van der Laan, this house has not been designed in the first place to serve the physical comfort of its inhabitants, but their intellect: “By making the immediate function subordinate to the logic of form, a greater functional freedom arises”.108 Naalden spoke about his difficulties with feeling at home in this house, underlining the importance of education: “One has to learn to inhabit this house . . . we are used to approach- ing everything from a practical criterion”.109 The current owner partly confirmed this, though he emphasised that from the beginning he had felt completely at home and said that one should try to understand the architecture through the intellect, which is a property of a house which is often forgotten.110 Van der Laan affirmed this when he wrote: “This house was born in the untouched area between the observation of things and our thinking, there where one thinks about the function of these things for our thinking”.111

107 Cfr. e.g. P.L. Spits, ‘Beton in Beeld’, Cement 35 (1983) 733–742; P. Verde, ‘Casa Naalden a Best (Olanda)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 60–61; M. Kies, ‘In het huis van Jos Naalden’, Eindhovens Dagblad (3 May 1986) 45; A. Bonsink, ‘Wonen rondom hofje in Best’, Eindhovens Dagblad (29 May 1982) 41; M. Trappeniers, ‘Aanwinst. Maquette ‘Huis Naalden’ in Best, gebouwd naar ontwerp van Dom Hans van der Laan o.s.b., in 1982’, Noordbrabants Museum Nieuws 2 (Dec. 1986) 3–4; G. van Zeijl, ed., Architectuur in zuidoost Brabant, s.l. 1987, 156–157; n.n., The House Book, New York 2001, 245; D. van Hoogstraten, Villa’s in Nederland. Onder architectuur gebouw de huizen 1900–2000, Rijswijk 2002, 15–17, 82–83, 87; n.n., Het huizenboek, Zwolle 2004, 245; n.n., ‘De Bossche school’, Nov. 2004, in: Handboek metselwerk, Den Haag n.d., 1261–13—1261–20; J. Dawson, ‘’t Moest vanzelfsprekend en betaalbaar zijn’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 14–24; H. de Haan, ‘Zwaarmoedigheid ontbreekt volledig’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 34–39. 108 J. Schreurs, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan bouwt zich een wereld’, De Standaard (25 Nov. 1986) 7: “Door de onmiddellijke functie ondergeschikt te maken aan de vormlogica, onstaat een grotere funktionele vrijheid”. 109 n.n., ‘Expositie over Benediktijner monnik-architect in Weert. ‘Van der Laan- huis’ ademt rust en ruimte’, Brabants Dagblad (10 May 1986) W2: “Je moet léren dit huis te bewonen . . . Wij zijn nu eenmaal gewend om alles vanuit een praktische maatstaf te benaderen”. 110 Cfr. Interview Mr Alex ten Broeke, Best 15 Apr. 2008. 111 HvdL, in: Gastenboek Naalden [Unp.]: “Dit huis is geboren in het onbetreden gebied tussen het waarnemen der dingen en ons denken, daar waar gedacht wordt over het dienen van die dingen voor ons denken”. liturgy and architecture 305

Analysis The monastic influence on the design is very clear. Van der Laan considered the house to be a small version of Abdij Roosenberg (see fig. 4.13–4.14).112 But the image of a Roman villa might also spring to mind, given the fact that a central element in this design is the atrium, around which the outside wall and three single-storey building blocks are ordered. These blocks form a peripherical disposition of cells around a court. In this way the house can be seen as a microcosm, a single cell-house of the town, which is also the reason that a direct relation with nature is lacking.113 The court has an important function as the first outside with respect to the inside of the house. It is the

Fig. 4.13 Best, dwelling for Naalden, executed design, floorplan (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL]

112 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19810528. 113 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to J. Naalden 19790419; Letter to R. Padovan 19880718; ‘Brief van Dom van der Laan aan Jos Naalden’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 7–13. Cfr. J. Oldenburger, ‘De maatverhoudingen geanalyseerd’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 25–33. 306 chapter four

Fig. 4.14 Best, dwelling for Naalden, executed design, domain (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] inside-outside dyad that gave rise to the motto of the house. Van der Laan used simple materials and strictly applied his proportion system, as always allowing for a certain margin. The overall colour is cement grey, even that of the gravel in the court. Wood is used for the non- bearing walls and ceilings. Many elements of the theory of De architectonische ruimte (1977) can be recognised in the Naalden house.114 The inner spaces come into existence because of the neighbourhood of the walls, which are pierced, and thus show their thickness. Van der Laan worked a lot

114 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to J. Naalden 19790419, 19850907; Huis Naalden, s.l. Dec. 1980 [Unp. AVdL]; Naar aanleiding van een bezoek aan het huis Naalden, s.l. 2 Dec. 1982 [Unp. AVdL]; Het huis Naalden te Best, Vaals 12 Apr. 1989 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Een proeve van architectonische ruimte’, Inter- mediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 9. liturgy and architecture 307 with pillars to open up the space, but the wall of the ‘great hall’ has been pierced only by three doors, which emphasises the closed intimacy of the space. This hall was formed between two galleries at its far ends. Again the basic unit of size is the wall-thickness. What is new is that the three volumes of the building blocks, though functionally connected, play individual roles in the overall composition. This is the influence of what Van der Laan later referred to as thematismos, the ordered arrangement of distinct forms.115 All in all, Van der Laan considered the house in Best to be a living complaint against everything that was being constructed at the time, the voice of someone crying out in the desert.116 He complained that too much ground had been botched with houses that have a garden before and behind it.117 However, he wished less to criticize society than to show what architecture should be like. It may be concluded that again the main elements of proportion and disposition, as well as the most important dyads, all have been included in the design. Com- pared to earlier designs, also the theme of thematismos, which Van der Laan talked about in 1989, has found a more explicit representation in this house, showing that the entire theory can be completely implemented in his architectural designs.

A further application of thematismos in Sweden It is impossible in this book to study all of Van der Laan’s designs in detail. The preceding four examples should suffice to demonstrate the application of the theory. However, because it demonstrates more clearly Van der Laan’s latest insights into the architectural field, particularly including those of thematismos, it is interesting to briefly examine a convent in Sweden, the Jesu Moder Marias Kloster. As Van der Laan only made the draft design and left the detailed work and execution to others, the design will not be studied more closely. On the 14th of March 1986, a Benedictine prioress from Sweden, Mother Tyra Antonia (b. 1933), visited Vaals and asked Van der Laan to make a complete design for her new convent (see fig. 4.15–4.18; C39–C45). A monk had described Vaals to her as being ugly, grey and depressing and she intuitively knew that this was the style she wanted

115 Cfr. HvdL, Een architectuur, 17 [Unp. AVdL]. 116 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to J. Naalden 19850907. 117 Cfr. M. van Rooy, Het verhaal van de architectuur, Amsterdam-Rotterdam 2007, 28. 308 chapter four

Fig. 4.15 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, façade (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL]

Fig. 4.16 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, floorplan (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] liturgy and architecture 309

Fig. 4.17 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, section of the abbey church (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL]

Fig. 4.18 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, pattern for tabernacle door (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. The design was based on a traditional Latin-American decoration. [AVdL] 310 chapter four for ‘her’ abbey.118 Van der Laan was eager to design the first convent to be constructed in Sweden for more than 300 years.119 The theme of thematismos can be recognised in the fact that the building volumes relate even more clearly to each other than is the case in the Naalden house. Van der Laan wrote to Mother Tyra about her future abbey: “This building has been interpreted as an interplay of seven wings, which together enclose two courtyards, a large court for the convent itself and a smaller one for the guest quarters”.120 Rik van der Laan worked out the design, which formed the basis for a scale model that was sent to Sweden for approval.121 The final design of the convent was finished in 1987 in cooperation with Rudi de Bruin.122 Van der Laan was asked to design a monastery as well, which he finished in 1989 with the help of Rik, but it was never constructed.123 The church of Jesu Moder Marias Kloster was consecrated on the 14th of Sep- tember 1991.124 As with Vaals and Waasmunster, the tabernacle doors

118 Cfr. Interview Moder Tyra Antonia Andersson, Mariavall 22 Mar. 2009; Inter- view Dom Ingmar Svanteson, Mariavall 20 Mar. 2009. 119 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19870615; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19871111, 19881016. 120 HvdL, Letter to M. Tyra Antonia 19870531: “Dit gebouw is opgevat als een samenspel van zeven vleugels die tesamen twee hoven omsluiten, een grote hof voor het klooster zelf, en een kleinere voor het verblijf der gasten”. 121 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19860404, 19860522. 122 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to M. Tyra Antonia 19870531. 123 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19860618, 19870512, 19890402; Letter to T. Strawinsky 19870615. 124 About the monasteries e.g. HvdL, Letters to M. Tyra Antonia 19860326; 19880210; A. Tyra, ‘Der Traum von einem Kloster’, Informationen zur Katholischen Kirche in den nordischen Ländern, Ansgar-werk des Bistums Munster (1988, nr. 1); n.n., ‘Ein historisches Ereignis’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1988, 61–65; n.n., ‘‘Mariavall’ erste Klostergründung der Benediktinerinnen in Schweden’, Kirchenzeitung für das Bistum Aachen 20 (1990) 13; G. Assenmacher, ‘In Tomelilla’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1990, 81–83; Id., ‘Freuden und Sorgen’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1991, 48–52; n.n., ‘Nära men ändå så långt ifrån’, Torsdagen (31 Jan. 1991) 8; R. Johansson, ‘Sakral Arkitektur’, Cementa 17 (1991, nr. 4), 12–15; S. Jönsson, ‘Solig fest när Mariavall invigdes’, Kristianstads- bladet (16 Sept. 1991) 23; n.n., ‘Hjördlich ödmjuknet hos nunnorna’, Ystads Allehanda (16 Sept. 1991) 10; R. de Bruin, ‘Jesu Moder Marias kloster, Mariavall, Tomelilla’, Arkitektur 10 (1991) 24–27; A. van Hooff, ‘Kloster Everöd in Schweden’, Erbe und Auftrag 68 (1992) 156–158; G. Assenmacher, St. Ansgar, Köln 1991, 48–52; A. van Hooff, ‘Tres faciunt collegium’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1992, 77–80; n.n., ‘Limburgse monnik bouwt in Zweden een abdij’, De Sleutel 21 (Apr. 1993, nr. 8) 26; T. Svensson, ‘1500 ar gamla regler gäller för munkarna’, Kristlands Bladet (7 Apr. 1993); J. van Lieshout, ‘Monnik van Mamelis bouwt abdij in Zweden’, Limburgs Dagblad (5 June 1993) 23; A. van Hooff, ‘Brief van de benedictijnse kommuniteit in Zweden’, Monas- tieke Informatie 25 (1994, 152) 56–60; n.n., (J.K.), ‘Schwedische Benediktiner’, Erbe und Auftrag 70 (1994) 157; A. van Hooff, ‘Benedictijns leven in Zweden’, Bene- liturgy and architecture 311 have a detailed design. Shortly before his death, Van der Laan was able to write: “The convent in Sweden is inhabitated. I shall never see anything of it, but from the reactions . . . I conclude that the convent ‘works’, just as Nico and I experienced when the scaffolding was taken away from our abbey [in Vaals, mpr]”.125

4.2.3. A plastic expression in scale models In 1982, Van der Laan plastically visualised the theory of De architectonische ruimte in a series of 45 scale models and 12 pieces of furniture created by the cabinet maker Engelberts (see fig. 4.19).126 His aim was to leave as complete a theory as possible to his former students.127 In his speech at the opening of the first exhibition in Maastricht, he pointed out some important elements of his theory: the contrast between inside and outside, the squaring of natural forms and the sifting of the unlimited number of sizes in nature into limited architectural sizes.128

dictijns Tijdschrift55 (1994) 69–81; G. Assenmacher, ‘Zu besuch auf Österlen’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1994, 42–47; R. de Bruin—K.-E. Löfqvist, Ett klosterbygge i tiden, Höganäs 1994; O. Hultin, ed., Arkitektur i Sverige 1990–1994 / Architecture in Sweden 1990–1994, Stockholm 1994, 30; G. Assenmacher, ‘Besuch eröffnete neue Horizonte. Erste Reise Kardinal Meisners in die nordische Diaspora’, Kirchenzeitung Köln (8 Sept. 1995) 32; n.n., ‘Wenn ein Plan nicht gelingt . . . Benediktinermönche verlassen Östra Sönnerslöv’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1996, 89–91; n.n., ‘Benediktinisches Leben in Schweden’, Erbe und Auftrag 72 (1996) 256; P. Verde, ‘Abbazia benedettina a Tomelilla (Svezia)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 62–67; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Een klooster dat nooit verveelt’, De Volkskrant (16 Aug. 1996) 21; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Propor- tionen für ein Kloster in Tomelilla’, Bauwelt 88 (Feb. 1997) 360–364; J.I. Linazasoro, ‘El tiempo detenido. Dom van der Laan, una arquitectura de esencias’, Arquitectura Viva (Jan.–Feb. 1998) 65–67; R. Klinger, ‘Att lova Vägen sitt liv’, Katolskt Maga- sin (20 Sept. 2002) 1,8–9; T. Einarsson, ‘Det Rätta Måttet’, Trots Allt 4–5 (2002) 40–47; n.n., ‘Vom Benediktshaus zum Benediktskloster’, St. Ansgar, Köln 2009, 74–76; G. Brüggemann, ed., et al., Jesu Moder Marias Convent at Mariavall as a research field for the correlation between theory and practice in the later stages of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan: contributions to the symposium in Tomelilla, Sweden, 26 June 2009, Leuth 2010 [Van der Laanstichting]. 125 HvdL, Letter to T. Nix 19910712: “Het klooster in Zweden is bewoond. Daar zal ik nooit iets van zien, maar uit de reacties . . . maak ik op dat het klooster ‘het doet’ zoals Nico en ik dat zelf ervaarden toen onze abdij [in Vaals] uit de steigers kwam”. 126 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19811122. 127 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19820606. 128 Cfr W. Graatsma—J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19820512; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004. 312 chapter four

Fig. 4.19 Furniture, scale models (1982). Designer Dom Van der Laan; execution cabinet maker J. Engelberts. [Photo: mpr]

After Maastricht the exhibition moved to ’s-Hertogenbosch and then to Eindhoven, where Sam van Embden gave the opening speech.129

129 Cfr. S.J. van Embden, Inleiding tot de tentoonstelling ‘architectuur’ van modellen en meubels, Eindhoven 6 Dec. 1982 [Unp. NAi Archief Van Embden d2155]. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19821126; Letter to N. van der Laan 19840513; Let- ter to C. Genders 19840612. Bonnefantenmuseum Maastricht, 7 Apr.—30 June 1982. Cfr. e.g. H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘De theorie van Van der Laan tentoongesteld. ‘Architectuur met zonder niks’’, De Architekt 13 (1982, nr. 4) 36–39; S. Kusters, ‘Modellen en meubels van Dom Hans van der Laan in Bonnefanten’, De Limburger (7 Apr. 1982); C. Lommers, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: monnik en ‘meubelmaker’’, Limburgs Dagblad (8 Apr. 1982) 21; n.n., ‘Dom H. van der Laan’, Telegraaf (9 Apr. 1982) 21; n.n., ‘Zingende paters’, Elseviers Magazine (24 Apr. 1982) 159; P. Karst- karel, ‘Architectuurtheorie in drie dimensies’, Trouw (3 May 1982) 4; n.n., ‘ ‘Archi- tektuur’ in Bonnefantenmuseum: levenswerk Dom van der Laan tot en met 27 juni te bezichtigen’, De Trompetter (19 May 1982); H. van de Louw, ‘Ruimtelijkheid intiem maken. Architectuur, modellen en meubels van Dom H. van der Laan’, De Nieuwe Linie (26 May 1982) 16; n.n., ‘Monk and master-builder’, Limburg Inter- national Magazine 3 (July–Aug. 1982) 16–17, 30–31; S. Kusters, ‘De weldaad van een eenvoudig leven’, De Limburger (29 May 1982); I. Szénassy, ed., Kunst in het Bonnefantenmuseum, Maastricht 1984, 24–26, 79–80. Noordbrabants Museum ’s-Hertogenbosch, 18 Sept.—31 Oct. 1982. Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Expositie over architectuur van Dom v.d. Laan’, NRC (13 Sept. 1982) 6; W. Vastrick, ‘Van der Laan en De Bos- sche School’, Brabants Dagblad (28 Sept. 1982) 13; H. Egbers, ‘De bedachte ruimten van dom Hans van der Laan’, De Stem Gids (10 Oct. 1982) T3; W. Vastrick, ‘Ideeën Dom Van der Laan grondslag Bossche School’, Eindhovens Dagblad (20 Oct. 1982) 11; Id., ‘De natuur doorgezet in de bouw’, Het nieuwsblad van het zuiden (23 Oct. 1982) liturgy and architecture 313

Van der Laan commented that Van Embden still did not truly understand the theory.130 He was very upset that a catalogue which accompanied the exhibitions did not explain the derivation of the ground-ratio, out of fear of becoming too theoretical for the general public.131 When an explanatory text, beautifully printed in Vaals Abbey, was taken away by students, Van der Laan reacted lightheartedly: “Be glad that there are at least a few who take these models au serieux”.132 The media-reports about the exhibitions reveal the public interest in Van der Laan’s work. During the years that followed, the models were also exhibited in Nijmegen and in Gent.133 Further exhibitions of his work were to follow in London, Middelburg, Weert, Doetinchem and Antwerpen.134

17; G. Berends, ‘De harmonische ruimte’, De Waarheid (21 Oct. 1982) 9. TH Eind- hoven, 6–31 Dec. 1982. Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Bouwkunde 15 jaar. Architectuur, modellen en meubels van Dom Hans van der Laan’, th-berichten 25 (10 Dec. 1982) 7; n.n., ‘Werk van benedictijner monnik op THE’, th-berichten 25 (10 Dec. 1982) 1; M. van Rooy, ‘Volmaakte kapitalen’, NRC (27 May 1983) CS2; S. Kusters, ‘Letters als monumenten en de betekenis van woorden’, De Limburger (28 June 1983) 15. 130 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to W. Lockefeer 19830406. 131 Cfr. W. Graatsma—J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982; Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19821023. 132 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314: “Wees blij dat er tenminste enkele zijn die deze modellen au serieux nemen”. 133 Commanderij Nijmegen, 17 July–21 Aug. 1983. Floraliënpaleis Gent, 15–23 Oct. 1983. 134 Three Houses in London (29 Oct.–15 Nov. 1985); Zeeuws Museum in Middelburg (10 Feb.–21 Mar. 1986); Tiendschuur in Weert (13 Apr.–21 June 1986); Gruitpoort Gallerij in Doetinchem (6 Sept.–3 Oct. 1986); De Singel in Antwerpen (11–30 Nov. 1986). Cfr. HvdL, ‘Toelichting bij de tentoonstelling van Dom Hans van der Laan. Februari 1986’, in: n.n., Dom Hans Van der Laan. Architektuurtentoonstelling, Antwer- pen 1986, 9–12 [Exhibition catalogue De Singel]. Cfr. also e.g. n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Harmonie met de natuur’, Telegraaf (7 Mar. 1986) T16; R. Falkenburg, ‘Bij de tentoonstelling Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: n.n., Dom Hans van der Laan. Kunst en architectuur, Middelburg 1986, n.pp. [Exhibition catalogue Middelburg]; G. Bekaert, ‘Het eigen alfabet’, in: n.n., Dom Hans Van der Laan. Architektuurten- toonstelling, Antwerpen 1986, 2–4 [Exhibition catalogue De Singel]. n.n., ‘Expositie Vaalser monnik in Weert’, Limburgs Dagblad (11 Apr. 1986); n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan in de Tiendschuur’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (18 Apr. 1986) 5; n.n., ‘Lezing over Dom v/d Laan’, De Limburger (25 Apr. 1986); M. Kies, ‘Expositie over monnik-architect in Weert. Ruimte en rust centraal bij Dom v.d. Laan’, Eindhovens Dagblad (3 May 1986) 24; n.n., ‘Expositie over Benediktijner monnik-architect in Weert. ‘Van der Laan-huis’ ademt rust en ruimte’, Brabants Dagblad (10 May 1986) W2; n.n., ‘Nieuwe expositie in Gruitpoort. Werk van Dom Hans centraal’, De Gelderlander (5 Sept. 1986); S. Brun, ‘Expositie over architectuur 20e eeuw gaat zwerven’, Limburgs Dagblad (6 Sept. 1986) 16; n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in de Singel’, Gazet van Antwer- pen (25 Oct. 1986) W17; n.n., Dom Hans van der Laan. Architektuurtentoonstelling, Antwerpen 1986; J. Schreurs, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan bouwt zich een wereld’, De Standaard (25 Nov. 1986). 314 chapter four

4.2.4. Synthesis In Van der Laan’s architectural designs a certain development can be observed. In Helmond the first application of the plastic number still contained some classical ornamental elements. These were totally eliminated in the design for the church of Vaals, though the essential form of the church still reflects that of an ancient basilica. The church of Roosenberg also reflects ancient forms, and the entire building responds to the proportions of the plastic number, following certain corrections with respect to Vaals. Finally, in Best the influence of thematismos can clearly be recognised. At the same time the design answers in its essence to the ancient play of proportions which lies at the basis of Van der Laan’s architectural theory. This was even more visible in the convent in Sweden. Thus in all designs the essential elements of the theory could be recognised, albeit each time in a more purified form, and they demonstrate a clear progression in the form of the different plastic designs constructed over time.

4.3. Liturgical vestments

4.3.1. A quest for simplicity The design of a set of chasubles for his uncle,heeroom C.J.N. Meysing (1881–1956), in the year before entering the monastery introduced Van der Laan to the art of vestment making. As the chasubles were made by a sewing club, they had to be altered into the Neo-Gothic style which his uncle was used to, as he did not know what to do with the classical model that would later become Van der Laan’s trademark.135 As he did for architecture, so too for the field of vestments Van der Laan started with a theory on human clothing in general, and subsequently applied this to the specific field of liturgical vestment mak-

135 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also J. Braun, Winke für die Anfertigung und Verzierung der Paramente, Freiburg im Breisgau 1904; n.n., Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung und Symbolik, Freiburg im Breisgau 1907. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19501010; ‘Het kazuifel’, TvL 42 (1958) 209; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974. Cfr. HvdL, ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 4 (1948) 280. Other important sources were C. Daremberg—E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Greques et Romaines. D’apres les textes et les monuments, Paris 1877–1919, esp. the article by A. Boulenger, ‘Vestis’, in: C. Daremberg— E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Greques et Romaines. D’apres les textes et les monuments, t. V, Paris 1919, 764–771; L. Heuzey, Histoire du Costume Antique, Paris 1922; M. Tilke, Kostümschnitte und Gewandformen, Tübingen 1948. liturgy and architecture 315 ing.136 He searched for the purest form of the vestment and in doing so developed an entire theory on the essence of vestments and human needs.137 Abbot Dom de Puniet of Oosterhout Abbey gave Van der Laan some advice in the 1930s when he was starting out: “Try to obtain good fabric, good forms and good colour combinations and do not search further than that”.138 Van der Laan took the abbot very much at his words, stretching these so far that Dom de Puniet could not always agree with the simple designs and sometimes needed persuasion to see that Van der Laan was right.139 Together with two confrères the latter had to learn the profession by himself. He wanted to design vestments that were beautiful per se and not only because of their ornamentation.140 All designs were made and executed by hand.141 After his appointment to the sacristy and the vestment studio, he “tried to eliminate all linen lace and embroidery as soon as possible and to introduce the classic forms of the chasuble and the alb”.142 By the time of the Second World War the vestments of the sacristy were ordered according to his speci- fications (see fig. 4.20–4.21). Van der Laan’s designs were sometimes radically different from what he called the ‘post-Tridentine vestments’, as demonstrated, for example, in his revolutionary low mitres for abbots and bishops. Appar- ently, it was Dom Guéranger who christened the chasubles of the time ‘violon’ after the shape of a violin, and who promoted the production of the ancient form of the chasuble.143 As already discussed Van der

136 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 998–1012; G. Bekaert, ‘In heilige gewaden’, Streven 15 (1961) 45–52; W. de Wolf, ‘Kazuifel’, in: L. Brinkhoff, ed., et al., Liturgisch Woordenboek, t. I, Roermond 1968, 1249. 137 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19461217; Letter to P. Allary si 19560822. 138 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413: “Tachez d’obtenir des bonnes étoffes, des bonnes formes & des bonnes combinaisons de couleurs & ne cherchez pas plus loin”. Cfr. also N. Boer, ‘L’atelier de l’abbaye d’Oosterhout’, AAL—supplément OL 3 (1948, nr. 4) 9. 139 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19380327. 140 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19430507. 141 Cfr. N. Boer, ‘L’atelier de l’abbaye d’Oosterhout’, AAL—supplément OL 3 (1948, nr. 4) 9. 142 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “probeerde zo spoedig mogelijk alle linnen kanten en borduursels te elimi- neren en de klassieke vormen van het kazuifel en de albe in te voeren”. 143 Cfr. N. Boer, ‘L’atelier de l’abbaye d’Oosterhout’, AAL—supplément OL 3 (1948, nr. 4) 9; L. Soltner, Solesmes et Dom Guéranger (1805–1875), Solesmes 1974, illustration 68. 316 chapter four

Fig. 4.20 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, vestment studio. Van der Laan working on the design of a vestment. [AVdL]

Fig. 4.21 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij. Van der Laan amidst his vestments. [AVdL] liturgy and architecture 317

Laan always sought to go back to the essence of the form but to do so without eliminating tradition, as every personal change in these instituted and traditional forms would immediately destroy the liturgical function of the object.144 For Van der Laan this tradition of liturgical vestments was restricted to the most ancient forms. This is the root of his complaint against the ‘Tridentine’ and Neo-Gothic reform of the shape of liturgical vestments. In his opinion these reforms did not go back to the original classical form of vestments but to a later historical development.145 In the widespread usage of lace and brocade in the Renaissance, according to Van der Laan, it was not the form but only the decoration that made the chasuble beautiful. In a reaction to this, the Neo-Gothic reformers rejected the post-Tridentine ‘violon’-shaped chasubles and amplified the Gallican chasuble. In doing so the intention was to high- light the plastic form as such, and not only the ornamentation (see fig. 4.22). For Van der Laan, the Neo-Gothic reformers did not go far enough. His complaint was that they failed to introduce a plastic contrast: “In order to restitute to vestments their original beauty it is not enough to let the cloth pleat again in a natural way by replacing lace

Fig. 4.22 Amplification of the Italian chasuble into the classical model (left) and the Gallican chasuble into the Neo-Gothic model (right). Drawing by Dom Van der Laan. [OL 8 (1950, nr. 2–3) 40]

144 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to P. Allary si 19560822. 145 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Het kazuifel’, TvL 42 (1958) 208–210; ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 998–1000, 1007–1009. Cfr. J. Braun, Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung und Symbolik, Freiburg im Breisgau 1907, 173–200; A. Evers—H. Fortmann, ‘De vorm van het kazuifel’, Nederlandse Katholieke Stemmen 54 (1958) 217–219. 318 chapter four and stiff brocade by plain linen and supple silk”.146 Therefore, Van der Laan suggested a return to the original forms with their natural pleats which were in use before Trent. This could be done by amplifying the Italian-style chasuble, which still contained the most important elements of the classical chasuble.147 Just as for architecture, he compared this reform process to the restoration of the true Gregorian chant as advocated by Dom Mocquereau in his Nombre musical.148 Van der Laan presented his view on vestment-making for the first time in a class for the CKA, which led to the publication of a long article in the periodical L’Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques.149 This was the first of a series of 17 articles on liturgical vestments written between 1948 and 1960, which present his entire thinking view on the subject.150 The series was quite a success. For example, his approach was taken up by an American liturgical periodical.151

146 HvdL, ‘Het kazuifel’, TvL 42 (1958) 210: “Om aan de paramenten hun oorspronkelijke schoonheid terug te geven is het niet voldoende om de stoffen opnieuw op natuurlijke wijze te laten plooien door kant en stijf brocaat te vervangen door effen linnen en soepele zijde”. 147 Cfr. HvdL, ‘La chasuble. Notes préliminaires’, AE—supplément OL 8 (1950, nr. 2–3) 40; n.n., ‘Une etude italienne sur le vêtement sacré’, AE 20 (1951–1952) 154–155; X. Botte, ‘Die Form des liturgischen Gewandes’, Das Munster 6 (1953) 322–326; 331–339; S. Stehman, ‘La forme de la chasuble. Réponse à quelques objections’, AE— supplément OL 25 (1955, nr. 4) 111–114; X. Botte, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Quelques réflexions sur la nature et la forme des vêtements sacrés’, AE 26 (1959) 268–271. 148 Cfr. A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Rome- Tournai 1908; t. II, Paris-Roma-Tournai 1927. 149 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19461217; ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 4 (1948) 265–296. 150 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Le surplis’, AAL—supplément OL 5 (1949, nr. 2–3) 17–20; ‘L’aube’, AAL—supplément OL 6 (1949, nr. 4) 21–24; ‘L’aube. Description technique’, AE— supplément OL 7 (1950, nr. 1) 25–28; ‘La chasuble. Notes préliminaires’, AE—supplé- ment OL 8 (1950, nr. 2–3) 39–42; ‘Composition de la chasuble et de ses accessoires’, AE—supplément OL 9 (1950, nr. 4) 43–46; ‘La chasuble pliée ou «plicata»’, AE— supplément OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 55–58; ‘La dalmatique’, AE—supplément OL 13 (1951–1952, nr. 4) 59–62; ‘La chape’, AE—supplément OL 14 (1953, nr. 1) 63–66; ‘Les linges d’autel’, AE—supplément OL 17 (1953, nr. 4) 79–82; ‘L’amict’, AE—supplément OL 20 (1954, nr. 3) 91–94; ‘La confection de l’aube’, AE—supplément OL 21 (1954, nr. 4) 95–98; ‘Composition, coupe et exécution de la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 26–27 (1956, nr. 2) 115–118; ‘Les accessoires de la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 29 (1956, nr. 4) 123–126; ‘La tunique et la dalmatique, composition, mesures, coupe et exécution’, AE—supplément OL 32 (1957, nr. 3) 135–138. 151 Cfr. E.J. Sutfin, ‘The Chasuble in the Roman Rite’, Liturgical arts 24 (1956) 76–99; E. Gil, ‘Selected biography’, Liturgical Arts 24 (1956) 99–104; n.n., ‘Authentic- ity, not Archeology—Tradition and Today’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) n.p.; E.J. Sutfin, ‘How to Make a Chasuble’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 66–74, 79–80; Id., ‘A Footnote on How to Wear the Chasuble’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 80–82; Id., ‘Some Travel Notes’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 82–85; Id., ‘To the Editor of Liturgical Arts’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 86–88. liturgy and architecture 319

In the 1950s Van der Laan was asked to generate revenue for the abbey through the making of vestments. This was done with great success. The liturgical workshop of St. Paulusabdij became internationally renowned and a leading force in ‘liturgical fashion’.152 Seeing the work of other vestment studios, Van der Laan complained that they were too focused on technique or on embroidery, without paying attention to the ancient forms.153 Alhough he searched for the simplest and most authentic forms, some decoration was allowed. For example, precious stones were applied to certain vestments.154 He claimed to have received special permission from Rome to use wool as a material for the chasubles and had his own fabric woven to be used as decoration.155 In these years he often worked with the studio of Onze Lieve Vrouwe Abdij in Oosterhout, especially with his counterpart, Sister Christine van de Meer de Walcheren. He wrote that she read his lectures and sought to apply his theory to the world of painting.156 Much later, after their collaboration had ended, Van der Laan expressed his concern when Sister the Christine decided to leave the monastic life and especially that she was supported in her decision by her father, himself then a monk of Oosterhout.157 Together with Sister Christina he renewed the entire sacristy for the seminaries of the dioceses of Utrecht and ’s-Hertogenbosch, as well as that of the cathedrals of the newly erected dioceses of Rotterdam and Groningen.158 They also worked for abbeys outside of the country and made vestments for the Papal Pavilion at the world exhibition in Belgium.159 On the request of some pilgrims, Van der Laan was even asked to make a chasuble as a gift for Pope Pius xii. It has not been recorded what His Holiness thought of the design. He also vested the new bishops of

152 Cfr. e.g. C. Staal, ‘Aanwinsten uit de Sint-Paulusabdij’, Catharijnebrief 25 (Sept. 2006) 8–9; n.n., ‘Benedictijnse feestkledij’ (Mar. 2008), http://www.religieuserfgoed .nl/maand.aspx?ID=50 (access 20100522). 153 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413. 154 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19610601, 19630807; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19500813, 19630804. 155 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826, 19571013, 19620603, 19640720. Cfr. also S. van der Ploeg-Lowsen, ‘Liturgische gewaden’, Weven 11 (Nov. 2000) 27. 156 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906; 1952 Holy Saturday; Letter to T. Strawinsky 19630501. 157 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19720307, 19740217. 158 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 1952; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 1952 Holy Saturday. 159 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19550814; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19571013, 19610601. 320 chapter four

Groningen, Mgr Pieter Nierman (r. 1956–1969), Breda, Mgr Gerardus Vet (r. 1962–1967), and Rotterdam, Mgr Adrianus Simonis (r. 1970– 1983), the later cardinal-archbishop of Utrecht (r. 1983–2007).160 In 1960, Van der Laan wrote an encyclopaedia article about liturgical clothing, summarising his view on human ‘making’, liturgical form and his designs for vestments.161 Like everything he undertook, this too needed to be perfect. In order to get a proper picture of a sample of his episcopal vestments, he travelled to Groningen, where a missionary posed in the episcopal dress of Mgr Nierman for the necessary illustrations (see fig. 4.23).162 In some letters to his sisters, Van der Laan expressed his desire to write a book on liturgical clothing, which was to be published by Declée de Brouwer in 1964, but it seems that he never found time to write it.163 In later years his fame was undiminished, as evidenced by the large order in the early 1970s of 70 cassocks and 45 tunics for the Schola cantorum of the cathedral in ’s-Hertogenbosch.164 All these specific vestments were the offspring of Van der Laan’s broader theory.

4.3.2. A theory of vestment-making For Van der Laan, “the protection of our existence by architecture is distinct from that of clothing, for clothing allows us to move while wearing it but is carried along with the displacement of the body. Houses, in contrast, allow movement within themselves”.165 Whereas the ecclesiastical guidelines for church architecture are minimal, for

160 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826, 19620603; n.n., Kroniek van de abdij van Vaals, Vaals 25 Feb. 1970 [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg]. 161 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 998–1012; ‘Liturgische voorwerpen’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 1014–1021. 162 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19600210. 163 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720. 164 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19730227, 19730327, 19760425, 19810203. Cfr. also L. Pirenne, Letter to H. van der Laan, 22 Sept. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]; W. Clements, ‘Over geestrijk musiceren’, Tijdschrift voor gregoriaans (1984, nr. 4) 150–154. 165 HvdL, De architectonische dispositie III, ’s-Hertogenbosch 24 Apr. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]: “De bescherming van ons bestaan door de architectuur onderscheidt zich van die der kleding, doordat de kleding wel onze lichaamsbeweging in zich toelaat maar door de verplaatsing van het lichaam wordt meegenomen. Het huis daarentegen laat in zich ook de verplaatsing toe”. liturgy and architecture 321

Fig. 4.23 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, episcopal vestments (1956). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Heidt, 19612, 1004a] the design of liturgical clothing they are very precise.166 Not only are the colours limited to five or six, elements of ornamentation are also prescribed. Van der Laan held that it is thanks to these guidelines that—contrary to architecture—liturgical vestments have developed separately from profane clothing and he added that this should not discourage man to emphasise the parallels between the two fields.167

166 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur IX, Breda 20 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 167 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 98. 322 chapter four

His theoretical approach started with the study of the historical development of secular clothing, considering the origin of the vestments that were adopted by the Church at a certain point. Just like in the field of architecture, his first article on vestments contained all the essential elements of his theory.168

Clothing in general

Analysis of vestments Analysing the essence of vestments, Van der Laan concluded that the first aim of clothing is to eliminate the nakedness of the body. He quoted St Basil of Caesarea, who gave a theological interpretation of the first chapters of Genesis and said that man was created naked because God planned to give him vestments of glory and his nakedness was like a pledge of this glory. There was no need for clothing in the original Paradise.169 After the Fall man’s nakedness turned into a cause of shame, as it reminded him of that lost glory.170 Van der Laan considered the perizomata, the loincloth of fig-leaves made by Adam and Eve, to be the first human clothing (cfr. Gen. 3,7). He liked the fact that they sought refuge under the trees of Paradise, as this shows that the need for clothing came into existence at the same time as that for housing. A more positive approach is that of St Thomas, whom Van der Laan quoted a few years later. When explaining the category of habitus, he stated with Thomas that, unlike animals, man is naked by nature. He needs physical protection, which should serve both his senses and his intellect.171 For Van der Laan, as in the other fields of ‘making’, the role of the intellect was essential, especially in the ‘great analogy’ between the divine Intellect and the human intellect. His intellect allows man to find the means for survival outside of himself that have been given

168 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 98–104; ‘Errata’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 130. 169 Cfr. HvdL, St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 170 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 99; ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 17 (1948) 268; Toelichting op het nieuwe religieuze kleed, JMJ, ’s-Herto- genbosch 24 Sept. 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Roosendaal 8 Dec. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Over kleding I, s.l. June 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 171 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Notre Dame, Oosterhout 17 Oct. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 323 to animals by nature.172 In this context Van der Laan referred to St Gregory of Nyssa, later also quoted in Vormenspel: “The full series of the forms of existence, matter, life, feeling and thinking, are united in an inseparable way in our human existence”.173 In order to further discover the essence of human clothing, Van der Laan quoted the prayer for the blessing of a new habit at the monastic profession, which refers to a threefold function of the vestment: to protect against the elements, to restore deficiencies and to adorn: “so that by a threefold boon they simultaneously adorn, warm and protect the bodies against the unstableness of the air”.174 Though the terms themselves were not yet used, an early version of the distinction in functional, expressive and monumental forms of Vormenspel can be recognised when Van der Laan elaborated on these three categories. He said that in the (functional) role to protect the body, the shape of the body is given up and no attention is given to the form of the vestment. But when its aim is to eliminate the feeling of shame, the form of the vestment depends directly on the body, as its role is to temper its (expressive) forms. The third and highest role of the vestment is considered when its form is determined by the intellect, for the vestment has to demonstrate the social status of the wearer: “The intellect makes of the vestment an artificial personification, a new kind of body, which clearly expresses the type of the person wearing it”.175 Van der Laan said that for this kind of (monumental) clothing, for example the uniform of a medical nurse, the entire clothing process should be

172 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, In Aristotelis libros Physicorum, III, l. V, n. 15, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. II, Romae 1884, 114. Cfr. HvdL, Gesprek van Pater Talma met P. v.d. Laan, 7 July 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 22 Sept. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Het huis, Oosterhout Nov. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oos- terhout 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Toelichting op het nieuwe religieuze kleed, JMJ, ’s-Hertogenbosch 24 Sept. 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]. 173 HvdL, Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]: “De volledige serie bestaansvormen, de stof, het leven, het voelen en het denken verenigen zich in ons menselijk bestaan op een onafscheidelijke manier”. Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (II,2) 18. 174 Ordo ad recipiendum novitium ad professionem sub Regula ss. p. n. Benedicti, in: Céremonies de la vêture et de la profession monastiques, Solesmes 1883, 37: “ut trino beneficio simul ornarent, foverent et ab intemperie aeris corpora tuerentur”. Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 100; ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 17 (1948) 268; Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I, s.l. 30 Nov.—2 Dec. 1946. 175 HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 101: “De geest maakt van het kleed een kunstmatige personificatie, een nieuw soort lichaam dat duidelijk de aard van de persoon uitdrukt die het draagt”. Cfr. also e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIII, Breda 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 324 chapter four studied, and that one should not be satisfied with adequate, practical or nice clothing. Rather, he considered the elevation of the vestment to the level of the intellect to be conditio sine qua non for giving it its necessary expressiveness, just as the value as clothing is the conditio sine qua non for its physical use in the profane world.176

Body, material and intellect Another way for Van der Laan to argue his case was to start on a more practical level, with the dependency of the form of the vestment on either the body, the material or the human intellect. The form of clothing depends first of all on the body. Just as in architecture there are two basic forms of building, Van der Laan distinguished two basic forms of clothing, the tunic (tunica or chiton) and the cape (toga, himation or penula).177 For the cape a length of cloth is wrapped around the body and then closed at the neck; for the tunic, first front and back are covered with a cloth hanging from the shoulders and later this is closed at the sides. He compared the cape to centralised building, based on a tent with one pole around which a piece of cloth is wrapped. He compared the tunic to a longitudinal building, based on two poles over which a rectangular cloth is laid to form a classical tent, the two ends of which subsequently are closed off. Van der Laan recognised both basic forms in classical Greek clothing. Sometimes the tunic was presented as more important, and sometimes the cape.178 Secondly, the form of the vestment also depends on the material used: the quadrangular pieces of cloth produced by the loom. Van der Laan found this expressed in the distinction between sewn clothing, that tries to adapt to the form of the body, and draped clothing, which adapts more to the material of the cloth.179 For him, the focus of the Greeks and Romans on the intellect led to a universal design of their

176 Cfr. HvdL, Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952; II, 27 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Pau- lusabdij, Oosterhout 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to C. Montaigne, 1953; Het kazuifel, 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Over kleding I, s.l. June 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Groep Rijnland BNA, s.l. 10 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 177 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 103; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Over kleding I, s.l. June 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (VI,8) 58–59. 178 Cfr. for the tunic e.g. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 104. Cfr. for the cape e.g. HvdL, ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 4 (1948) 275. 179 Cfr. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIII, Breda 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1 May 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 325 clothing, which is based on cloth in its most primitive squared form that receives its clothing-form only by being draped around the body. The resulting pleats are the main form of decoration. Thirdly, Van der Laan mentioned the role of the intellect. Like the expressive forms of Vormenspel, clothing should not only express the proportions of the human body, but also show what it is to the body: it should express its function and inform its wearer about how to wear it correctly.180 As an example of this educational function he referred to the chief of an African tribe who claimed to need the seemingly uncomfortable rings around his ankles, a royal symbol, in order to be able to walk like a king.181 For Van der Laan, clothing serves to eliminate the indefiniteness of the body by giving it a new form that fits human life by answering to the demands of the human intellect. Just as architecture tries to express to the intellect the ungraspable extent of natural space by limiting it, the vestment aims at showing the body by covering it. Like the mystery of liturgy, the vestment reveals to those who possess the key to it.182 In order to express the covering and clothing of the naked body in the vestment itself, man introduced underclothing, which in turn can be clothed and given expression, thus explaining to the intellect what clothing does.183 This brought Van der Laan to the distinction between singular and composed clothing. From an intellectual point of view, he considered the composition of over and underclothing to be essential. The cape can only serve as overclothing (e.g. the chasuble) and the tunic both as over and underclothing (e.g. the alb and the dalmatic). Van der Laan warned against the danger of losing sight of the general form of clothing. Where in Greek clothing theory and practice

180 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Over den zin der liturgische gewaden, Haaren 19 Apr. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Het kazuifel, s.l. 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie VI, ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 Mar. & 17 June 1961 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Over kleding I, s.l. June 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (III,4) 28. 181 Cfr. HvdL, Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Over kleding I, s.l. June 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 182 Cfr. e.g. S. Ephraem Syrus, Hymnes sur la nativité, Paris 2001, 315 [SC 459]. Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Roosendaal 8 Dec. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also N. van der Laan, Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Oegstgeest 26 July 1943 [Unp. AVdL], which is almost entirely based on the annex to a letter by his brother Hans (cfr. HvdL, Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Annex Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121 [Unp. AVdL]). 183 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Notre Dame, Oosterhout 10 Oct. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, s.l. 8 June 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]. 326 chapter four

Fig. 4.24 The ancient Greek peplos. Drawing by Dom Van der Laan.[ AAL 17 (1948) 273] come together, this is not the case with later developments. For example, he considered the ladies dress in the days of Louis xiv to be the most barbaric clothing ever, for though the profusion of the numerous lengths of cloth that were used to assemble these complicated dresses may be impressive, there is no recognisable order.184 To contrast this, he described in detail the Greek peplos, appraising this Doric dress for women, made out of one rectangular piece of woolen cloth, and which in itself contains under and overclothing (see fig. 4.24). For Van der Laan, the senses are served by well-fitting sewn clothing and one-piece vestments, but the intellect would always promote a draping in pleats and a composition including over and underclothing. Hence the importance attributed to Greek and Roman clothing that he believed answered to these demands. Thus, as for architecture, he believed it is not the function but the form that comes first when designing clothing. These general considerations on clothing were subsequently applied to the specific field of the making of liturgical vestments (see fig. 4.25–4.26).

Liturgical vestments Clothing plays its most eminent role in liturgy. Van der Laan claimed that one should not give long introductions on liturgical objects like

184 Cfr. HvdL, Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 17 Oct. 1970 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 327

Fig. 4.25 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, chasuble (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL] vestments: “Their appearance should be so obvious, that they would hardly ask for our special attention”.185 For him, both the classical Greek and Roman forms of clothing and the importance of the play of forms in order to move from the visible to the invisible world are essential in this context.186 He referred to Durandus de Mende (c. 1230–1296), a canonist and liturgist in the Roman Curia.187 One of his works is the liturgical treatise Rationale divinorum officiorum,

185 HvdL, Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]: “Hun voorkomen moest zo vanzelfsprekend zijn dat zij amper onze speciale aandacht zouden vragen”. 186 Cfr. HvdL, Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952; II, 27 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]. 187 Cfr. A.M. Stickler, ‘Durandus v. Mende’, in: LThK, t. III, Freiburg 1995, 411. 328 chapter four

Fig. 4.26 Oosterhout, vestment studio. Van der Laan and his Brothers working on new vestments. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL] which gives a good overview of the Western liturgy in the 13th century.188 For Durandus liturgical vestments refer to specific objects related to the suffering of Christ. For example, the alb was the garment of mockery in which Jesus was sent to Pilate by Herod, the cingula the rope with which the soldiers pulled him forward and the chasuble the purple cape. Van der Laan used Durandus to demonstrate the symbolism which he disliked so much, as there is no direct and usually not even an analogical relation between the object and its explanation. The same applies for the so-called ‘sacred numbers’ in architecture. For Van der Laan, only good proportions lead to true forms. For a similar reason, the spiritual explanations of the ancient vesting prayers used by the priest when vesting for Mass were also of no use to him, for they refer to virtues necessary for the priest, not to

188 Cfr. G. Durandus de Mende, Rationale divinorum officiorum, in: A. Davril— T.M. Thibodeau, ed., Guillelmi Duranti Rationale divinorum officiorum, CC CXL- CXLa-CXLb, Turnhout 1998; HvdL, Over de zin der liturgische gewaden, TvL 34 (1950) 261–262. liturgy and architecture 329 essential characteristics of the vestments. Nevertheless he recognised the spiritual significance of these prayers, in that the external cultus must always be accompanied by the inner cultus of a life of prayer. Van der Laan stressed that—contrary to symbolism—liturgy serves the intellect as illuminated by faith in a direct way. Dom Guéranger’s definition of liturgy can be recognised in Van der Laan’s assertion that vestments are external symbols by means of which the Church manifests and expresses its religion.189 Similarly, the Council of Trent taught that the nature of men is such that they cannot easily be lifted up to the meditation of divine things without external support, for which reason the Church instituted certain rites.190 The general role of liturgy is aimed at a direct transposition of the visible to the invisible world.191 With reference to the Augustinian definition of a Sacrament, “the visible form of invisible grace”, Van der Laan considered the chasuble to be a visible form of an invisible and supernatural reality, which receives this meaning at its blessing and use, whereas its external form has been derived from human society.192 For him, the Pauline saying “to put on the Lord Jesus Christ” (Rom. 13:14) showed how clothing does for the body in the visible order what in the invisible order is done for the soul by the grace of Baptism.193 As in Vormenspel, man

189 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 1: “Considered generally, liturgy is the entirety of symbols, hymns and actions by which the Church manifests and expresses its worship of God”. Cfr. HvdL, St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Haaren 30 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Het kazuifel, s.l. 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ‘s-Gravenhage 19612, 1004. 190 Cfr. Conc. Tridentinum, Sessio XXII, 17 Sept. 1562, c. 5, in: SGTr 8, 959–962 (DH 1746). Cfr. HvdL, ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 262. 191 Cfr. HvdL, Over de zin der liturgische gewaden, Haaren 19 Apr. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]. 192 S. Augustinus, Epistola CV.3.12, in: CSEL XXXIV, 604: “invisibilis gratiae visi- bilis forma”. Cfr. HvdL, Het kazuifel, 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 193 Cfr. ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 17 (1948) 268; ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 262; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. For the comparison to clothing cfr. e.g. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.—2 Dec. 1946; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Kerkelijke architectuur’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 65–68; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 330 chapter four needs the help of these external means, and this is possible because of the Incarnation, expressed concisely in the two words ima summis (the highest with the lowest). For Van der Laan, the essence of pure monumental forms like churches and liturgical vestments is found in their (monumental) expressiveness, joined with their functionality. This combination is characteristic for the world of liturgical form.194 He said that when this essential element of the form was no longer important for profane clothing, it was the early Church which retained the use of ancient forms of clothing, “in order to thus guarantee the complete liturgical sense of the clothing at the altar”.195 It is precisely in the joining together of function and expression in one form that Van der Laan found the beauty of the vestment. As he also did for architecture, Van der Laan quoted Dom Delatte, saying that “a religion that claims universality is not enslaved to the habits of a region”.196 Though he found the universal forms for the liturgical vestments in the classical Greek forms, he considered proper liturgical clothing to be an intended weakening of the link with the ancient vestment, for “in its form it is just as far removed from the excessive Greek ideal as from the sensual forms of the later West- ern clothing, in which this ideal can no longer be recognised at all”.197 The form developed in the Church became ‘the pure expression of the Christian temperament’ and has since been preserved by the Church down the centuries. It is this form that Van der Laan tried to give to his vestments.

194 Cfr. HvdL, St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Haaren 30 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Over Liturgie I, Delft 27 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; Over Liturgie II, Delft 4 Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 1007; Het nieuwe klooster in Maarssen, s.l. 3 Oct. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer IV, Vaals 27 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 195 HvdL, ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 263: “om daardoor de volledige liturgische zin van de kleding aan het altaar te waarborgen”. Cfr. e.g. Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]. 196 HvdL, Letter to P. Allary si 19560822: “une réligion qui prétend à l’universalité ne s’inféode pas aux habitudes d’une région”. 197 HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ III, s.l. 2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zij is in haar vorm even ver verwijderd van het excessieve ideaal der Grieken, als van de zinnelijke vormen der latere Westerse kledij, waarin dit ideaal geheel niet meer te herkennen is”. Cfr. also e.g. HvdL, Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 331

4.3.3. The form of liturgical vestments Van der Laan worked out the way in which each vestment should be made and documented this in the series of articles for L’Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques. He described in detail how to make each particular vestment and illustrated this with care. He even included instructions for folding the vestments in the sacristy. In each of these vestments he recognised the general modalities of clothing, distinguishing between the basic forms of the cape and the tunic. The essential form of the vestments remained the same from the beginning of Van der Laan’s work in the vestment studio, though slight changes occurred over the years. These can be observed especially in the use of ornamentation, the design of which was gradually simplified from applied golden embroidery in the early 1930s to small woollen strips in the 1970s (see fig. C46–C47).

Cape and tunic in liturgy

The wrapped cape model The chasuble, worn during Mass over the alb by the priest, was considered by Van der Laan to be an overgarment which is wrapped around the body like a cape or the Roman toga (see fig. 4.29).198 It is made of a half-circular piece of cloth, sewn at the front.199 This leads to a clock-form, which envelops the body. The under arms are freed, which causes circular or horizontal pleats. These are typical of the vestment. The chasuble received most attention in Van der Laan’s descriptions. He considered it a historical mistake to eliminate the pleats and to cut down the original clock form as had been done in the 15th century. Whereas the Tridentine chasuble allows for virtually any movement,

198 Cfr. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ III, s.l. 2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 199 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 17 (1948) 277; ‘Composi- tion de la chasuble et de ses accessoires’, AE—supplément OL 9 (1950, nr. 4) 43–46; ‘Composition, coupe et exécution de la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 26–27 (1956, nr. 2) 115–118; ‘Het kazuifel’, TvL 42 (1958) 211–213; ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ‘s-Gravenhage 19612, 1002. Cfr. also e.g. S. Stehman, ‘Manière de porter la chasuble classique’, AE—supplément OL 28 (1956, nr. 3) 119–122; Id., ‘How to wear the classical chasuble’, The Catholic Art Quarterly 20 (1957, nr. 3) 73–76; Id., ‘Une étude américaine sur la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 30 (1957, nr. 1) 127–130; Id., ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. La décoration de la chasuble’, AE 26 (1958) 25–29. 332 chapter four

Fig. 4.27 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, folding of the chasuble following the liturgical rubrics (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Ooster- hout, AVdL; OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 56–58] liturgy and architecture 333

Fig. 4.28 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, folding of the chasuble following the liturgical rubrics (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Ooster- hout, AVdL; OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 56–58] 334 chapter four when wearing the classical model certain non-liturgical gestures are limited. For Van der Laan, the vestment should educate the priest to make only those stylised movements that are suitable for liturgy: “The chasuble . . . measures the gestures by already imposing on them a first rule and is therefore worthy to be called liturgical”.200 Nothing was left to chance. An entire article was dedicated to the different ways of folding and rolling up of the chasuble as required by the liturgical rubrics on certain occasions.201 It was the custom for the deacon to wear a rolled up chasuble (‘planeta plicata’ or ‘stola latior’) in certain liturgical celebrations, for example during the Masses of Advent and Lent (see fig. 4.27–4.28).202 Van der Laan concluded that “the facil- ity and the naturalness with which this chasuble faithfully obeys the rubrics may be another guarantee of the correctness of its form, logically deducted from the great principles of the vestment”.203 However, not everyone agreed with him concerning the correctness of the form of his chasubles. For example, Dom A. le Méhauté, whom Van der Laan met in 1960, adapted this chasuble for Solesmes Abbey ten years later by enlarging the shoulder angle, as abbot Dom Jean Prou (1911– 1991) claimed that no monk had shoulders of 45 degrees.204 The cope is worn over the alb or the cassock with surplice by the priest and the deacon during liturgical celebrations outside of Mass. Like the chasuble, Van der Laan made the cope out of half a circle of cloth, which is closed under the chin with a clasp.205 The exact location of the clasp determines whether the pleats are formed at the front or at the back. Whereas the ‘circle’ of the chasuble is slightly adapted to the needs of the wearer, the cope has a proper circular form (see fig. 4.30; C46–C47).

200 HvdL, ‘La chasuble. Notes préliminaires’, AE—supplément OL 8 (1950, nr. 2–3) 42: “La chasuble . . . mesure les gestes en leur imposant déjà une première règle et mérite par là son titre de liturgique”. Cfr. e.g. M. Slingerland, Word toch katholiek. Praktische handreiking bij een innerlijk proces, Baarn 2003, 52–54. 201 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 4 (1948) 284; ‘La chasuble pliée ou «plicata»’, AE—supplément OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 55–58. 202 Cfr. MR 1570, Rubricae generales, XIX,6, Ratisbonae 1941, 38*; W. Lurz, Ritus und Rubriken der heiligen Messe, Würzburg 1941, 48–49. 203 HvdL, ‘La chasuble pliée ou «plicata»’, AE—supplément OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 57: “La facilité et le naturel avec lesquels cette chasuble classique obéit fidèle- ment aux rubriques nous sont une garantie de plus de la justesse de sa forme, déduite logiquement des grands principes du vêtement”. 204 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom J. Prou 1960; Interview P. Sacristain, Solesmes 7 Dec. 2007. 205 Cfr. HvdL, ‘La chape’, AE—supplément OL 14 (1953, nr. 1) 63. Cfr. also e.g. HvdL, Koormantel voor Roosenberg, s.l. 25 Apr. 1979 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 335

Fig. 4.29 The chasuble. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [OL 26–27 (1956) 115]

Fig. 4.30 The cope. Designer Dom Van der Laan.[OL 14 (1953) 63] 336 chapter four

The surplice, worn over the cassock by clergy and servers, was regarded by Van der Laan as being a true overgarment, with its wide sleeves and significant Latin name (superpelliceus), and is part of the series of the cape. This is contrary to the rochette, which, with its narrow sleeves could be seen as a shorter version of the alb. To avoid confusion between the two types of clothing, Van der Laan said that the surplice should not be made like an alb, hanging from the shoulders, but as an overgarment wrapped around the neck (see fig. 4.31–4.32).206

Fig. 4.31 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, Surplice (c. 1948). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo album Oosterhout, AVdL]

206 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Le surplis’, AAL—supplément OL 5 (1949, nr. 2–3) 17–18; ‘Le surplis’, AE—supplément OL 17 (1953, nr. 4) n.pp.; ‘Le surplis’, AE—supplément OL 113 (1960) n.pp. Cfr. also S. Stehman, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. A propos de l’amict et du surplis’, AE 26 (1959) 173–176; Id., ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Un vêtement baptismal pour les adultes’, AE 26 (1959) 208. liturgy and architecture 337

Fig. 4.32 The surplice. Designer Dom Van der Laan.[OL 5 (1949) 19)]

The hanging tunic model The dalmatic is worn by the deacon during Mass. Van der Laan looked at it as an overgarment which has less of a clothing function, so that its form is very primitive: a long piece of cloth hanging from the shoulders in front and at the back, with wide sleeves, sewn under the armpits.207 He considered the splits, which reveal the undergarment when walking, to be a perfection of the vestment, as it is less adapted to the body. Therefore he deemed the dalmatic to be a very beautiful ancient vestment, even though, unlike the priest, the deacon’s undergarment (alb) and overgarment (dalmatic) are of the same type, which makes the composition less perfect. The tunic for the sub-deacon in the extraordinary form of the Roman Rite is almost the same as the dalmatic, though it has slightly longer and narrower sleeves.208 This is clearly visible when the bishop wears them over each other. The role of the subdeacon does not apply in the Novus Ordo, the ordinary form of the Roman Rite (see fig. 4.33; C46–C47).209 The alb Van der Laan described as an undergarment which, like the tunic and the Greek chiton, is based on a rectangular cloth and

207 Cfr. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ III, s.l. 2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘La dalmatique’, AE—supplément OL 13 (1951–1952, nr. 4) 59. 208 Cfr. CE 1600 I, c. 10,1. 209 Cfr CE 1984, n. 23–29. 338 chapter four

Fig. 4.33 The dalmatic (left sleeve) and tunic (right sleeve). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [OL 32 (1957) 136] hanging from the shoulders in front and rear.210 It is secured around the middle by the cincture. In order to adapt it to the form of the body, sleeves were sewn on. Though Van der Laan wrote that in theory the slit for the head is preferably made on the side, as this hanging garment has its opening on the side, he found a practical solution to make it at the front. For him, the artificial introduction of pleats in an alb by means of plissage is a historical mistake which has hidden its original form. In order to create naturally falling pleats, the alb is widened at the bottom.211 As the sleeves are not part of the original chiton, but are needed from a practical point of view, they are made narrow as to follow the form of the arms (see fig. 4.34).

210 HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ III, s.l. 2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “De albe is een afhangend ondergewaad”. 211 Cfr. HvdL, ‘L’aube’, AAL—supplément OL 6 (1949, nr. 4) 21; ‘La confection de l’aube’, AE—supplément OL 21 (1954, nr. 4) 95–98; ‘Aube de chantre ou d’acolyte’, AE—supplément OL 112 (1960) n.pp. liturgy and architecture 339

Fig. 4.34 The alb. Designer Dom Van der Laan.[ OL 6 (1949) 22]

Accessories Next to vestments of the two general types, there are some liturgical garments which are not specifically clothing. The amice, a large, rectangular shaped linen cloth, is worn around the neck under the alb. Van der Laan explained that the classical way of wearing it is by placing it on top of the head and after vesting lowering it like a hood.212 This is expressed in the ancient vesting prayer for the amice: “Place, Lord, on my head . . .”.213 Thus the amice crowns the chasuble at the neck like a collar, just as the sleeves of the alb do at the wrists, to protect the precious vestments against direct contact with the skin. Both stole and maniple are merely insignia, worn only as a sign (‘monument’), as nothing is left of their functional clothing value.214 Though one could

212 Cfr. HvdL, ‘L’amict’, AE—supplément OL 20 (1954, nr. 3) 91–93. 213 MR 1570, Praeparatio ad Missam: “Impone, Domine, capiti meo . . .”. 214 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Les accessoires de la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 29 (1956, nr. 4) 123–124; ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 1004. Cfr. also e.g. A. Evers, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Quelques remarques sur l’étole’, AE 27 (1960) 332–334. 340 chapter four say the same about the chasuble, it could still be considered as having some functional value as clothing, as many a priest or bishop experienced celebrating Mass on a hot summer day.215 Van der Laan said that the stole and maniple are like an ‘embryo of clothing’, similar to a royal decoration which is worn on the lapel to distinguish someone as a knight.216 The humeral veil too is not a proper vestment; Van der Laan usually gave it the same length as the stole.217 He also described in a meticulous way the manufacturing of other non-vestments like the altar linen.218 It may be concluded that Van der Laan took great care in the design of the different vestments and that each of these had to correspond to their most classical form. For him, the link between vestments and the clothing from which they are derived is important: liturgy only uses the purest forms of architecture, clothing and vessels.219

Vestments and the plastic number Van der Laan said that the plastic number can be recognised in the form of the human body: the intellect endeavours to discover the unit that brings together all the relations to the parts, and subsequently tries to express the ‘number’ of the body in an artificial way in the vestment.220 Though he did not speak of the plastic number with reference to the vestments he designed, he did take it into account when considering the parts of the human body (see fig. 4.35–4.36).221 On the basis of his study of the human body, Van der Laan concluded that the proportion between trunk and limbs to the entire body is 3:4, taking into account a margin at head, shoulders and feet.222 Thus the head relates to the body as 1:4, which is the same proportion as that

215 Cfr. HvdL, De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 18–19. 216 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL]. 217 Cfr. HvdL, ‘La chape’, AE—supplément OL 14 (1953, nr. 1) 65. 218 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Les linges d’autel’, AE—supplément OL 17 (1953, nr. 4) 79–82. Cfr. also e.g. A. Evers, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Plaidoyer pour les linges sacrés’, AE 26 (1959) 236–240. 219 Cfr. HvdL, Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]. 220 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 102; Studiebijeenkomst, Breda 20 Oct. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 221 Cfr. HvdL, De geleding van het menselijk lichaam onder het gezichtspunt van de verhoudingen van het plastische getal, Oosterhout 5 Feb. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 222 The drawing was based on the book by P. Julien, De eeuwige wildernis. Herin- neringen aan tien jaar bloedonderzoek in Equatoriaal Afrika, Eindhoven 1949, 144. liturgy and architecture 341

Fig. 4.35 Human proportions (1964). Drawing by Dom Van der Laan. In this way Van der Laan intended to demonstrate how he recognised in the human body the proportions of the plastic number and the bars of his measurement system. [AVdL] 342 chapter four

Fig. 4.36 Studies of human proportions by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] between a margin of the head and the head itself. Similarly, regarding the limbs he introduced a margin at the knees and the middle. The arms then are related to the body in a proportion of 3:7. The arm itself belongs to a smaller range of proportions: the proportion between arm and hand is like that of head and body, i.e. 1:4. In this way Van der Laan managed to discover the relations between all parts of the body according to his proportion system. As vestments are made to follow the forms of the body more closely when sewn, and less closely when draped, therefore in these vestments the plastic number can be recognised in an indirect way. In addition, in certain vestments the main proportions of the plastic number can also be recognised directly; for example, in the fact that the height of the surplice should be ¾ of the length of the wearer, which is of course the ground-ratio.223

4.3.4. Religious habits and civilian clothing Van der Laan believed strongly in his designs, making the rather unflat- tering remark that though his sister Gertrude did not have a beautiful

223 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Le surplis’, AAL—supplément OL 5 (1949, nr. 2–3) 17–18. liturgy and architecture 343 figure, a tunic of his design immediately hung well on her, just as the ugliest novices looked like angels in their albs.224 He was asked to design the habit for different Congregations of Sisters, for example for the Servantes des Pauvres, the Society of Jesus, Mary and Joseph (JMJ) in ’s-Hertogenbosch, the Poor Clares in Hengelo, the Franciscan Sisters of Mariadal in Roosendaal and the Sisters of the Mariastichting in Aerdenhout.225 Later he even worked for a Congregation in Sen- egal.226 In this field too he was meticulously concerned with detail. For example, in order to solve some difficulties in the design of a hood, he worked with a hat-maker in Haarlem.227 Though Van der Laan did not like to write about failures, his designs were often ultimately not accepted by the communities, who changed them partly or entirely.228 In 1963 the new habit for the Sisters of the Annunciation in Hul- denberg, Belgium, was inaugurated (see fig. 4.37).229 Van der Laan considered it a success and a good design, though he wrote to his sister: “In Huldenberg the underclothing has been taken from me and now they have indulged in all possible kinds of female complications”.230 However, the new habit was only supported by Mother Superior and her assistant, so that it was quickly changed again. Note the contrast between Van der Laan’s words and the motivation of the Sisters to change the habit: “On young, slim figures, this dress radiated a serene charm . . . On older or ‘corpulent’ persons this attire had the opposite

224 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826. 225 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19610717; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804. Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Onze vernieuwing’, Ter-Liefde Gods 12 (Apr. 1956) 100–104. ’s-Hertogenbosch: cfr. HvdL, Toelichting op het nieuwe religieuze kleed, JMJ, ’s-Hertogenbosch 24 Sept. 1953 [Unp. AVdL]. Roosendaal: cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826; Lezing, Roosendaal 8 Dec. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also Sr Hermana, Letter to Br. Lambertus, 24 Oct. 1997 [Unp. AVdL]. Aerdenhout: cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19540307, 19540419, 19581001, 196010; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19590519, 19610601. 226 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19760425, 19761115; Letter to Sr F. des Pirouillons c. 1976. Cfr. also Sr F. des Pirouillons, Letter to H. van der Laan, 3 Apr. 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; n.n., Kroniek van de abdij van Vaals, Vaals 17 Nov. 1976 [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg]. 227 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19610601. 228 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19640608, 19640722, 19640906, 19651216, 19660606, 19661127; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803. 229 Cfr. HvdL, Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19630807. 230 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19640722: “In Huldenberg is de onder- kleding mij ontsnapt & hebben zij zich daar uitgeleefd in alle mogelijke vrouwelijke complicaties”. 344 chapter four

Fig. 4.37 Huldenberg, Belgium, religious habit for the Sisters of the Annunciation (1963). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] effect and was not very harmonious to the eye”.231 Van der Laan had more success with the habit of the Franciscan Sisters in Veghel, where Mother Superior, ‘a wise country woman’, accepted almost all of his suggestions.232 He also regarded his designs for the Sisters of Maarssen, Hengelo and Grave as successful.233 In 1963 he confided to Strawinsky: “I would so much like to make a dress which could be worn by any

231 Cfr. Sr R. Roelen, Letter to Br. Lambertus 29 Nov. 1997 [Unp. AVdL]: “Bij jonge, slanke posturen straalde deze kledij een serene charme uit . . . Bij oudere of ‘gezette’ personen had deze kledij een averechts effect en kwam nog weinig har- monieus over”. 232 Cfr. HvdL, Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19560826, 19610601, 19670423; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19590426. Cfr. n.n., (A.B.), ‘‘Mode’ in het nonnenkleed’, De Tijd (30 June 1956) 11; C.M.G. Bak, ‘De nieuwe kleding’, in: C.M.G. Bak, Dankbaarheid is het geheugen des Harten. Zusters Franciscanessen van Veghel SFIC 1844–1994, Veghel 1994, 87–93. 233 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19661230. liturgy and architecture 345 woman, which is not religious because it is special, but on the contrary by the fact that it is completely general”.234 In the same letter he explained that he did make such a dress for the wife of Niel Steenber- gen, who apparently was very happy with it. Her husband even told Van der Laan that he had never seen her so well dressed before. In addition, Van der Laan designed wedding dresses, baptismal dresses, women’s capes, and other secular clothing (see fig. 4.38–4.39). Back in 1946 Van der Laan had made some suggestions for a change in the clothing of his own Congregation, but without success.235 The idea of changing the form of his habit did not leave him. In 1958 he worked out a full design and made a sample set of clothing, which was

Fig. 4.38 Sketches for a dress by Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL]

234 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19630501: “Je voudrais tant faire un habit qui pourra être porté par toute femme, qui ne serait pas religieux par le fait d’être spécial mais d’être au contraire tout à fait général”. 235 Cfr. HvdL, Votum concernant notre habit monastique, adressé au Chapitre Général de 1946, Oosterhout 30 Jan. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 346 chapter four

Fig. 4.39 Wedding dress. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] presented to the general chapter in 1960.236 The hood was admitted ad experimentum and later generally introduced for the Congregation (see fig. 4.40).237 His other suggestions were not accepted although he wore a tunic of his own design until his death. In 1970 he also designed a working tunic. Two years later the tailor of the abbey decided quite suddenly to join the Carthusians and the Fathers Van der Laan and Smeets were asked to make a tunic for the profession of a new Brother. This was a chance for Van der Laan to use his own design. His conve-

236 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19581001, 19600824; Letter to Br. M. Notenboom 19601021; L’habit monastique, s.l. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Description de la coule en forme de la cloche, s.l. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Description de la coule admise ‘ad experimentum’ par le Chapitre Général de Solesmes en 1960, s.l. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. 237 Cfr. Interview Brother Augustinus Maria Vossenaar osb, Solesmes 4 Dec. 2007; Interview Dom Paul-Alain Rochon osb, Solesmes 7 Dec. 2007. liturgy and architecture 347

Fig. 4.40 Hood (1960). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL] nient excuse was that he was unable to make the modern design which the tailor used to make.238 In 1966 he designed a cassock for priests, which was put into production by a firm in Breda (see fig. 4.41).239 He was also asked to coop- erate on the design of a general uniform for nurses, which brought him in touch with the Paris fashion house of Charles Montaigne, which was opening a school for haute couture in Amsterdam, the Charles Montaigne Modeacademie.240 The uniform was never introduced, but the contact with Montaigne remained. For all these designs, Van der Laan tried to focus on the essence of clothing, returning to the classical Greek and Roman schemes and especially that of the tunic.

238 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19720307, 19720706. 239 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127; A. Verheul, ‘Een nieuw priesterlijk ambtsgewaad’, TvL 51 (1967) 192–193. 240 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to C. Montaigne, 1953; E. Faber, ‘De mode van Pater v.d. Laan’, De Limburger (31 July 1984). 348 chapter four

Fig. 4.41 Cassock for priests (1966). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL]

4.3.5. Synthesis In the application of the theory of Vormenspel to the field of vestment making, the same key-elements as in the field of architecture can be recognised: the importance of functional, expressive and monumental forms, as well as the essential role of the human intellect, and the relation between the intellect and its creations. On a more practical note, for Van der Laan the form of the vestment depended a) on the material used, leading to sewn or draped clothing, b) on the body, leading to the two basic forms of the tunic or the cape, and c) on the intellect, leading to singular or composed clothing. Together with his study of the Greek model of clothing, this brought him to apply the general forms of society, fixed by the Church at a certain point of history at its highpoint, to serve in their most eminent way in liturgy.

4.4. Sacred vessels

4.4.1. A search for noble elegance An example of Van der Laan’s clear awareness of the sacredness of the liturgical vessels is when apparently in awe, he described how the abbot had consecrated a chalice and paten with Holy Chrism. He noted that—in the rite of the time—the hands of priests were only liturgy and architecture 349 anointed with the Oil of the catechumens, Chrism being reserved for the Bishop: “Thus one passes his days among extremely holy things; one of the greatest joys of the sacristy”.241 Van der Laan did not write as extensively on the theory of vessel- making as he did for architecture and vestments, but in doing so he did make reference to the cultural forms of Vormenspel: “the construction of churches may be the most important part of the material care for liturgy, but it is not at all the only part”.242 All expressions of art have a place in liturgy, where one can recognise in an exalted form the entirety of natural life with its pluriform expressions. Van der Laan learned step by step to apply his general theory in this field.243 A difference between the fields is that the body is fed internally with food and drink, and protected externally by clothing and houses, which are added to the body and the environment.244 Between these categories he identified an entire range of man-made objects, some that are more related to the body, other more to the environment. He explained with an indirect reference to the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger that the Church leaves nothing unused as a symbol of its religion, and therefore also sets apart the dishes and cups of daily life to serve their exalted function in liturgy.245 He repeatedly referred to the Rule of St Benedict, who asked his monks to treat all the vessels of the monastery as sacred.246 Van der Laan did not consider this to be a pious exagera- tion: “it comes forth from the conviction that liturgy, when given a central place in our life, gives this a very special glow”.247

241 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19370609: “C’est ainsi qu’on passe sa vie parmi des choses extrêmement saintes; une des plus grandes joies encore de la sacristie”. 242 HvdL, Bijeenkomst van de Heeren Leeraren der Vrije School voor Beeldende Kunsten, ’s-Hertogenbosch 27 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “de bouw van de kerken is misschien het voornaamste deel van de materieele verzorging van den eeredienst het is lang niet de eenige”. 243 Cfr. HvdL, Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 21 Aug. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]. 244 Cfr. HvdL, Het huis, Oosterhout Nov. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer I, Vaals 2 Oct. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 245 Cfr. HvdL, Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]. 246 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 31,10. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, De architectuur van het boek, Antwerpen 22 Nov. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974; XII, 4 June 1975 [Unp. AVdL]; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 247 HvdL, De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]: “komt voort uit de overtuiging dat de liturgie, eenmaal centraal geplaatst in ons leven, daaraan een heel bijzondere glans geeft”. 350 chapter four

Van der Laan designed his first chalice in or before 1937, as he first makes reference to one in a letter dating to that year.248 Therefore the assertion of Mähler that Van der Laan would have started in the field of vessel making around 1945 should be considered unfounded.249 The first drawing present in theAVdL dates from 1941.250 As in other fields, Van der Laan was extremely critical about the detailed execution of his design and complained that it was difficult to find good artisans.251 He initially worked with the silversmith Henry Van den Thillart, but ultimately deemed him somewhat rough in his execution.252 He also tried to work with Nico Witteman.253 Soon however a lasting cooperation started with Jan Noyons, who at first simply executed Van der Laan’s designs, and later started to design along the same lines.254 Van der Laan’s designs for vessels followed the proportions of the plastic number. For example, he wrote in 1941 about a chalice: “If you look closely, you will see that in its structure, the small chalice embodies the same formula as the side walls of the little church for Rhenen”.255 He considered this to be a confirmation of the theory and of its general applicability and he learned more and more to approach the ideal form. Just as for St Benedict “the oratory should be what its

248 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19370609. 249 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. 250 HvdL, Drawing, Oosterhout 19 Sept. 1941 [Unp. AVdL LV55]. 251 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19401113. 252 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]; N. van der Laan, ‘Over drijfwerk’, Het Bouwblad 12 (1940–1941) 118–119. 253 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19440206. 254 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19480430; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19710830, 19711116, 19750114, 19750323, 19790520; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19750115; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219; Letter to R. Padovan 19830116. Cfr. e.g. Th. van Velzen, ‘De Kerkelijke Kunst in Nederland tijdens de Eeuw van de herstelde Hiërarchie’, GB 35 (1953) 27–39; A. Evers, ‘L’orfèvre Jan Noyons’, AE (1956) 125–128; W.G.J. Meulenkamp, ‘De Utrechtse edelsmid Jan Noyons (1918–1982)’, in: P. le Blanc ed., Kerkelijk zilver. Negen opstellen over kerkelijke zilversmeedkunst, Den Haag 1992, 149–162; L. Driessen, ‘Negen opstellen over kerkelijke zilversmeedkunst’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (12 June 1992) 5; T. Graas, ed., Verborgen Kerkschatten 1400– 2000. Katholieke kunst uit Zuid-Holland, Den Haag 1996, 184–185, 321 [Jaarboeken van de Stichting Kerkelijk Kunstbezit, t. III]; F. Ghering, ‘Jan Noyons. Ontwerper en edelsmid’, Catharijnebrief (Sept. 2006, nr. 95) 12–15; W. Noyons, ed. et al., Jan Noyons. Edelsmid, Rotterdam 2006. 255 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19411124: “Als je goed kijkt, zal je zien dat het kelkje in zijn opbouw dezelfde formule realiseert als de zijwanden van het kerkje van Rhenen”. liturgy and architecture 351 name says it is”, a chalice should also express its purpose in its design.256 This held true throughout his life.257 For example, he found great joy in the design of a ciboria, donated by his brother Jan for the mission of Sr Lutgarde in Congo, which was to include one of his father’s diamonds.258 For the 25th anniversary of his monastic profession, his family and friends offered him a chalice, which he was to design himself. It became exactly the primordial form he sought: ‘a simple equilibrium of proportions without any additional ornamentation’.259 A Mother Superior of a convent in Vietnam was struck by the simple forms of his vessels and thought they would do very well in her convent, as they reminded her of the primitive work of the people there. Though one could easily take this as an insult, Van der Laan took it as a compliment.260 He considered it a confirmation of the noble simplicity advocated by the Roman Missal of 1969: “The decoration of a church should rather contribute to its noble simplicity (nobilis simplicitas) than to its ostentation”.261 As he had done for vestments, over the years he completed the contents of the sacristy sideboards with ever simpler vessels (see fig. C48–C49).262

4.4.2. A theory of vessel making

Vessels in general Where animals take their food directly from nature, man needs to prepare his food before eating. Therefore he needs vessels, which play an intermediary role between man and natural food. The function of these vessels leads to a certain basic form: a flat bottom with a slightly raised edge serves to contain solid food, whereas for liquid drink a proper edge with a bottom is needed to prevent the contents from

256 S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, ed: R. Hanslik, CSEL LXXV, Wien 1960, c. 52: “Oratorium hoc sit quod dicitur”. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19430919. 257 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19540919; Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 33. 258 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19500813; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19550714. 259 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19550714. 260 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19630807. 261 IGMR 1969, 279: “Ornatus ecclesiae ad nobilem ipsius simplicitatem conferat potius quam ad pompam”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 262 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom N. de Wolf 19720101; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19750114, 19761115. 352 chapter four spilling.263 Food and drink give rise to two different forms of crockery, the lying dish and the standing cup. Similar to the two essential forms of the house and the vestment, these are the basic forms from which all other crockery is developed.264 The fact that vessels need to be able to be placed (on the bottom) and taken (by the edge) leads to the importance of the base and possibly also of handles. As for architecture, the material used (metal, wood, stone or ceramics) has only a secondary influence on the form, which is primarily determined by functional requirements and the expression of the form, which must be exalted, especially for sacred vessels. Unlike the other fields, Van der Laan referred less frequently to the example of ancient forms, though he did mention a Greek vase in this sense.265 For Van der Laan, the expression of a vessel is based on the interrelation between bottom, edge, base and handles. It is in the relation between these parts that a vessel is able to express its purpose: to contain food. Therefore he said that expressivity comes into existence when between the different parts of the vessel “relations are cultivated which are analogical with the relations of the vessel with respect to the food it must contain; then come the relations between the form of the vessel itself and those of handles and base; finally there are the relations between the proportions of all these parts, by which the form of the parts and the whole is determined”.266 He concluded that when all of these relations are properly combined in the product, it is able to demonstrate its composition. In this way the function of the vessel is brought to the light of the intellect, which he held to be essential. He added that, to underline all of this, the Church has a preference for the pure materials gold and silver for sacred vessels.267

Sacred vessels Chalice, paten, jug and dish represent the daily dinner service and other domestic crockery in liturgy, where they belong to the order of

263 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer XII, Vaals 25 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormen- spel (VI,9) 59. 264 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VI,9) 59; A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988. 265 Cfr. HvdL, Reis naar Rome, Rome 7 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 266 HvdL, Liturgische vormleer XII, Vaals 25 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL]: “betrekkingen worden gecultiveerd die analoog zijn met de betrekkingen van het vat ten aanzien van het voedsel dat het moet bevatten; vervolgens de relaties tussen de vorm van het eigenlijke vat en die van oren en voet; tenslotte zijn het de relaties tussen de afmetingen van al deze delen, waardoor de vorm van de delen en het geheel bepaald wordt.”. 267 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 353 the sign and are therefore able to occur “in their original purity, freed of any social complication”.268 For Van der Laan, the same occurred for the other fields of his theory: “Liturgy is not concerned with the monumental forms of society, but is rather itself the great monument of all society”.269 The building used for liturgy is not a memorial monument but real architecture, a single hall in its purest form. Similarly, liturgy uses real clothing in its most original form of over and underclothing.270 Also the vessels are real, in the form of a single cup for bev- erage and a single dish for food. In their liturgical form they answer to their first function, which is simply to contain food and drink in the form of bread and wine. Like the church and the vestment, vessels too receive their dignity in the supernatural order by means of consecration.271 Van der Laan several times quoted the prayer for the consecration of a chalice in order to explain this dedication of eminent examples of the cultural order to their liturgical use: “that which no art or nature of metal can render worthy for your altars may be sanctified by your blessing”.272

4.4.3. The form of sacred vessels

Development of the form of the chalice The third chapter showed how Van der Laan claimed that his theory of ‘making’ was ready in essence at a very early stage. Its correct application, however, he learned only by doing. Accordingly a con- siderable development can be observed over time in the forms of the sacred vessels designed by Van der Laan. By way of illustration,

268 HvdL, Liturgische vormleer XI, Vaals 18 May 1981; XII, 25 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL]: “in hun oorspronkelijke zuiverheid, ontdaan van iedere maatschappelijke complicatie”. Cfr. also e.g. HvdL, ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 477–478; Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]. 269 HvdL, Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL]: “In de liturgie gaat het niet om de monumentale vormen van de maatschappij, maar de liturgie is eerder zelf het grote monument van de gehele maatschappij”. 270 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer X, Vaals 19 Apr. 1978; XI, 18 May 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 271 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Liturgische voorwerpen’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ‘s-Gravenhage 19612, 1014–1021. 272 PR, t. II, ‘De consecratione patenae et calicis’, Mechlinia 1873, 229: “quod arte vel metalli natura effici non potest altaribus tuis dignum, fiat tua benedictione sanc- tificatum”. Cfr. HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 16–17; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19550814; ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 22. 354 chapter four

Table 2 (following p. 366) gives a visual and chronological overview of the development of the form of the chalices he designed. What is clear is that in the early years the use of ornamentation is obvious, while later this only occurred occasionally when requested by the principal. As of the 1950s the design became ever simpler. It is probable therefore that the 1952 chalices were not entirely according to Van der Laan’s taste. The 1953 chalice in particular answers only to proportions and no ornamentation whatsoever has been applied. The design for the chalice of 1946 is surprisingly similar and seemingly a bit too simple for its time, so that one might wonder whether the date in the handwriting of Van der Laan is correct and, if it is, why he continued to apply ornamentation in later designs. It is also surprising to see how later designs were less fluid and accentuated the composition by the introduction of decorative lines. In 1959, the first handles were introduced. The latest designs have ever straighter lines and very strict and simple ornamentation. The main difference observable is between straight or slightly curved lines for the handles. Contemplating this abbreviated list of designs, three main periods can be observed. Until around 1953 Van der Laan applied decorated edges. Between c. 1953 and c. 1959 the lines of the chalices in themselves were deemed enough to serve without any decoration. Around 1959 simple but strong transitions can be observed between the parts, which are emphasised by simple decorative lines. He said in reference to the noble simplicity of Vatican II: “I searched for nobility in good proportions and the simplicity of material and forms”.273

Vessels and the plastic number In 1943 Van der Laan wrote: “I have now drawn a chalice, taking advantage of that first discovery. Nodus (knob) is in a certain arrangement, in this case 1/3. Cup and stem both on 6/7”.274 Apparently no drawing has been preserved for this design, but similar proportions occur in other designs. This section will briefly analyse some fundamental proportions that occur in two designs by Van der Laan to demonstrate that he also applied the proportions of the plastic number

273 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 35–36: “de adel heb ik gezocht in de goede proporties en de eenvoud in het materiaal en de vormen”. 274 HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19430829: “Ik heb nu een kelkje geteekend, profiteerende van die eerste ontdekking. Nodus op een bepaalde indeeling, 1/3 in dit geval. Cuppa & steel ieder op 6/7”. liturgy and architecture 355 to the design of vessels. A more detailed study of all of his designs is outside the scope of this study. In a chalice drawn on the 8th of May 1961, all of the proportions are inter-related (see fig. 4.42).275 The proportions of the width of the cup and the height of the chalice are 16:12 (4:3), which is the ground-ratio studied in the previous chapter. It can also be recognised in the proportion between the width of the base and the width of the cup, which is 12:9 (4:3). The cup itself has the proportions 12:10 (6:5). In this case the nodus is placed on 1/4 of the height. The stem relates to the height as 6:16 (3:8). Stem and cup have the proportions of 6:10 (3:5). The width of the base relates to the height of the stem as 9:6 (3:2). Another example is a chalice from the 14th of July 1986 (see fig. 4.42). Here again the proportional relation between the parts of the chalice can be recognised. The cup is four times larger than the width of the handle, proportion 8:2 (4:1), and fits in a square. The stem also fits in a square and relates to the cup as 3:8. Furthermore, the width of the base relates to the size of the cup as 7:8. Though many more proportions can be discovered in the designs by Van der Laan, these examples may demonstrate that the vessels he designed correspond to the proportions of the plastic number.

Fig. 4.42 Chalice (8 May 1961) [AVdL]. Chalice (14 July 1986) [AVdL LV152]. Designer Dom Van der Laan.

275 Cfr. e.g. A.H.J.M. Vermeulen, ‘R.-k. kerk te Heelsum’, BW 80 (30 Nov. 1962) 489–493. 356 chapter four

4.4.4. Furniture and other objects From the beginning of his monastic life Van der Laan designed all kinds of objects.276 The first chapter referred to the choir stalls for the church of Oosterhout, which led him to the discovery of the plastic number in 1929 (see fig. C11). After that discovery he designed, for example, a credence table, ambos, torches, a processional cross and a wooden cross for which the sculptor Niel Steenbergen made the corpus.277 Van der Laan designed four stone altars for the abbey church of Oosterhout and an ambo for the neighbouring Onze Lieve Vrouwe Abdij in 1933 which was later given to Egmond.278 A large carpet to be used in the abbey church at solemnities (designed by him and knotted by a circle of ladies) as well as a pectoral cross were offered to Dom de Puniet for his silver jubilee as an abbot on the 8th of December 1935 (see fig. 4.43).279 A special project was a shrine for the relics of St. Willibrord, a present to the parish of Oegstgeest by his sister Jo, who died before its completion.280 Van der Laan designed pyxes, ampullae, ciboria, patens, as well as crosses and candlesticks, but also pontificalia for bishops.281 Anything he encountered was considered to be a potential aid; for example, he took detailed measurements of a Japanese wheelbarrow for the design of an incense boat.282 From his early years he worked with the cabinet maker Engelberts, who had also made the molds for the airplane

276 Cfr. e.g. R. Nys, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Pezzi d’arredo e oggetti / Furniture items and objects’, Domus (Jan. 1996, nr. 778) 63–73; J. Oldenburger, ‘Periode Oos- terhout 1927–1968’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 8–9. 277 Cfr. e.g. M. van Boven, Niel Steenbergen. Veertig jaar beeldhouwer, 15 dec. 1978–5 febr. 1979, Noordbrabants Museum, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1978; P. Thoben, Voor God en medemens. Niel Steenbergen, vijftig jaar kunstenaar, Oosterhout 1988; A. Kraan, Beelden in Noord-Brabant. Ontwikkeling van de beeldhouwkunst na 1945, Oirschot 1990, 13–16, 36–38; G. Broekhuijsen, ‘Niel Steenbergen, beeldhouwer’, TvL 79 (1995) 303–311; W.A.J. van der Kam, Niel Steenbergen. Schepping in beelden, Breda 1999. 278 Cfr. A. Beekman, Inventaris van de belangrijkste kunstvoorwerpen, Egmond 1951 [Unp. Archief St. Adelbertabdij]. 279 Cfr. M. Mähler, Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. 280 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19420806; Letter to N. van der Laan 19420810. 281 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ‘s-Gravenhage 19612, 1011–1012; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19581024. 282 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750114. liturgy and architecture 357

Fig. 4.43 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, carpet (1935). Designer Dom Van der Laan. The carpet adorned the abbey church for solemnities.[ AVdL] designs of Fokker.283 Engelberts made the abacus and morphoteque, as well as the large scale models which Van der Laan used for his lectures. The latter designed many tombstones, including those for his parents as well as for other family members.284 He even designed the seals for Abdij St. Benedictusberg, for prior Truijen and for abbot De Wolf (see fig. 4.44). An iron cross with the Α and the Ω, which he designed for his nephew Johannes van der Laan and his wife, was later used by the Association for Latin liturgy as its logo (see fig. 4.44).285 All these objects respond to the proportions of the plastic number. For example, if one takes the thickness of the material of an ostensory as the unit, one can see that all measurements relate proportionally (see fig. 4.45). This ostensory was made for Vaals Abbey by Jan

283 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. 284 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19420610; B. Zijlmans, ‘Geertruiden- berg verliest opnieuw een oud geslacht’, De Dongebode (4 Dec. 1978) 75–104 [Oud- heidkundige Kring ‘Geertruydenberghe’]. 285 Cfr. HvdL, Drawing, Vaals Sept. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 358 chapter four

Fig. 4.44 Vaals Abbey seal and cross (1964). Designer Dom Van der Laan. The cross was designed for Johannes van der Laan and his wife.[ AVdL]

Noyons, and received the first prize at an exhibition in 1977.286 Van der Laan also designed a whole range of furniture, all made of simple planks corresponding to his basic proportion scheme (see e.g. fig. C18, C21–C23, C31, C44–C45, C50).287 Each of these objects not only had

286 Cfr. e.g. J.J.E. Salden, ‘Gedanken von Dom H. van der Laan O.S.B. zum Thema ‘Handwerk und Kirche’, Exempla ’77, 25–27, 81–81 [Catalogue]; C. Hackelsberger, ‘Die Arche Noah. Gedanken zur ‘Exempla 77’ und ihrer Thematik ‘Handwerk und Kirche’, Süddeutsche Zeitung (29 Mar. 1977) 27; W. Marzin, ‘Sonderschau Exempla ’77 ‘Handwerk und Kirche’ auf der 29. Internationalen Handwerksmesse 1977’, Süd- deutsche Zeitung (29 Mar. 1977) 27; n.n., ‘Werk Dom van der Laan bekroond’, Lim- burgs Dagblad (23 Apr. 1977) 15; n.n., ‘Nederland op de Handwerksmesse-Exempla ’77’, Scheppend ambacht 28 (Apr. 1977) 55; H. Verwiel, ‘Handwerksmesse Muenchen 1977. Exempla-prijs voor Nederlandse edelsmid Jan Noyons’, Scheppend ambacht 28 (June 1977) 64–65. Though the drawing dates from 1985, the design dates back to around 1963 (cfr. HvdL, Drawing, Vaals 22 Jan. 1963 [Unp. AVdL MO39]). 287 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘The chapel with belltower. Architecture and furniture design by Dom Hans van der Laan’, Himalaya (1982) 6; P. Groenendijk, ‘Architecten koplopers in design’, Architectuur/Bouwen 7 (1991, nr. 5) 32–33; M. de Vries, ‘De stille kracht van Dom van der Laan’, Het Parool (26 Nov. 1993) 19; J. Wesseling, ‘Een klooster als Gesamtkunstwerk. Ontwerpen van Donald Judd en dom Van der Laan’, NRC (10 Dec. 1993) CS4; K. Geipel, ‘Holz, Nägel und ein Konzept. Das Mobiliar in den Klöstern von Hans van der Laan’, Bauwelt 88 (Feb. 1997) 365–367; F. O’Seery, ‘De meubels van de monnik’, De morgen (4 Dec. 1999) 82–83; W. Beijer, ‘Sammie mag niet zitten’, De Limburger (16 Dec. 1999) D4; P. Schouten, ‘Design uit het klooster’, BN/De Stem (12 Feb. 2000) 696; C. Romijn, ‘Meubels van Limburgs dubbeltalent’, Limburgs Dag- blad (4 Mar. 2000) 35; P. Opmeer, ‘Het werk van monnik-architect Dom Hans van der Laan’, Elle wonen 56 (Dec. 2000) 17–22; K. Jansen, ‘In het klooster is zingen de ‘core business’’, NRC (24 Dec. 2001) 8; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Meubels voltooien ruimtes. Dom Hans van der Laan en Josef Engelberts’, Het houtblad 8 (Dec. 2002) liturgy and architecture 359

Fig. 4.45 Ostensory (1975). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [AVdL Jan. 1975] to respond to basic functional demands, but especially to the requirements of the human intellect. Functional demands were subject to the latter, as was seen in the example of the furniture for the Sisters in Waasmunster.288 Van der Laan developed his own font, used for stone carving (see fig. C51).289 He always took extreme care of the layout and printing of

38–41; D. Arets, ‘Op zoek naar de stoelen en tafel van opa en oma. Design Europese designbeurs Undesignable’, De Pers (16 May 2008) 17. 288 Cfr. HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 50. 289 Cfr. HvdL—S. Graatsma—M. Beemer, Letters in steen gehouwen, Eindhoven 1983; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19830224; Alfabet in steen, W. Graatsma, ed., Nuth 2001. Cfr. e.g. G. Gerritsen, ‘Nieuwe hommage aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, De Limburger (30 Nov. 2001) 4; n.n., Ensemble. ‘De kunstcollectie van de Technische Universiteit Eindhoven’ / Ensemble. ‘The artcollection of the Eindhoven University of Technology’, Eindhoven 2001, 38, 44, 93 [Kunstcommissie TU/e]; C. Bertrand, ‘Fraai boek over Benedictijn 360 chapter four publications.290 Not only did he format his own books, but he also provided the layout of numerous (liturgical) leaflets, images, brochures and even altar cards.291 His greatest achievement in this field was the formatting of the letters and the typography for the large choir books of the abbey, which contain the psalms and canticles of the Neovulgate (see fig. C23).292 He used the font Vendôme, the most beautiful font he knew, designed by a French artist.293 The project was finished in 1987. He loved the new translation of the Psalms in the Neovulgate and wrote: “After the building with its furniture, the vestments and the sacred vessels, it is at the end now that the book requests my attention in order to have played on all the organ-stops of the liturgical form”.294 This section has presented a small selection of the great variety of objects Van der Laan designed. By designing the entirety of the human habitat, he intended to make everything correspond to the proportions of the plastic number. In this way the man’s entire living world would be able to express itself to his intellect, and ultimately lead him back to his Creator.

4.4.5. Synthesis As for architecture and vestments, a development in time can also be observed for Van der Laan’s designs of sacred vessels, as these became ever simpler and corresponded more strictly to the proportions of the

Van der Laan’, Vaalser Weekblad (11 Jan. 2002) 22; C. Bertrand, ‘Alfabet in steen’, Keerpunt 5 (29 Jan. 2002) 1; J. Middendorp, Dutch type, Rotterdam 2004, 302; S. Heij- stek, “Waar mensen zijn, wordt gemenst”, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (6 Mar. 2009) 16. 290 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19701114, 19710403, 19711116. Cfr. also e.g. n.n., ‘Paters benediktijnen maken tijdloos drukwerk’, MoDoVanGelder Maga- zine (Dec. 1988, nr. 5) 4; n.n., ‘Abdij Mamelis krijgt nieuwe koorboeken’, Limburgs Dagblad (28 Jan. 1989) 9; n.n., ‘Drukken koorboeken monnikenwerk’, Limburgs Dag- blad (30 Jan. 1989) 5; n.n., ‘Nieuwe koorboeken voor abdij Mamelis’, De Limburger (30 Jan. 1989) 5; n.n., (E.), ‘Monnikenwerk in Beek en Mamelis’, Maas- en Geleenbode (8 Feb. 1989) 10; J. Stijfs, ‘‘Manutius’ maakt werk van bibliofiele reeks’,De Limburger (25 May 1989) 2; Id., ‘Expositie over Limburg en boekdrukkunst. Van bloedend perehout, boeken en betontegels’, De Limburger (22 Oct. 1991) 9; A. Geux, ‘De kunst van overeenstemming. De vormgeving van het koorboek van Mamelis’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 16–20. 291 Cfr. e.g. n.n., Hymnarium monasticum, Vaals 1987; n.n., Psalterium dispositum secundum regulam sci Benedicti abbatis, Vaals 1987; n.n., Constituties van de Maria- zusters van Franciscus, Waasmunster, Leefregel & Statuten, Waasmunster 1983. 292 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19821023, 19841116. 293 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19860129. 294 HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19820728: “Après le bâtiment avec ses meubles, les parements & les vases sacrés, c’est à la fin encore que le livre demande mon attention pour avoir joué sur tous les registres de la forme liturgique”. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890520. liturgy and architecture 361 plastic number. Although probably less visibly than in other fields, Van der Laan made reference to ancient Greek culture for vessels too. The search was for a noble elegance, as the sacred vessels were to contain something infinitely sacred. It is this function that demands the best possible application of expressive forms and proportion, which should inform the intellect about the sacred function of the vessel. Though ultimately material objects are only made worthy for their task by their liturgical blessing, in order to be worthy to be blessed, these objects must correspond to the purest and most universal laws of form-making.

4.5. Concluding remarks

4.5.1. The foundations of the theory and its applicability This chapter has revealed the applicability of Van der Laan’s theory in three main fields of human ‘making’. He observed the same theoretical foundation in the making of vestments and vessels as he did in architecture. On a theological level, the reason that his theory embraces all fields of human ‘making’ is found in his Christian world-view, even though he did not always make this explicit. This gives another dimension to his view of architecture and the making of vestments and vessels even though some commentators try to deny that Van der Laan combined the essence of the Christian faith and human ‘making’, focusing solely on the practical application of the general theory in the field of architecture.295 It should always be kept in mind that Van der Laan’s theory is based on the fundamental theological truth that God created both the visible and the invisible world, that He is the Creator of heaven, of nature, and of man. Van der Laan gave a special emphasis to the theology of the Incarnation, because of which creation is called to return to God. For Van der Laan, this salvic action by Christ who became human flesh is the reason why the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger is so important. This definition includes the entirety of artefacts that serve as symbols in the single movement towards God which takes place in liturgy. It is logical and reverential to set apart only the best and most beautiful artefacts man is able to create because these are best

295 Cfr. e.g. C. Genders, ‘Bekroning van theorie en praktijk’, in: W. Graatsma— H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989 n.pp. 362 chapter four suited to convey the message. For Van der Laan, beauty is found in the application of the proportions of the plastic number. The ‘great analogy’ is of fundamental importance: just as the created world is called to return to God, the artefact must inform the human intellect both about its function and about the further ‘message’ it carries through its expression. Thus everything in the human living environment must be brought under the influence of the (created) human intellect. Again the method to achieve this is the plastic number. Whenever one applies the theory, reference is made either explicitly or implicitly to the foundations of Creation and the Incarnation. For Van der Laan, human form-making is always a ‘collaboration’ or ‘completion’ of the divinely created world. Therefore, he considered it the highest expression of creation when man uses his intellectual skills received from God to create an artefact which is capable of informing the intellect through the expression man incorporates into its design. There have been many architects such as Rietveld, Kropholler and Le Corbusier who extended their designing capacities not only to purely architectural building, but also to the artefacts connected to it. But none of these developed such an all-comprehensive theory. Grabow made an interesting observation when he said that the crucial test of an architectural theory is the extent to which practical work depends on its existence.296 Note, however, that in modern architecture most theoretical commentary stems from the design, so that a particular approach to the final product already exists. It should be clear that Van der Laan did not take this approach, though an interaction can be observed between Van der Laan and his designs in the sense that he learned by constructing, and often first applied some aspect of his theory in practice before being able to articulate its theoretical background. Though the nucleus of his theory was ready long before he seriously started construction, Van der Laan learned only gradually how this theory could best be applied. This was an ongoing process of trial and error, and true for all the fields of ‘making’ in which he was active. In his books, Van der Laan only gave two examples of existing architecture, the Hagia Sophia in Le nombre plastique and Stonehenge

296 Cfr. S. Grabow, Christopher Alexander. The search for a new paradigm in architecture, Stocksfield 1983, 7; HvdL, Voor een groep heren rondom Dr. Van der Eerden, Vaals 19 Jan. 1985 [Unp. AVdL]. liturgy and architecture 363 in De architectonische ruimte. If these examples are placed next to an early octagonal design like the chapel in Helmond and the later rectangular design of the church in Vaals, then one has to conclude that they are four very different constructions, although each in themselves responds in ever greater detail to the theory of the plastic number and its related aspects as described in De architectonische ruimte. One theory led to many different buildings. Maas observed that the same applies to other buildings by architects of the Bossche School.297 He wondered what form the ‘chameleonistic Bossche School’ would take in the future, when worked out by the third generation of architects. Van der Laan agreed with the fact that his theory could lead to many different designs: “In principle my theory is universally applicable; the starting points are too general to adhere to one particular way of constructing”.298 This accounts for the great difference between earlier and later buildings and the same explanation applies to the vestments and vessels. In spite of the sometimes great differences between his designs, each of them corresponds in detail with the proportions of the plastic number.

4.5.2. The proportions of the plastic number Van der Laan considered his theory to be absolutely universal and valid everywhere and for all time. Thus he recognised its principles in Greek pagan temples as well as in early Christian buildings. He was aware that this might sound pretentious and only dared to say so at the end of a life spent under the Rule of St Benedict, written some 15 centuries ago, which still seemed to be very modern.299 He was also aware that today people do not like to hear such generally valid rules, but said that one must be blind not to recognise them everywhere. He wondered: if the rules of the musical scale, described by Plato in Timaeus, are still valid today, how then could one not recognise such

297 Cfr. T. Maas, ‘De Bossche School. Een kameleontische stijl’, Brabantia (May 1988) 3–4. 298 H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Bossche School’, in: Een onderwerp van voortdurende zorg. Het na-oorlogse bouwen in Nederland, Utrecht 1983, 83: “In principe is mijn theorie universeel toepasbaar, de beginselen zijn te algemeen om zich aan een bepaalde manier van bouwen te hechten”. Cfr. also e.g. P. vande Vyvere, ‘Lode van den Broeck. ‘De noodzaak van architectuur voor meer menselijkheid’’, Kerk en leven (11 June 1997) 3. 299 Cfr. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988, 19 [Unp. AVdL]. 364 chapter four general rules for architecture?300 And he added: “We should not be surprised that these rules are not completely in keeping with those of our social housing and that the realisation of the liturgical framework in Vaals, which is based on such universally valid rules, required a struggle of two years with the authorities on this field”.301 It can be said that Van der Laan was able to apply the theory properly in the different fields of human ‘making’ and that it ‘works’ in reality. As in his theory the intellect must enter into a ‘relationship’ with the artefact, one can also start with the artefact itself. One may be struck, for example, by the way in which the full set of liturgical vestments fits so well in the church of Vaals. Why is it that high Baroque mitres seem out of place and why do the radically low mitres by Van der Laan seem to blend into the total image? For him, the answer was found in the logical application of the proportion system of the plastic number, which makes all proportions correspond, from the tiniest detail to the greatest hall. And this in turn responds to the human intellect, which recognises the harmony of these proportions without measuring them. As the proportions of the plastic number can be discovered in God’s creation, these are part of the reality He gave to man. The fact that certain proportions are pleasing to the human intellect was part of man from the moment of creation. For example, it was seen that Van der Laan recognised the proportions of the plastic number in the human body. Their ‘divine origin’ explains why the same proportions can be recognised in ancient Greek constructions. One does not necessarily need to know this divine origin in order to be able to apply the proportions and make buildings which are beautiful in themselves because of their proportions alone. However, Van der Laan also recognised that the Western mind is not very open to these proportions and therefore held that man needs to be educated in order to recognise the beauty of these primordial proportions. In a way one could say that Van der Laan therefore advocated a ‘return’ to primordial nature. As a real return is impossible, it concentrates rather on an education in the appreciation of the primordial proportions. For

300 Cfr. Plato, Timaeus, 32b, in: A. Rivaud, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. X, Paris 1956, 145. 301 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988, 20 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het mag ons niet verwonderen dat die regels niet precies stroken met die van onze woningwetwoningen en dat voor een realisatie van het liturgisch kader in Vaals, dat op zulke algemeen geldende regels gebaseerd is, een strijd van twee jaar nodig is geweest met onze wetgevende macht op dit gebied”. liturgy and architecture 365

Van der Laan it would always concern a ‘return’ to a nature which must be completed with the (re)creations of the human intellect. The intellect plays an important role, as it is able to unite a sensory experience of a space or an artefact with the ‘message’ of the proportions it contains. It is the achievement of Van der Laan to have joined all this into one theory, which is able to bring together heaven and earth through liturgical forms. One might ask whether the meticulous application of the theory of proportions automatically leads to an environment where all people feel at home. For example, the furniture designed by Van der Laan is not truly comfortable, and one has to learn how to inhabit his constructions. After a long life of thinking, teaching and experimenting, Van der Laan did not only leave behind a theory, he also left behind a liturgical framework in which today men and women attempt to ‘live’ a living relationship with the Lord. To do so, a monk must empty himself of all purely earthly desire and only search to become more at one with his Creator. One day Van der Laan wrote to his sister “that the construction of a monastery ‘sculpts’, as it were, a community and helps it to be formed from the outside”.302 He considered Abdij Roosenberg to be a clear proof of it. However, it would seem that in the present day, one of the difficulties for some of the monks of the community in Abdij St. Benedictusberg is precisely the strict framework which does not leave much room for personal expression as it is so thoroughly worked out in every detail. Some even wondered whether the austere architectural setting is a reason for the low number of vocations in recent years.303 This situation sometimes creates tensions. For example, in a corner of the crypt a small devotional chapel with red cloth, relics and candles has been erected, piously assembled by one of the monks as an expression of his personal devotion.304 Admirers of Van der Laan’s architecture say they feel as if the whole liturgical framework of Vaals is protesting against such a ‘pollution’ of the natural order of the Creator which it is supposed to reflect. At the same time, it is the expression of a search for the human dimension within the setting of Vaals Abbey. The monastic life will need to find a good balance between this strict liturgical setting and the needs of a Benedictine community today. Though Van der Laan believed in the timelessness of his architecture,

302 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19850318: “[dat, mpr] de bouw van een klooster een communauteit als het ware ‘beeldhouwt’ en van buitenaf mee helpt vormen”. 303 Cfr. e.g. Interview abbot Dom Philippe Dupont osb, Solesmes 3 Dec. 2007. 304 Cfr. Interview Dom Martinus Werry osb, Vaals 8 Nov. 2007. 366 chapter four he would argue that in the end it is not the architecture that is most important, but the worship taking place in it.

4.5.3. Evaluation It can be concluded that in the plastic number Van der Laan found the tool to achieve harmony in the human environment by means of the application of the same proportions, irrespective of whether it concerned architecture, the making of vestments or that of vessels. On a negative note, it must be repeated that for people today, Van der Laan’s approach might be considered somewhat too authoritarian. Almost every page of Vormenspel makes it clear that all other possibilities are excluded and that his universal line of thought is the only one to follow. As seen above, this can be recognised in the austerity of his designs and artefacts, which concentrate on the essence of form. That which some critics called the ‘attractive self-assuredness’ of Van der Laan, may cause great difficulties to people in current society, where individualism is so widely accepted. But at the same time perhaps Van der Laan was right when he asserted that man should learn to appreciate true architecture and truly good forms, just as one can develop a love for classical music or good wine. More positively it must be concluded that it is precisely Van der Laan’s all-comprehensive approach that makes his artefacts into something very special. The fact that he has managed to involve all the invisible and visible world of nature, man, artefacts, houses, towns, space and in a certain sense even time, into one all-comprehensive theory, makes his work very compelling. The emphasis on the importance of liturgy forms the key to the unity of it all, for here created nature is united with its Creator. This is always done in an indirect way, through the expression of material forms. Though he sometimes gave the impression of neglecting the incarnate reality of man’s physi- cality, for example when he asked the Sisters in Waasmunster to accept a certain discomfort in the use of their furniture for the intellectual benefit, Van der Laan’s great contribution is to have placed his theory of human ‘making’ and liturgy in the light of the Incarnation. It is precisely because of the Incarnation that in liturgy the unity of heaven and earth can be expressed in the way man speaks, thinks, works and touches things around him. This is why it was probably only a monk who could develop this theory. And hence the reason why Van der Laan’s approach can contribute so much to the joint study of the theology of architecture and liturgy. CHAPTER FIVE

IN THE LIGHT OF THE SOURCES

5.1. Introduction

When Van der Laan discovered some statues by Aristide Maillol in a garden near the Louvre during a trip to Paris with abbot Dom De Wolf, he was immediately taken by them. First he spent a lot of time simply circling and observing them. He then drew his measuring rod from under his black Benedictine robe and applied it to the large naked statues. It must have been a spectacle for the bystanders to see this monk studying the statues oblivious to his surroundings or to the plight of his embarrassed abbot.1 It illustrates how he could instantly be captivated by something he encountered in daily life. He was very much stimulated by his environment. What he saw and encountered in his life was integrated into his all-encompassing theory, which consists of different fields that to a certain extent can be studied separately, as was done for architecture, vestments and vessels in the preceding chapter. In his writings, Van der Laan used an interesting variety of sources. He was not a very methodical student and his study method might best be described as opportunistic in a positive sense: he used oppor- tunities that occurred, depending very much on the texts and quotations that he happened to come across in the monastery during the readings at table and liturgy but also in texts which were given to him by a confrère. This often meant that Van der Laan would not read the full work of an author, but only selected quotations. His archive is full of scraps of paper on which he scribbled a phrase or quotation that intrigued him. These tell much about the variety of material which he came across and also show how well he used that material. At the same time it is surprising to note that few of the sources he quoted had a truly fundamental influence. He did not use his sources exhaustively and most of them played a merely illustrative role. He

1 Cfr. H. van der Laan (HvdL), Letter to R. Padovan 19870324; Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, Vaals 8 Nov. 2007. 368 chapter five considered his theory to be unique and the result of an individual and stubborn reasoning and reflection without the aid of many books, so that comparison with others in his opinion would not be useful or even impossible.2 He claimed to be unable to add a bibliography to his books as he himself had constructed his theory completely from the beginning. However, he added that he might refer to the spirituality of Dom Guéranger, Dom Delatte, Dom Mocquereau and Dom de Puniet, which marked his life in Oosterhout and Vaals, “but that is not books, that is life itself”.3 On another instance Van der Laan said that his theory was not new and innovative, but based on an original theory of antiquity.4 This is an example of the fact that nothing comes from nothing. Taking a closer look at the sources he quoted or alluded to, one encounters many of his favourite authors, especially from the traditions of Solesmes and those of ancient architecture. He named the Roman architect Vitruvius as the main influence for his architectural theory. Given the importance played by liturgy, it is not surprising to encounter the definitions of liturgy by Dom Guéranger and by the Second Vatican Council, as well as references to the Roman Missal, both before and after the Council.5 The Fathers of the Church and other writers are also to be expected as sources for the work of a monk. However, other apparently unconnected authors such as a 17th century poet and a Second World War aviator all found a place in the work Vormenspel. It is the genius of Van der Laan—and his positive opportunistic approach—that he unified them in one all-inclusive theory, as ultimately expressed in the book Vormenspel. This chapter will study his sources more or less in the chronological order in which he encountered them. It will concentrate mainly on texts that he either quoted directly or referenced, as the indirect influence of authors is much more difficult to assess and falls largely beyond the scope of this book. The focus shall firstly be placed on the Benedictine tradition, in which Van der Laan was formed. This will be followed by an analysis of his monastic training which included

2 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19650701. 3 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19781112: “maar dat zijn geen boeken, dat is het leven zelf”. 4 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to C. Cornford 19840718. 5 Cfr. MR 1570; P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 1; Conc. Vaticanum II, Const. Sacrosanctum Concilium, Roma 1963, n. 7, in: AAS 56 (1964) 100–101; MR 1969. in the light of the sources 369 the study of the Fathers of the Church and other writers that were popular in the Congregation of Solesmes. The next section will study the sources of Van der Laan’s philosophical and theological formation, which was focused around St Thomas Aquinas. Finally, a colourful variety of sources will be studied, most of which however served little more than to illustrate his theory.

5.2. The Benedictine tradition

Van der Laan showed his strong sense for the tradition in which he had been educated and its genealogy, when he referred to the completed Vaals Abbey as “a monastery where everything goes as Father Abbot in heaven [Dom de Puniet, mpr] would have wanted it, who himself did what Dom Delatte had taught him, who in turn realised the ideal of Dom Guéranger and in whom we have the likeness of Saint Benedict”.6 This should be regarded as Van der Laan’s tribute to his most important sources. Although he developed a remarkably independent theory, without quoting or referring to many authors, this section will demonstrate that its fundamental elements are strongly rooted in the Benedictine tradition which coloured everything he thought and said.

5.2.1. St Benedict Van der Laan was convinced that St Benedict of Nursia (c. 480–547) not only founded a monastic community with its own Rule, but also strongly influenced Western civilisation, which was the reason why Pope Paul vi made him Patron of Europe in 1964.7 The Rule St Benedict devised for his growing community combined spiritual activity with manual work, expressed in the well-known motto ‘ora et labora’ (pray and work). For St Benedict, idleness was ‘the enemy of the soul’.8 Van

6 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19801122: “Een klooster waar alles gaat zoals Vader Abt in de hemel [Dom de Puniet, mpr] het gewild heeft, die zelf weer deed wat Dom Delatte hem geleerd had, die op zijn beurt het ideaal van Dom Guéranger reali- seerde en in wie wij het evenbeeld van Sint Benedictus hebben”. Part of this section is based on the article by M.P. Remery, ‘The influence of Solesmes on the theory of Dom Hans van der Laan osb on liturgy and architecture’, Jaarboek voor liturgie-onderzoek 26 (2010) [in preparation]. 7 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720; Liturgische vormleer III, 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. Paulus PP. vi, Ep. apost. Pacis Nuntius, 24 Oct. 1964, in: AAS 56 (1964) 965–967. 8 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 48,1. 370 chapter five der Laan loved to echo this ephithet using an unattributed quotation from the American philosopher Dougherty, saying that Benedictines are ‘intellectuals with dirt under the fingernails’.9 As if to confirm this he once received a nail file from his sister who urged him to take better care of his nails.10 As a Benedictine monk, Van der Laan was imbued with the thinking of his Order’s founder. For example, every day a section of the Rule was read in chapter and at table. Furthermore, St Benedict indirectly influenced Van der Laan’s education by prescrib- ing the daily reading of Scripture and the writings of the Fathers of the Church.11 He loved the legends by St Gregory the Great about the life of St Benedict, which helped him in his spiritual and liturgical life and drew a parallel between himself and St Benedict, observing that they both constructed churches and abbeys.12 He illustrated their approach by referring to St Gregory’s remark that the Rule excels in sobriety.13 Van der Laan sought to do the same in his architecture, bearing in mind St Benedict’s dictum: “everything should be done with moderation”.14 For example, he quoted St Benedict’s proclamation that the oratory should be quod dicitur (what its name says it is), which in turn is a reference to the Rule of St Augustine.15

9 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19831112, 19850121; Letter to R. Pado- van 19840515; Letter to C. Genders 19840612. 10 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19831112. 11 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19421230, 19451204, 19560826; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19680310, 19690504, 19720706, 19800327, 19811122, 19890615; Letters to Sr R. Engels 1979 Advent, 19800902, 19850903. 12 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19790520, 19801224; Letter to R. Padovan 19860721. Cfr. S. Gregorius Magnus, Dialogorum liber II, in: PL LXVI, 125–204; SC 260, 126–249. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19360209; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19410324, 19421026, 19680310. Clark however disputed that St Gregrory was the true author of the dialogues. Cfr. F. Clark, The ‘Gregorian’ Dialogues and the Origins of Benedictine Monasticism, Leiden 2003. 13 Cfr. S. Gregorius Magnus, Dialogorum liber II,36, in: PL LXVI,213. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19421026. 14 S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 31,12; 48,9: “omnia mensurate fiant”. Cfr. HvdL, ‘De architect over zijn werk’, in: n.n., De nieuwe abdykerk van Mamelis, Vaals 1968, 16. 15 Cfr. S. Augustinus, Regula, 7,33–34; S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 52,2. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Mishoren met goede manieren, Utrecht 6 Feb. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘De architect over zijn werk’, in: n.n., De nieuwe abdykerk van Mamelis, Vaals 1968, 16; ‘Kerkelijke architectuur’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 65; Bijzondere les over de ceremonies van de H. Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Het heiligdom der christenen en de moderne architectuur’, BW 78 (28 Oct. 1960) 490; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19430919. in the light of the sources 371

The fundamental fact that all aspects of monastic life were regulated by a ‘Rule and an Abbot’ must have strongly inspired Van der Laan in his idea that there is one single theory that underpins all architecture.16 What the Rule represents in the monastic life is the theory of the plastic number for the world of form-making. Considered in all its aspects, the theory should govern the design of all forms and their use in daily life.17 Van der Laan stressed that, as with the Rule, one should always allow for a certain margin in the application of his theory. The same applied to other fields. For example, when commenting on the Encyclical Mediator Dei, he admired not only the clarity with which Pope Pius xii presented his principles, but also the flexibility which regulated their application, recognising this as the principle of all great works and especially of the Rule of St Benedict.18 Though he knew the Rule very well, Van der Laan quoted it only occasionally.19 Nevertheless certain elements of it recur in his work. The first concerns the way to approach daily objects. Van der Laan, like St Benedict, said that in the Church and in liturgy nothing should be disturbed by worldly ways: “to make yourself different from the world by your way of acting”.20 Instead, the habitual actions of liturgy should penetrate all of daily life step by step: crockery should be treated like sacred vessels and guests should be received like Christ Himself.21 A section of the Rule which was to be important for Van der Laan right from his entry into the monastery was where St Bene- dict spoke of the communal singing of the psalms in such a way that

16 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 1,2. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Leden van Sint- Adelbertus, Oss 20 Apr. 1959; Letter to R. Padovan 19831227; Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988, 29 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to J. Simons 19910629. 17 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988, 20 [Unp. AVdL]. 18 Cfr. HvdL, Over Mediator Dei, Breda 24 Jan. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 19 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to H. van der Laan-Tummers 19510210; De architectonische dispositie IV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Mar. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974. 20 S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 4,20: “saeculi actibus se facere alienum”. 21 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 31,10. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19421026, 19440107; Schoonheid, 2 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19440107, 1952 Holy Saturday; De architectuur van het boek, Antwerpen 22 Nov. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]; Gene- sis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL] 4; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974; XII, 4 June 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 372 chapter five the intellect of the monks would attune with their voices.22 This is the only quotation from the Rule used in Vormenspel and it occurs twice in the book.23 It is the basis for the Guérangerian motto ‘demeurer dans l’esprit de l’Incarnation’ (to remain in the spirit of the Incarna- tion). A second important element is that for Van der Laan the genius of St Benedict lies in connecting the two worlds of thinking and doing, of philosophy and practical work.24 He himself intended to do the same with the plastic number, which through the intellect, relates the created world to artificial ‘creations’.25 Thirdly, he said that St Benedict organised daily life and even liturgy in an architectural fashion with order and rhythm: “it is the creation of a coordination of the recurring complete daily cycle, which during the intervening 15 centuries could not be improved”.26 The Rule sets high demands for architecture, he said, especially in the sense that the building must serve as the external framework of the inner life of the monks. This balanced harmony lies at the core of Benedictine life.27 Apart from these instances few further elements of St Benedict’s teaching can be recognised in his work. Van der Laan rarely referred to the chapters of the Rule that regulate daily life in the monastery, and

22 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19430523; Schoonheid, 5 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur IV, Hoeven 16 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 23 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 19,6–7. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Waaraan herkent men het heiligdom der christenen?, ’s-Hertogenbosch 10 June 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (VII,3) 64; (X,9) 101. 24 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Groep Rijnland BNA, s.l. 10 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19840515; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004; Letter to C. Genders 19840612; Letter to Br. K. den Biesen, Maundy Thursday 1991. 25 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to R. Padovan 19831227, 19840515; Letter to N. van der Laan 19840513; Letter to C. Genders 19840612; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19850121. 26 HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het is de schepping van een ordonnantie van het dagelijks terugkerend geheel, die 15 eeuwen lang voor geen verbetering vatbaar is geweest”. Cfr. e.g. W. Derkse, Een levensregel voor beginners. Benedictijnse spiritualiteit voor het dagelijks leven, Tiel 2000. Cfr. HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]; Reis naar Rome, Rome 28 Feb. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Leden van Sint-Adelbertus, Oss 20 Apr. 1959 [Unp. AVdL]; Over de dispositie van het koorgebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie IV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Mar. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Bouwen en bidden, 15 Oct. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 13–18. 27 Cfr. A.E. van Hooff, quoted in: E. Koster, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’s Arcadian Architecture’, Architectura & Natura Quarterly 1 (1992, nr. 1) 32. in the light of the sources 373 only sometimes to those concerning liturgy. For example, the Rule’s emphasis on community life and obedience do not feature in Van der Laan’s theory. Important as they were for his personal relationship with God and his Brothers in the monastery, he did not mention them when considering the world of form-making. However, the personal striving for perfection in the monastic life overflowed in everything he did, thus giving evidence of the indirect influence of St Benedict.28

5.2.2. Dom Guéranger and Mme Bruyère Dom Prosper Guéranger was the founding father of Solesmes.29 In line with St Benedict, he promoted the reading of the Fathers of the Church, evinced for example by his collaboration with J.P. Migne.30 Van der Laan must have read most of Guéranger’s books in the monastery.31 The series about the liturgical year, L’Année liturgique, was especially popular and was read by Roncalli, the future Pope John xxiii, and in the Martin family, where St Thérèse de Lisieux grew up.32 This work contains an introduction to the different seasons of the liturgical year and assembles the main texts, devotions and symbols concerning liturgy throughout the ages. Surprisingly, there is no quotation of any importance from L’Année liturgique in Van der Laan’s writings. Another of Dom Guéranger’s works to be mentioned is the Institu- tions liturgiques, which had a great influence on the reform of the Gal- lican liturgy because of the arguments it made for the uniqueness of

28 Cfr. e.g. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 73,2. 29 See for some biographical information and publications about Dom Guéranger 1.3.3. ‘Praying’—Liturgy (1927–1929) Oosterhout (pp. 41–42). 30 Cfr. L. Soltner, ‘Migne et Dom Guéranger. La collaboration Solesmienne aux débuts de la patrologie Latine’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie— Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 649–684. 31 Cfr. e.g. P. Guéranger, Origines de l’Eglise romaine, Paris 1836; Id., De la Monarchie pontificale à propos du livre de Mgr. l’évêque de Sura, Paris 1870; Id., Sainte Cécile et la Société romaine aux deux premiers siècles, t. I–II, Paris 1874; Id., Règle- ments du noviciat pour les Bénédictins de la Congrégation de France, Solesmes 1885; Id., Notions sur la vie religieuse et monastique, Solesmes 1885; Id., Mélanges de liturgie, d’histoire et de théologie, t. I, Solesmes 1887. 32 Cfr. P. Guéranger, L’Année liturgique, t. I–VII, Le Mans-Paris 1845–1866: I, L’Avent liturgique, Le Mans 1841; II, Le temps de Noël, t. I–II, Le Mans 1845–1847; III, Le temps de la Septuagésime, Paris 1851; IV, Le Carême, Paris 1854; V, La Passion et la Semaine sainte, Paris 1857; VI, Le temps Pascal, t. I–III, Paris 1859–1866; [VII, Le temps après la Pentecôte, t. I–VI, Paris 1878–1900]. Cfr. J.-P. Lemaire, ‘Dom Gué- ranger et l’Année Liturgique’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spi- ritualité, Solesmes 2005, 526; T. Martin (St. Thérèse de l’Enfant Jésus), Oeuvres complètes, Paris 1997, 1250. 374 chapter five the Roman liturgy.33 He emphasised that, given the guidance of the Holy Spirit, there cannot be any dogmatic error in the liturgy of the Church.34 Van der Laan loved the Institutions liturgiques and quoted from it several times.35 Two fundamental elements in Van der Laan’s thought can be traced back to Dom Guéranger. First of all there is the definition of liturgy in the introduction to the Institutions liturgiques, a definition which Van der Laan truly interiorised.36 The preceding chapters showed that this definition is of fundamental importance for understanding his thought concerning the form-play of liturgy. For example, he wrote in retrospect: “I did not believe in the monumentality of individual liturgical objects, but rather in the monumentality of the totality of liturgy and thought I could find the starting point for this in the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger”.37 Van der Laan later linked this definition to that of Vatican II and he was not alone in recognising such a link.38 Secondly, the Guérangerian idea of l’esprit de l’Incarnation was very important for Van der Laan’s thought to such an extent that he said that it was the great genius of Dom Guéranger to have integrated the external forms into the interior religious life of man.39 The theme

33 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I–III, Le Mans-Paris 1840–1851. Cfr. also e.g. C. Johnson, Prosper Guéranger (1805–1875): a Liturgical Theologian. An Introduction to his liturgical writings and work, Roma 1984, 102; G.-M. Oury, ‘La liturgie, l’esprit et l’Église dans la pensée de dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 505. 34 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. IV, Paris 18782, passim; L. Soltner, Solesmes et Dom Guéranger, Solesmes 1974, 96; G.-M. Oury, La Messe de saint Pie V à Paul VI, Solesmes 1975, 41. 35 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer II, Vaals 16 Oct. 1974; IV, 27 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 36 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 1. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400910; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan In Albis 1945; Letter to R. Padovan 19830802; Vormenspel (I,1) 7; (IV,7) 39; Letter to A. Mertens 19870105. 37 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19830802: “Ik geloofde niet in de monumentaliteit van de liturgische objecten ieder op zich, maar eerder in de monumentaliteit van het geheel der liturgie & meende daarvoor het uitgangspunt te vinden in de definitie der liturgie door Dom Guéranger”. 38 Cfr. e.g. C. Johnson, Prosper Guéranger (1805–1875). A Liturgical Theologian, Roma 1984, esp. 16–18; G.-M. Oury, ‘La liturgie, l’esprit et l’Église dans la pensée de dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 505–524; J.-P. Lemaire, ‘Dom Guéranger et l’Année Liturgique’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 525–546. 39 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19400331, 19440323; Letter to C. Pou- deroyen 19411214; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan before 19421026, 19421026; Letters in the light of the sources 375 can be recognised throughout the Institutions liturgiques, where Dom Guéranger said that like the Incarnation, the Church, and man himself, liturgy is situated at the edge of the invisible, belonging at the same time to both the spiritual and the sensible world: “The exterior and the interior cultus are imposed upon us by divine authority, so that liturgy comes from heaven, just as faith leads to the Incarnation”.40 He stressed that the earthly life of Christ was one great liturgical act. Liturgy cannot only be concerned with the exterior aspect of faith, he said, for at its very heart is the concrete Sacrifice of Calvary: “In brief, the militant Church praises God together with the Lamb, who is its Bridegroom and on which [the Church, mpr] is founded”.41 For Dom Guéranger, the essence of liturgy is contained in the mystery of Easter as the source of the seven Sacraments. Therefore, liturgy takes place in the prolongation of the mystery of the Incarnation and comes forth from the nature of the Church, which is one. This is the core of a theology of the Church and liturgy which forms the larger background of the work of both Dom Guéranger and Van der Laan. Sacrosanctum Concilium would later say that liturgy is the main manifestation of the Church.42 These two themes play a very important role in Van der Laan’s theory on liturgy and architecture. Further quotations from Dom Guéranger do occasionally occur, but these are not of fundamental importance.43 Although the Institutions liturgiques give a complete overview of the history of liturgy, Van der Laan’s theory does not manifest any clear interest in this history, as it attempts to return to the very principles of liturgy and its forms, thus giving evidence of a systematic approach. An example of a quotation from Dom Guéranger is when Van der Laan to Sr G. van der Laan 19440107, 19470402; Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460919; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19780105. 40 P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. IV, Paris 18782, 313. Cfr. also e.g. P. Guéranger, L’Année liturgique, t. I, l’Avent, Paris-Poitiers 18765, x: “Le culte inté- rieur et le culte extérieur nous sont imposés par l’autorité divine, en sorte que la liturgie vient du ciel aussi bien que la foi mène à l’Incarnation”. 41 P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Paris 18782, 17: “L’Église militante enfin loue Dieu avec l’Agneau qui est son Époux et sur lequel elle est appuyée”. 42 Cfr. Conc. Vaticanum II, Const. Sacrosanctum Concilium, Roma 1963, 2 & 26, in: AAS 56 (1964) 97–98, 107. Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. IV, Paris 18782, 308–309. 43 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer IV, Vaals 27 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 376 chapter five spoke of the theory he developed in ’s-Hertogenbosch: “orderly and sequential reflection brings back forgotten notions to our intellect”.44

Mme l’Abbesse Cécile Bruyère of the Abbaye de Sainte-Cécile was the author of the book L’Oraison, which was a classic at Oosterhout.45 Van der Laan and his sisters had read the book even before entering the monastery.46 In it, Mme Bruyère revealed the teachings of Dom Guéranger in her own refined way, emphasising the primacy of liturgy in religious life and its importance for living and developing the special grace received in the Sacrament of Baptism. The book was a synthesis of everything she liked most in Scripture and the teaching of the Fathers, and it introduced Van der Laan to l’esprit de Solesmes. The influence of Mme Bruyère was more in terms of transmitting a spiritual attitude than giving Van der Laan concrete information for his theory as Dom Guéranger and Dom Delatte did. Still, he regarded her as a strong influence on his monastic life and hand-copied several of her lectures.47 Upon finishing the editing of Vormenspel he wrote to his sister that in it she would find everything they both loved: “Follow- ing a completely different path, I come to the same conclusion as Mme l’Abbesse at the end of her book on prayer, that there is only one great liturgy. So the little book starts with a definition by Dom Guéranger and ends with the great thought of Mme l’Abbesse”.48 Given the importance he attributed to Mme Bruyère, it is noteworthy that, though he truly absorbed her teaching which was so important for his spiritual life, he did not directly quote her in his theoretical writings.

44 HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 13; De architectonische ruimte, v: “la réflection ordonnée et suivie replace notre intelligence en possession de notions oubliées”. This is an unreferenced quotation from Dom Guéranger’s work. 45 Cfr. HvdL, Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19420607, 19510204; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19780105. 46 Cfr. C. Bruyère, La vie spirituelle et l’oraison d’après l’Ecriture Sainte et la tradition monastique, Solesmes 1885. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19420607; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. 47 Cfr. e.g. C. Bruyère, Conférence, s.l. 12 Oct. 1884 [Unp. AVdL]; Conférence sur Saint Denys, s.l. 9 Aug. 1887 [Unp. AVdL]; and some other conferences on the Celes- tial Hierarchy of Pseudo-Dionysius. 48 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19850318: “Langs een heel andere weg kom ik dan tot dezelfde conclusie als Mme l’Abbesse aan het eind van haar boek over het Gebed, dat er maar één grote liturgie is. Het boekje begint met een definitie van Dom Guéranger & eindigt dus met de grote gedachte van Mme l’Abbesse”. in the light of the sources 377

5.2.3. Dom Delatte and Dom de Puniet de Parry Dom Paul Delatte was the third abbot of Solesmes at a time which was marked by several expulsions and prolonged exile from the abbey because of the French persecution decrees of 1880 and the law of 1901.49 Like Dom de Puniet and later Van der Laan, he did not easily give up, and as soon as possible, major works of expansion were undertaken in Solesmes as vocations were growing. It is Mme Cécile Bruyère who faithfully transmitted the teachings of Dom Guéranger to Dom Delatte and helped him, for example, with the research for his biography of the former.50 Before his entry into the monastery, Dom Delatte had been a professor in (Thomistic) philosophy at Lille university. He wrote some influential books on spiritual life, and gave many lectures which Van der Laan often read.51 Essential to Dom Delatte’s work is the contemplative character of Benedictine spirituality, the awareness that human life and therefore monastic life in particular is directed to God in all its aspects: “The main idea of Saint Benedict is that we must search for God. Before God, there are really only two legitimate positions: to rejoice in Him as we possess Him, to search for Him as long as we do not possess Him fully”.52 This attitude was very important for Van der Laan’s spiritual life.

49 Cfr. e.g. n.n., ‘Abt Dom Delatte o.s.b. Bij zijn gouden professiefeest’, De Maas- bode (20 Mar. 1935) 7; P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), Dagboek 4. 1936– 1953, Brugge-Utrecht 1963, 60–67; A. Savaton, Dom Paul Delatte, abbé de Solesmes, Paris 1954; A. des Mazis, ‘Delatte’, in: Dictionnaire de spiritualité, t. III, Paris 1957, 121–123; H. Dauphin, ‘Delatte’, in: Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésias- tiques, t. XIV, Paris 1960, 172–174; P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Senior), ‘Dom Paul Delatte vu par Pierre van der Meer de Walcheren’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 13 (1987, nr. 2) 7–11; L. Regnault, ‘Portrait de Dom Paul Delatte (1848–1937)’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 14 (1987, nr. 3) 7–28. 50 Cfr. n.n., ‘Le centenaire de l’entrée de dom Delatte au noviciat de Solesmes’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 9 (1983, nr. 3) 11; P. Dupont, ‘Foreword’, in: M.D. Totah, ed., The Spirit of Solesmes, Kent-Petersham 1997, 9–11. 51 Cfr. e.g. P. Delatte, Dom Guéranger, Abbé de Solesmes, t. I–II, Paris 1909–1910; Id., L’Évangile de Notre Seigneur Jesus Christ, le Fils de Dieu, Paris 1921; Id., Les épîtres de Saint Paul, replacées dans le milieu historique des Actes des Apôtres, t. I–IV, Esschen 1923. Some conferences were published only much later. Cfr. e.g. P. Delatte, Homé- lies sur la Vierge Marie, Paris 1951; Id., Retraite avec Dom Delatte, Solesmes 1961; Id., Demeurez dans mon amour, Solesmes 1963; Id., Contempler l’invisible, Paris 1965; Id., Vivre à Dieu, Solesmes 1973. 52 P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Règle de saint Benoît, Paris 1913, 193110, 347– 348: “La pensée maîtresse de saint Benoît est que nous devons chercher Dieu. Il n’y a réellement, devant Dieu, que deux situations légitimes: jouir de lui lorsque nous le posséderons, le chercher aussi longtemps que nous ne le possédons pas pleinement”. 378 chapter five

He met Dom Delatte for the first time on the 15th of August 1927, and wrote later: “I will never forget the cross he imprinted on my forehead. No one will ever know how much I owe him”.53 Another important moment was ten years later when he had several meetings with Dom Delatte in Solesmes. Van der Laan celebrated Mass on his death bed.54 As a sign of his devotion, he piously conserved the tele- gram announcing Dom Delatte’s death after it had been taken down from the notice board of Oosterhout Abbey. Le Grand Père Abbé,55 as he was customary called, was both a grandfather and a great spiritual father to Van der Laan, who claimed that his life and even all of his architectural work had been based on the principles he discovered in Dom Delatte’s writings.56 In his cell, he kept an unsorted series of Dom Delatte’s quotations and lectures, most of these copied in Van der Laan’s own handwriting.57 For his yearly Lenten reading, he often asked for a book by Dom Delatte and frequently referred to him in his letters.58 Two works should be mentioned in particular. In his explanation of the essence of liturgy, Van der Laan made reference to Dom Delatte’s treatise on the Rule, Commentaire sur la Règle de Saint Benoît, which he considered to be of great importance and the fundamental role played by liturgy in his theory can partly be traced back to this.59 The

53 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880818: “Het kruisje dat hij toen op mijn voorhoofd drukte zal ik niet vergeten. Niemand zal ooit weten wat ik allemaal aan hem te danken heb”. 54 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19450908, 19620904, 19880818. 55 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19440305, 19450908, 19560908. 56 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19380327. 57 Cfr. e.g. P. Delatte, Prières de Dom Paul Delatte, s.l. n.d. [Unp. AVdL]; Id., De l’union à Dieu, s.l. n.d. [Unp. AVdL]; Id., La charte du Xristianisme, s.l. 19 & 26 Feb. 1911 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Epitre aux Hebreux, s.l. 1911 [Unp. AVdL]. 58 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19400910, 19831125; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19421026; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19510204, 19560908, 19620904, 19671010, 19690316, 19730604, 19740410; Letter to P. Allary si 19560822. Cfr. n.n., List of Lenten reading [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg, see Appendix 3 (p. 506)], he asked for the following books by Dom Delatte: in 1968 and 1969 Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Hébreux, t. I–II, Vaals 1978 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/695– 696]; in 1974 Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Colossiens, Vaals n.d. [Unp. Library Vaals]; in 1975 Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Romains, t. I–II, Vaals 1976–1977 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/550–551]; in 1978 and 1979 Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Ephésiens, t. I–III, Vaals 1980–1981 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/658–660]; in 1990 Inédits, Vaals 1990 [Unp. Library Vaals 9108/71]. 59 Cfr. Delatte, P., Commentaire sur la Règle de Saint Benoît, Paris 193110, esp. 149–155. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400910. in the light of the sources 379 same applies for the need to use all creation to praise the Lord and thus lead everything which has been received back to the Source. As with the Rule of St Benedict, Van der Laan must have read this commentary in its entirety. However, again all the elements concerning the organisation of daily life, charity and community life do not in any way reverberate in his theory and the visible influence is limited to a few direct quotations. During his theological studies, he hand-copied a commentary by Dom Delatte on the third book of the Summa contra gentiles by St Thomas. It is based on a series of letters to Mère Marcella Gavoty (1876–1963) at Sainte-Cécile, in 1930. This work introduced Van der Laan in a positive way to Thomism and Aristotelianism. He claimed that the section where Dom Delatte commented on chapters 51–53 of the Summa had a particularly great influence on his thought.60 On these pages, Dom Delatte spoke of the way in which man knows God by means of his intellect, based on a true relationship, but different from that of the angels: It concerns the highest knowledge that exists. It is interesting to know. He who does not know is nothing but himself and has nothing but himself. He who knows is and possesses beyond himself, in proportion to that which he knows. Again, he who knows through the senses possesses only the sensible. But he who knows intellectually may know and possess the intelligible, which is to say everything, including God.61 According to the Aristotelian-Thomistic motto anima‘ est quodam modo omnia’ (in one sense, the soul is everything) it is in the intellect that everything is symbolised and summarised.62 Without the intellect, man cannot know God. Van der Laan said in Vormenspel that “faith

60 Cfr. P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Somme contre les gentils, Solesmes 1930, 103–109 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. Note that in his letter to Nico, Van der Laan wrote ‘9 Juli ’30’, but in the copied text of the commentary on page 103 it says ‘5 Juillet ’30’. 61 P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Somme contre les gentils, Solesmes 1930, 103 [Unp. AVdL]: “Il s’agit de la plus haute connaissance qui soit. Il est interessant de connaître. Celui qui ne connaît pas, n’est que lui, et n’a que lui. Celui qui connaît est et possède en dehors de lui, dans la proportion de ce qu’il connaît. Encore le connaissant sensible ne possède-t-il que le sensible. Mais le connaissant intelligent peut connaître et posséder l’intelligible càd [c’est-à-dire, mpr] tout, y compris Dieu”. 62 Cfr. e.g. S. Thomas de Aquino, Summa theologica I q14 a1c & I q80 a1c, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. IV, Romae 1888; Id., In Aristotelis Librum de Anima Commentarium, lect. 13 n787, in: A. M. Pirotta, ed., Taurini 1948. 380 chapter five can only be grafted onto our intellectual faculties”.63 As seen in preceding chapters, for him expressive forms respond to the intellect, which in turn allows man to move up from one form-world to the next. This led him in his theory to the analogical relation with the divine Intellect in his theory. Van der Laan must have been thinking of these themes when he said that the ideas of Dom Delatte had had such an important influence on his theory, which is permeated by the idea that by grace man can transcend his natural existence through his intellect and receive the gift of God.64

Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry was the first abbot of St. Paulusabdij in Oosterhout.65 He was very close to Dom Delatte, who had said of Dom de Puniet: “I have no one who is so at one with me” (cfr. Phil. 2:20).66 For both, the service of the Lord came first: “I send you to Hol- land to stay there” said Dom Delatte to Dom de Puniet.67 The latter claimed to have received everything from the former.68 The contents of their lectures and writings are very similar and it is not surprising that soon after Dom de Puniet’s arrival there arose a great devotion to Dom Delatte in Oosterhout.69 Dom de Puniet helped Van der Laan

63 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (I,9) 15: “het geloof kan zich slechts enten op onze verstandelijke vermogens”. 64 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19880818, 19890615. 65 Cfr. e.g. J. Nieuwenhuis, ‘De St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout. De kanonieke erkenning’, De Maasbode (27 Aug. 1928) 7; n.n., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry. Bij een abbatiaal jubileum’, De Maasbode (7 Dec. 1935) 5; n.n., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry. Abt van Oosterhout 70 jaar’, De Maasbode (15 Sept. 1939) 5; n.n., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry †’, De Tijd (29 Sept. 1941); J. Huijben, ‘In memoriam Dom Jean de Puniet’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 121–127; L.J. Willenborg, ‘Lijkrede bij de uitvaart van Dom J. de Puniet’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 128–135; M. Mähler, ‘De Benedictijnen in Oosterhout (1907–1957)’, Benedictijns Tijdschrift 18 (1957) 77–90; Id., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry. Eerste abt van Oosterhout’, Benedictijns tijdschrift 18 (1957) 91–102; C. Coebergh, ‘Puniet, Jean de’, in: L. Brinkhoff, ed., et al., Liturgisch Woordenboek, II, Roermond 1968, 2335; M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 1–35. 66 J. de Puniet de Parry, Conférence, Oosterhout 18 Apr. 1907 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij G III]: “Neminem enim habeo tam unanimem”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19690917, 19761115, 19790225, 19830428, 19851029, 19890615. 67 M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 28: “Je vous envoie en Hollande pour y rester”. 68 Cfr. J. de Puniet de Parry, Conference, Oosterhout 15 Mar. 1935 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij G II.1]. 69 Cfr. e.g. J. de Puniet de Parry, ‘Le beau dans la liturgie’, Van onzen tijd 8 (1908) 105–116; Id., ‘Le Canon de la Messe’, Van onzen tijd 10 (1909–1910) 57–76, 114–128; Id., La sainte Règle. Conférences au chapître à Oosterhout du 2 Avril 1924 in the light of the sources 381 and his sisters to discover their vocation and throughout the years Van der Laan always felt most indebted to his Père Abbé du ciel.70 One of Van der Laan’s few treasures which was found in his cell after his death was a collection of spiritual lectures by Dom de Puniet, mostly hand-written during his early years in Oosterhout and carefully preserved.71 In line with the Solesmes tradition, in these lectures the main emphasis was given to Holy Scripture. Dom de Puniet described the essence of Solesmes as a simple and complete faith in the service of God, believing in the impenetrable Mystery, totally veiled in the invisible.72 This may have stimulated Van der Laan in his description of ‘negative theology’. Dom de Puniet’s entire spiritual life was marked by the transcendence of God and His working in the human soul.73 All these things were close to Van der Laan’s heart and Dom de Puniet was very influential for his spiritual life. Apart from his lectures, Dom de Puniet did not write a lot. It would not seem that Van der Laan was very interested in the translation by his abbot and some brothers of the works of the 14th century Flem- ish mystical writer Jan van Ruusbroec, who was compared to Pseudo- Dionysius due to his acute insights.74 Still, as Dom de Puniet had great influence on Van der Laan, an indirect influence could be assumed. In a way this was confirmed by the historian Huizinga, who saw an interesting link between the spirituality in Oosterhout and the teachings of Van Ruusbroec.75 The most important of Dom de Puniet’s works is au 10 Septembre 1941, Vaals 1966 [Unp. Library Vaals 85/7]; Id., De ceremoniën der Heilige Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1925 [GGG nr. 93]. 70 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19450908. 71 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 195111, 19771104, 19790225. J. de Puniet de Parry, Conférences sur le chap. lii: l’Oratoire du monastère, La prière, Notre Dame, Oosterhout 1923 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Retraite pour l’ordination des premiers ordres mineurs, Oosterhout 16–18 Sept. 1931 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., De reverentia orationis. Douze conférences sur l’oraison, Oosterhout 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Lettres, Haarlem 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Conférences, 31 Jan. 1931, 4 Jan. 1933, 8 Feb. 1933, 13 Mar. 1933, 14 Feb. 1934, 7 Nov. 1934, 30 Jan. 1935, 20 May 1938, 13 Aug 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., La première conférence au chapitre d’Egmond, Egmond St. Luke 1935 [Unp. AVdL]. 72 Cfr. J. de Puniet de Parry, Conference, Oosterhout 30 Jan. 1938 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij G II.1]. 73 Cfr. e.g. J. de Puniet de Parry, Conference, Oosterhout 30 Jan. 1931 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij F III]; Id., ‘De Goddelijke lofprijzing’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 138–144. 74 Cfr. J. van Ruusbroec, Oeuvres de Ruysbroeck l’Admirable, t. I–VI, Bruxelles 1917–1938 [trad. par les Bénédictins de Saint-Paul de Wisques]; M. Mähler, ‘Ruus- broec in het leven van dom Jean de Puniet’, Ons geestelijk erf 65 (1991) 261–279. 75 Cfr. J. Huizinga, Verzamelde werken, t. III, Haarlem 1949, 568–569. 382 chapter five probably La liturgie de la messe, which Van der Laan must have read over and again. It was translated into English and Dutch and used as a manual in many Dutch seminaries.76 Van der Laan referred to it for the first time in the 1930s.77 Dom de Puniet was a great lover of the solemn celebration of liturgy. In his monastery he encouraged the use of beautiful chants, ceremonies, vestments and vessels. Van der Laan clearly inherited his love for these things from Dom de Puniet. Above all it was the way in which his abbot lived his monastic life that had the most impact on Van der Laan. In his letters, the latter recalled many precious moments with Dom de Puniet.78 He especially remembered the way his abbot treated the things around him.79 Here, he said, Dom de Puniet was fully in accord with the ideas of Dom Guéranger and St Benedict and recognised the importance of daily objects for the spiritual life with God in the monastery. Important as Dom de Puniet was for his personal and spiritual life, Van der Laan did not however make much explicit reference to him in his theory. From the preceding paragraphs it may be concluded that in Van der Laan’s theory, liturgy, architecture and spiritual life are mainly connected through certain specific themes, which serve as bridges between all the hierarchically-related levels and fields of study that together form his single world-view. Many of these are related to elements from the different sources of the tradition of Solesmes. At the same time there is an undercurrent of the ‘invisible’, indirect influence of the tradition of Solesmes, which traverses his whole life. The influence of the entire Solesmian spirituality, l’esprit de Solesmes, is subtle and mainly indirect, but very substantial.

5.2.4. Other Benedictine sources Dom André Mocquereau of Solesmes worked with Dom Paul Jausions and Dom Joseph Pothier on the rediscovery of the original Grego-

76 Cfr. J. de Puniet de Parry, La liturgie de la messe, ses origines et son histoire, Avignon 1928; Id., The Mass. Its origin and history, London 1931; Id., De liturgie van het H. Misoffer. Haar oorsprong en historische ontwikkeling, Roermond 1939. 77 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, La forme des églises, 1 [Unp. AVdL]. 78 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Miss J. van der Laan 19410416; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19410116, 19420607, 19460607, 19480215 19480907, 19500104, 19690917, 19740217, 19750928, 19760326, 19881004; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720, 19660803; Preek Huwelijk van Dick van Dam en Cécile de Puniet de Parry, s.l. 3 Aug. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. 79 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19421026; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19440107, 19450430, 19500813, Holy Saturday 1952. in the light of the sources 383 rian chant with its special emphasis on rhythm.80 Van der Laan was introduced to this theory by his uncle, Father C.J.N. Meysing, who translated much of Mocquereau’s work. The former recalled vividly having seen Dom Mocquereau in Solesmes in 1927 and was stimulated by Dom Delatte and Dom Jean de Puniet’s admiration for him.81 Dom Mocquereau’s great achievement was his two volume book on the Gregorian musical rhythm, Le nombre musical, in which he considered all aspects of music, melody, dynamic, timbre, and so on, to be subordinate to the rhythm of movement.82 He himself linked music with architecture.83 There are clear parallels between the structure of his musical doctrine and Van der Laan’s architectural theory, for example when Mocquereau wrote: “There exists only one general rhythm, of which the fundamental laws, based on human nature, are necessarily encountered in all artistic, musical and literary creations of all peoples in all ages”.84 Where Mocquereau paralleled this rhythm with number in music, Van der Laan found the general rhythm of architecture in his Le nombre plastique.85 He took the idea for this title directly from Le nombre musical. Where Mocquereau had managed to capture the thought of Solesmes for time in music, Van der Laan wanted to do a similar thing for architectural space.86 He believed that both theories could be a great help for the interior spiritual life, though he mainly focused on the field of the making of liturgical form, and more specifically on architecture.87 Again it can be observed how in his writings Van der Laan kept certain worlds of influence apart

80 Cfr. e.g. P. Combe, ‘Souvenir de Dom Mocquereau’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 6 (1980, nr. 3) 24–28; A. Traub, ‘Mocquereau’, LThK, t. VII, Freiburg 1998, 355. 81 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19840305. 82 Cfr. A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma- Tournai 1908; t. II, Paris-Roma-Tournai 1927; HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19620603. 83 Cfr. A. Mocquereau, ‘L’Eglise du Saint-Esprit à Serravalle. Architecture et Musique’, Revue Grégorienne 13 (1928) 91–95. 84 A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma- Tournai 1908, 26: “Il n’existe qu’une seule rythmique générale dont les lois fonda- mentales, établies sur la nature humaine, se retrouvent nécessairement dans toutes les créations artistiques, musicales et littéraires, de tous peuples, dans tous les temps”. 85 Cfr. A. Mocquereau, Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma- Tournai 1908, 5. 86 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19510906, 19540307, 19870326; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413, 19540919; Letter to A. Mertens 19870105; Letter to A. Bodar 19880808. 87 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19530413. 384 chapter five from others. What stimulated his thought in the field of architecture did not necessarily have an influence on the higher level of his overall theory. Another Benedictine monk who influenced Van der Laan was Dom Pierre de Puniet de Parry, the brother of abbot Jean de Puniet.88 He was novice master at Oosterhout when Van der Laan entered and he was customarily referred to as Père Maître. Like his brother Jean, Dom Pierre was instructed by Dom Delatte. He was above all a great liturgical scholar and had published many works.89 Because of his book Le Pontifical Romain, Dom Pierre was asked by Pope Pius xi to be part of a (short-lived) commission to prepare a revision of the Pontificale Romanum, the liturgical book that contains the rites performed by the bishop.90 Another important work was his book on the Psalms, Le psautier liturgique, which was the result of many years of lectures to novices, including Van der Laan.91 Père Maître stimulated his novices to study independently and to be personally involved in what they did. That he had great success in doing so can be observed in the way in which Van der Laan was not satisfied with simply repeating his sources: he clearly developed his own theory. He also must have stimulated Van der Laan’s great love for liturgy and taught him much about personal prayer in line with the teachings of Mme Bruyère. However, little reference is made to him in Van der Laan’s theory. His influence is much more subtle, more on the spiritual level which affects all other aspects of life.

88 Cfr. e.g. C. Coebergh, ‘Dom P. de Puniet en zijn betekenis voor de liturgische wetenschap’, TvL 21 (1940) 293–299; Id., ‘In memoriam Pierre de Puniet’, Ephemerides liturgicae 58 (1944) 316–317; P. Versnel-Mergaerts, Van rubriekenjager tot wetenschappelijk grensganger. Wordingsgeschiedenis van de liturgiewetenschap (1900–1967) aan de katholieke theologische opleidingen in Nederland in zes portretten, Groningen- Tilburg 2009. 89 Cfr. e.g. P. de Puniet de Parry, La Liturgie baptismale en Gaule avant Char- lemagne, Paris 1902; Id., ‘Les trois homélies catéchétiques du sacramentaire gélasien pour la tradition des Évangiles, du Symbole et de l’Oraison dominicale’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 5 (1904) 505–521, 755–786; 6 (1905) 15–32, 304–318; Id., ‘La doctrine spirituelle de Louis de Blois’, La Vie Spirituelle 2 (1920) 384–402, 465–485; 3 (1921) 42–67; Id., La spiritualité Bénedictine, Padova 1931 [Studi monastici 13]; Id., ‘Benoit (saint) et Bénédictins. A. Saint Benoit.—III. La doctrine spirituelle’, in: Dic- tionnaire de Spiritualité, t. I, Paris 1937, 1388–1409; Id., Le sacramentaire Romain de Gellone, Roma 1938. 90 Cfr. P. de Puniet de Parry, Le Pontifical Romain, histoire et commentaire, t. I–II, Paris 1929–1931. 91 Cfr. P. de Puniet de Parry, Le Psautier liturgique à la lumière de la tradition chrétienne, t. I–II, Paris 1934. in the light of the sources 385

In addition, Dom Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior) must be mentioned here, although his influence has already been discussed in the first chapter. As seen, he was Van der Laan’s closest friend in the monastery and his early death caused the latter much pain. Van der Laan said that Dom Pieter helped him to broaden his view and discover the great esprit de Solesmes to which he claimed to be strongly indebted.92 In this way he managed to involve all aspects of daily life and human faculties, like feeling and thinking, in the spiritual life with God. Other contemporary Benedictine sources of inspiration have already been sufficiently described as they appeared in the preceding chapters. These include philosophers like Dom Talma, Dom Huiting and Dom Roose, fellow novices like Dom Diepen, Dom Smeets and Dom Boer, architecture and artistic ‘colleagues’ such as Dom Bellot, Dom Nau and Dom Botte, as well as his superiors Dom Mähler, Dom Trui- jen, Dom De Wolf, and many unnamed brothers. These monks were important mainly as interlocutors and in that they passed on specific passages from certain authors that might interest Van der Laan and thus filtered the enormous amount of philosophical and theological information written throughout the centuries. Though the exact extent of the collaboration of his confrères remains unknown, they made it possible for Van der Laan to dedicate his energy to the invention of his theory and not to historical studies. He explained: “This is the way of the monastery: when one is working on something, in the evening one may, just as at Saint Nicolas, find at the door of the cell exactly the book or the text which one needs . . . These are the mysteries of a monastery where the one makes the other do things which he himself would never be able to do”.93 The above demonstrated that the great esprit de Solesmes started with the Rule of St Benedict and its interpretation by Dom Guéranger, focusing especially on liturgy. The attention given to daily objects and their role in liturgy is essential. This fits very well in the Christian

92 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan Christmas 1968; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969. 93 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]: “Zo gaat het namelijk in het klooster: als men ergens mee bezig is, ligt ’s avonds aan de deur van de cel, net als met Sint Nicolaas, precies het boek of de tekst die men nodig heeft . . . Dat zijn de mysteries van een klooster waar de een de ander dingen laat doen, waartoe hijzelf nooit in staat zou zijn”. 386 chapter five

Neo-Platonic (and Aristotelian) line of thought of his monastic training. Because the same elements occur in his own theory and architecture, Van der Laan believed that his teachers in the monastery would have very much loved this theory.94 His indebtedness to the tradition of Solesmes cannot easily be overestimated. Its influence was mainly indirect, as he cited only a limited number of themes. However, these are precisely those that hold together the entire theory as one great hierarchical system of levels, where liturgy, theology and spirituality as well as form-making and architecture each play a specific role.

5.3. Monastic training: Scripture and Tradition

Apart from the influence described above, the Benedictine tradition was also important for Van der Laan because of the importance it placed on certain books of Scripture and the Fathers of the Church. As these authors were mainly inspired by Neo-Platonism, it is inevitable that a strong Neo-Platonic influence can be recognised in the teaching of Solesmes too. Other important sources in Van der Laan’s monastic training were the daily liturgy and its rubrics, as well as papal documents.

5.3.1. Scripture It is beyond doubt that Scripture played an important role in Van der Laan’s life. He loved his daily Bible reading and in his lifetime he must have heard the Bible in the refectory at least ten times, from Genesis to Apocalypse.95 Special favourites in the tradition of Solesmes were the biblical texts of the Canticle of Canticles, the Apostolic Letters and the Apocalypse.96 Van der Laan mainly referred to the book of Genesis, the Wisdom literature, St Paul and the Apocalypse.97

94 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19781112. 95 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19790225; Letter to A. Evers 19860413; Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. In the refectory at Oosterhout, the Bible was read in its entirety in some eight years; in Vaals this was around four years. 96 Cfr. e.g. G.-M. Oury, ‘La liturgie, l’esprit et l’Église dans la pensée de dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 508. 97 Vormenspel contains the following biblical references. Gen. 1–2 in: (II,1) 16, (VII,2) 62, an allusion in (VII,9) 70; Gen. 28:18 in: (III,7) 31; Sir. 29:21 in: (I,10) 15, (III,1) 25; Wis. 13:5 in: (VIII,3) 75–76; an allusion to the Gospel parables in: (II,10) 24, in the light of the sources 387

The creation story as told to young Hans by his sister Jo had a permanent effect on him.98 Creation plays a very important role in Vormenspel, as well as in his earliest work, especially in the analogy between Divine and human creation.99 At least two of his favourite authors, St Gregory of Nyssa and Dom Guéranger often referred to creation. Van der Laan also referred to other early scriptural texts in support of his theory.100 For example, he considered the stone erected by Jacob in Bethel, which was to be “a house of God” (Gen. 28:22), as a good biblical example of a pure monument.101 He also said that the men of Gideon who used their hands to drink water gave expression to the human act of ‘eating’ as opposed to the guzzling of animals (cfr. Jg. 7).102 As said, a quotation from Jesus ben Sira (Sir. 29:21) led him to the conclusion that man depends on nature for food, clothes and housing.103 In an analogical way, he said, these things of daily life

(IV,4) 37, (V,8) 50; to Martha and Mary in: (I,7) 13; Rom. 1:20 in: (VIII,3) 75; I Cor. 14:18–19 in: (III,10) 34; Rv. in: (X,8) 100. 98 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319; Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988, 4. 99 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Torenveltstraat, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur II, Breda 16 Apr. 1946; VI, 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.—2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijns- burgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 6 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag 17 Oct. 1970, 9 Jan. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219; Letter to R. Padovan 19801023; Vormenspel (II,1) 16; Letter to A. Mertens 19870105. 100 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Kerkelijke architectuur I, Hoeven 18 June 1947 [IIK. 23:27, Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur III, Hoeven 9 July 1947 [Ex. 25:40, Unp. AVdL]. 101 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Kerk en kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij- zondere les over de ceremonies van de H. Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Kerk en kunst’, Vindicamus (Apr. 1956) 46–47; Bouwen en Bidden, Vaals 15 Oct. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (III,7) 31 [Unp. AVdL]; Een architectuur, 16 [Unp. AVdL]. 102 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Kunst en kerk, Breda 12 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 10. 103 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsbur- gerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952, 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to C. Montaigne c. 1953; Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Leden van Sint-Adelbertus, Oss 20 Apr. 1959 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie I, 9 Jan. & 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Oog en Al, Utrecht 29 Jan. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte I, ’s-Hertogenbosch Mar. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19680926; De architectonische ruimte (I,1) 1; Inwijding van het huis van Dr. Van der Eerden, Nieuwenhagen 26 June 1977 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 472; Vor- menspel (I,10) 15, (III,1) 25. 388 chapter five form a background to the supernatural life with God in liturgy.104 It is interesting that Van der Laan referred to the Psalms in general, but hardly quoted a verse from a single Psalm, while he sung them every day in the Office.105 He referred several times to the book of Wisdom, especially saying that God has “arranged all things by measure, number and weight” (Wis. 11:20).106 Though he did not often quote it, he loved the Canticle of Canticles, probably especially because of the lectures on it by Dom Pierre de Puniet in his early years in Oosterhout and the attention given to it by the Fathers of the Church.107 Van der Laan sometimes spoke of Gospel parables in general, which he considered to be great examples of analogy, though he did not quote directly from the individual narratives.108 He also cited certain passages from the Letters of St Paul.109 He gave special attention to passages where St Paul spoke about the Christian: “As many of you as were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ” (Gal. 3:27). He repeated this text quite frequently and he loved the analogy of baptismal clothing, which served him as a biblical foundation for his

104 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219; Letter to R. Padovan 19840629 105 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Bouwen en bidden, Vaals 15 Oct. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]. 106 Cfr. HvdL, Kerkelijke architectuur II, Hoeven 25 June 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst , ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]. For the book of Wisdom in general cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 7 July 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Gene- sis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. 107 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 194308, 19430919, 19431022; Let- ters to Sr L. van der Laan 19440809; 19450430; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219; Letter to R. Padovan 19840406. 108 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17; Bouwen en bidden, Vaals 15 Oct. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. 109 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19411124; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I, s.l. 30 Nov. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Roosendaal 8 Dec. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Let- ter to Sr L. van der Laan 19620603; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Preek huwelijk van Dick van Dam en Cécile de Puniet de Parry, s.l. 3 Aug. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Altaarwijding, Boxtel Nov. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 Sept. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte VII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19710403, 19720706; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Litur- gische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer IX, Vaals 23 Apr. 1975 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to Sr R. Engels 19800305, 19800603; Vormenspel 34, 75. in the light of the sources 389 teachings concerning liturgical vestments.110 Referring to the book of the Apocalypse, he underlined the analogy between the earthly liturgy and the glory given to God by the Saints in heaven.111 He dearly loved St John’s descriptions of the heavenly liturgy, again mainly because of the lectures by Dom Jean de Puniet.112 For example, the emphasis on the importance of the number seven comes straight from these lectures, on the basis of which Van der Laan drew a great table indicating the structure of the book of the Apocalypse.113 However, he did not search for a religious or symbolic system of numerology as was so popular in the Middle Ages. As seen before, for him the only religious element in his entire theory was that the relation between man-made objects and divinely created things, between art and nature, is analogous to the relation between Creator and creation, “for the things we make stand to our created intelligence as the things of nature to the creating Intelligence”.114 Still, certain numbers play an essential role in the theory of the plastic number. For example, in an interview Van der Laan said: “It would seem that our intellect can only be pleased by seven of all the possible proportions that exist in nature”.115 Earlier on he had referred to the beauty of the number in the Apocalypse, trying to find a parallel with his own proportion system.116 In his letters, Van

110 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Over den zin der liturgische gewaden, Haaren 19 Apr. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Kerkelijke architectuur’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 68; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogen- bosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19840629. 111 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19430523; Letter to N. van der Laan 19440323; Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17; Kunst en kerk, Breda 12 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; Nabeschouwingen op de lezing van ir. van Ravesteyn, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Apr. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]. 112 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 194308, 19500813; Letter to R. Padovan 19870507. 113 Cfr. J. de Puniet de Parry, Commentaire sur l’Apocalypse de Saint Jean, Ooster- hout 1930 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/799]. 114 H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 13: “want de dingen die wij maken staan tot ons geschapen verstand als de dingen van de natuur tot het scheppend verstand”. 115 J. Verdonk, ‘De weloverwogen, kunstzinnige verhoudingen in de architectuur van Dom Hans’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (24 Mar. 1995) 9: “Het lijkt wel alsof ons verstand in slechts 7 van alle mogelijke verhoudingen die voorkomen in de natuur behagen kan scheppen”. 116 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19420628. 390 chapter five der Laan discussed some of the liturgical responses of the ‘Sunday of the Apocalypse’, the third Sunday of Easter in the Monastic Rite.117 Though the selection of quotations is limited, Van der Laan truly absorbed biblical doctrine and texts. One example of this is the casual allusion to the story of Mary and Martha, where he stressed (without making further reference to it) the essence of the biblical text in finding a good balance between contemplation and action.118 Though Scripture was very important for his spiritual life, in his more theoretical writings biblical texts play a merely illustrative role. It is probably that, rather than actually needing these texts for his theory, he desired to attribute some of his discoveries to the Bible. At the same time, some of the fundamental elements of his theory can be traced back to great biblical themes, which are not easily expressed in one single quotation. For example, he compared human ‘making’ with the creation by God: “Somewhere in the Book of Wisdom it is written about creation: ‘Creavit omnia simul’. Everything has been created as one entirety. This however cannot be said about our products” (cfr. Sir. 18:1).119 Similarly, in Le nombre plastique Van der Laan came very close to mentioning God when referring to His creation: “In nature, forms are ruled by natural laws, based on the infinite intelligence of the Creator, to whom they bear witness”.120 It may be concluded that Van der Laan did not only know Scripture well, he also incorporated it firmly in his thinking.

5.3.2. Liturgy and rubrics When someone wishes to illustrate the point he is making, he first thinks of examples from daily life. As his life was organised around the liturgical Offices, it not surprising that Van der Laan used many

117 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19430523, 194308; Letter to N. van der Laan 19440323. 118 Cfr. Lk 10, 38–42. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 19390910, 19430704, 195206, 19640720; Letter to N. van der Laan 19400421; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19420913, 19480215, 19790520, 19801002, 19821126. 119 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 7 July 1940 [Unp. AVdL]: “Ergens in het Boek der Wijsheid staat over de schepping: ‘Creavit omnia simul’. Alles is als één groot geheel geschapen. Dit kunnen we echter niet zeggen van onze voortbrengselen”. 120 HvdL, Le nombre plastique (I,11) 5: “Les formes, dans la nature, sont régies par des lois naturelles, basées sur l’intelligence infinie du Créateur, dont elles sont le témoignage”. in the light of the sources 391 examples from liturgy.121 For him, all liturgy on earth should be a reflection of liturgy in heaven.122 He said that the liturgical books which he quoted most often, the Missale, the Pontificale, the Rituale and the Breviarium, should guide priests and laity in their studies.123 In line with the teachings of Dom Guéranger, Van der Laan strongly believed that liturgy was instituted ‘from above’.124 Its gestures should follow the rubrics in order to be abstracted from personal influence and be elevated to the order of the sign.125 For him, this guarantees the reality of the Sacraments, and the communion with Jesus in the Eucharist.126 Faith is not only something individual, he said, but also of the Church as a whole, as is emphasised daily in the Eucharist: “Look after . . . the faith of your Church”. 127 Van der Laan placed a lot of importance on the church building, which should be open for the faithful to enter and to have communion with God in a special way: “As it were, this is a communion through indwelling”128 (cfr. e.g. Jn. 14:23). When he said that a disconnection between daily life and the life of the Church would lead to a disconnection with heaven, both the Christian Neo-Platonic view concerning heaven and earth and the importance of l’esprit de l’Incarnation can be recognised.129 For him,

121 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur III, Hoeven 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 261; Over de dispositie van het koorgebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Bijzondere les over de ceremonies van de H. Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie VII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 22 July & 9 Sept. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer IV, Vaals 27 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 122 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121; Letter to Sr R. Engels Advent 1979; Vormenspel (I,2) 9. 123 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19460308. Cfr. MR 1570; PR; RR 1614; BR 1961. 124 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 1953. 125 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid, 43–44 [Unp. AVdL]. 126 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X,7) 99–100; Letters to N. van der Laan 19400331, 19460408, 1959; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19750114. 127 Cfr. MR 1570; MR 1969, Ritus Communionis: “respicias . . . fidem ecclesiae tuae”. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400331. 128 HvdL, Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]: “Het is als het ware een communie door middel van inwoning”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 55; Over Liturgie I, Delft 27 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Altaarwijding, Boxtel Nov. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. 129 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121. 392 chapter five the fact that the ancient Rituale contained a benediction ad omnia, was a confirmation that everything can be involved in the movement towards God.130 He loved the prayer for the blessing of a chalice and thus showed his strong belief in the sanctification of the created world by the Incarnation and of the role that is played by the Church. In a lecture about the new Ordo Missae of 1969 he linked nature, liturgy, and heaven, saying that “by the shape of its signs, worship is firmly rooted in the ordinary things of our social life and therefore also in nature itself, which in that way celebrates her salvation with us”.131 As already mentioned he found this approach concisely expressed in the words of an Office hymn, ‘ima summis’. Van der Laan was genu- inely concerned when he observed the liturgical development of the late 1960s and referred, for example, to a Mass in a pub which he attended: “that Mass in that pub is still troubling me. Simple as it may have been, it definitely was not noble and that is what people need most”.132 He said that liturgical manners ‘in the world’ were very bad and claimed that within the space of a single year in many parishes the liturgy had been reduced almost to a ruin.133 He considered this loss of good liturgy to be fatal for a life of faith, but was very hopeful that the new Ordo would help the quality of liturgy improve again, as it contained all the seeds for this to happen.134 The Ordo and especially its Institutio he considered to be a jewel and ‘a dyke against the stream of desacralisation’, arguing that it contained the basis for a magnifi-

130 Cfr. RR 1614, 460. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Paters SVD, Teteringen 21 Feb. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur I, Hoeven 18 June 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeen- komst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19500813. In the current Rituale such a blessing no longer exists (cfr. RR 1984 De Ben.). 131 HvdL, ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 22: “door de vorm van zijn tekens is de cultus veran- kerd in de gewone dingen van ons maatschappelijk leven en daardoor tevens in de natuur zelf die op die manier met ons mee haar verlossing viert”. Cfr. also HvdL, Zeer Eerwaarde Heren, Sittard 11 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]. 132 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19691216: “die Mis in dat café zit mij nog lelijk dwars. Laat het eenvoudig geweest zijn, edel was het zeker niet & dat is het wat de mensen het meeste nodig hebben”. 133 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127, 19700319. 134 Cfr. IGMR 1969. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19700319; Zeer Eerwaarde Heren, Sittard 11 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer II, Vaals 16 Oct. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also n.n., Notulen vergadering studiegroep ‘Katholiek leven’. Rede van Dom van der Laan o.s.b., s.l. 11 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]. in the light of the sources 393 cent liturgy, sober but noble.135 On the 30th of November 1969 the conventual liturgy of Vaals Abbey was adapted to the new rite and the first Sunday of Advent, the new Roman Missal was taken up in the abbey.136 Though he faithfully followed the liturgical rubrics, Van der Laan questioned the form of liturgical objects and churches and wondered whether liturgical sense had been lacking in this field since the Council of Trent.137 As so often, he suggested going back to the ancient Chris- tian forms: “The spring John xxiii was dreaming of for the Church after his Council could very well be the one from before Constantine”.138 When the new Ordo spoke of ‘nobilis simplicitas’, Van der Laan claimed that this confirmed exactly what he had always searched for in ’s-Hertogenbosch and that the church of Vaals was completely in accordance with this.139 He believed that the renewal of liturgy was a great example for renewal in other fields.140 If that was done, “then you [would] get something which is at the same time fresh and new and also contains the smell of antiquity”.141 His writing revealed a touch of pride when he wrote: “For years, in fact throughout my monastic life, I have considered how the disposition of the church should be for ideal ceremonies; now that the church [of Vaals, mpr] exists, all ceremonies are slowly adapting to that framework, which gives to those ceremonies a great firmness and simplicity. It seems that it cannot be done in any other way”.142 Though this may be his wishful thinking, Van der

135 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19691216; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19691216. 136 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19691224; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19701114. Cfr. P. Nieuwhof, ‘Beschrijving van de Mis’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vati- canum II, Utrecht 1970, 3–13 [Geschriften van de vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie]. 137 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19540927. 138 HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19861108: “De lente die Johannes xxiii droomde voor de Kerk na zijn Concilie kon wel eens die van voor Constantijn zijn”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871118). 139 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to T. Strawinsky 19691224. 140 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19691216. 141 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19691216: “dan krijg je iets dat tegelijk helemaal fris en nieuw is, modern zelfs & tevens de geur van de antikiteit met zich meevoert”. 142 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19701114: “Jarenlang, eigenlijk mijn hele kloosterleven lang, heb ik eraan gedacht hoe bij ideale ceremonies de dispositie van de kerk zou moeten zijn & nu die kerk er is schikken zich langzamerhand alle ceremonies naar dat kader en geven aan die ceremonies een grote vastheid en eenvoud. ‘t Lijkt of alles niet anders kan”. 394 chapter five

Laan believed that, like himself, Dom Guéranger would have been very happy with the changes for liturgy proposed by Vatican II. As has been seen in the case of Scripture, most of the liturgical texts quoted by Van der Laan play an illustrative role. However, the underlying theory shows that he had a good knowledge of the rubrics and the forms these advocate, and that he frequently referred to the essence of liturgy, both before and after the changes brought in as a result of the Second Vatican Council. This makes liturgy a very important inspiration for Van der Laan, especially because in liturgy the essential elements of his theory come together.

5.3.3. Ecclesiastical documents and Papal teaching Van der Laan occasionally quoted from ecclesiastical documents. For example, in Vormenspel he referred to several early Christian texts, such as the Athanasian and Nicaean Creed.143 More fundamental is his reference to the definition of liturgy in Sacrosanctum Concilium. He recognised that despite the perfect guidelines and institutions for the renewal of liturgy given by the Second Vatican Council, liturgy can only flower when oases are created in society in which a healthy play of cultural forms is cultivated, “the only climate in which liturgy can thrive”.144 Quoting the Catechism, part of the education of any Catholic, he realised that the fundamental attitude of man should be determined by religion and adoration for he is on earth ‘to serve God and thus enter heaven’.145 He considered dogma and liturgy the two ‘legs’ of man: on one side the rational formulation of faith in the Cat- echism and the Summa and on the other the poetic, creative, symbolic or monumental expression in liturgy.146 Apart from these sources, the Code of Canon Law was also consulted.147 In his writings, Van der Laan referred to several papal documents, which were read in the refectory on publication. For example, when

143 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer XI, Vaals 28 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormen- spel (II,2) 18, (V,8) 50–51. 144 HvdL, Vormenspel (V,10) 52: “Het enige klimaat waarin de liturgie kan gedijen”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720706. 145 Cfr. e.g. Katechismus of Christelijke leer, Haarlem 1910, q.1. Cfr. HvdL, Let- ter to N. van der Laan 19401113; Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Annex Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19890615. 146 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Actio Catholica 9 (1946) 353–354. 147 Cfr. CIC 1917, c. 1164 §1. in the light of the sources 395 studying the encyclical Mediator Dei in 1948, Van der Laan recognised much of his own thinking.148 It is interesting to note that with the study of the encyclical, his writing became temporarily more theological.149 But this was more a whim, being carried away by what he read at the time, for in later works he reverted to his previous style. In Media- tor Dei Van der Laan recognised some important themes from his theory, like the strong link between external form and internal worship, and the fact that ‘every impulse of the human heart expresses itself naturally through the senses’. However, he did not take into account the main theme of the encyclical, which is the concern of the Pope for excesses in liturgical renewal on the one hand and guidelines for renewal on the other. Van der Laan also liked to quote a text by Pope Pius xii on the importance of the house for human dignity and was similarly impressed by his address to Catholic artists.150 He claimed true universality for his theory by speaking to a group of medical doctors about the good manners of married life and procreation, inspired by the encyclical of Pope Paul vi.151 He also expressed his admiration for Pope John Paul ii, whose thinking on Genesis and creation he shared and he felt supported by the fact that this Pope quoted Saint- Exupéry.152 Furthermore Van der Laan admitted being impressed by Redemptoris Mater. He loved to defend true workmanship, and complained that ecclesiastical thinking on this subject still referred back to Quadragesimo Anno.153 Though ecclesiastical texts and Papal documents were no doubt relevant for Van der Laan’s spiritual life, these were not given an

148 Cfr. Pius PP. xii, Litt. Encycl. Mediator Dei, 20 Nov. 1947, in: AAS 39 (1947) 521–595. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19480127; Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL]. 149 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan c. 1953. 150 Cfr. Pius PP. xii, ‘‘Dilecti Filii Nostri’, 18 Oct. 1949, AAS 41 (1949) 595–597; Id., ‘Il Sommo Pontefice agli Artisti cattolici’, L’Osservatore Romano, 6 Sept. 1950, 1. Cfr. HvdL, Altaarwijding, Boxtel Nov. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19591220; Letter to N. van der Laan 196910; Letter to I. Prinsloo 19861029. 151 Cfr. Paulus PP. vi, Litt. encycl. Humanae vitae, 25 July 1968, in: AAS 60 (1968) 481–503. Cfr. HvdL, Vijf vragen van een architect over de menselijke voortplantingsdaad, Vaals 24 Aug. 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19690316. 152 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219. Cfr. K. Wojtyla, Teken van tegenspraak, Nijmegen 1979. 153 Cfr. Pius PP. xi, Litt. Encycl. Quadragesimo Anno, 15 May 1931, in: AAS 23 (1931) 177–228; Cfr. Ioannes Paulus PP. ii, Litt. encycl. Redemptoris Mater, 25 Mar. 1987, AAS 79 (1987) 361–433. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004. 396 chapter five

important place in his theory. Again it can be seen that, although a source might be important on one level, on another level Van der Laan did not seem to show any interest in it. Still, all these subjects are essential for understanding the great themes which form the background of his theory of architecture. Though small in number, these greater themes form the bridges between his different fields of study.

5.3.4. The Neo-Platonism of the Fathers The spiritual and monastic environment of Oosterhout Abbey, in line with the tradition of Solesmes, was strongly influenced by Neo- Platonic thinkers like St Gregory of Nyssa, the Cappadocian Fathers and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. St Augustine too should be mentioned, although he was more obviously influenced by Porphyry of Tyre (c. 234–305) rather than directly by Plotinus.154 Though he was not a Christian, one could say that Plotinus prepared Pla- tonism for ‘christianisation’ by adding elements like dynamism. The Fathers of the Church ‘christianised’ Platonism, and their Christian Neo-Platonism laid the basis for a more positive approach to matter, though certain Fathers still considered matter as inferior. In the monastery, texts from the Fathers were read daily.155 Apart from the readings of the Office and the lectio divina, there was a daily reading of ten minutes before Compline.156 During Lent and around the great feast-days the readings at table were always from one of the Fathers and always in French until the 1960s. All together this involved the opening of a complete treasury, especially as Van der Laan was a very attentive listener. As it was the yearly custom to choose one book and read it carefully in Lent, following the Rule of St Benedict, Van der Laan often requested a book from the Fathers, especially by St Gregory of Nyssa, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite or St Augustine.157

154 Cfr. F. Coppleston, A History of Philosophy, t. I, New York 1993, 127–276, 463– 485; t. II, 13–100; B. Delfgaauw, Beknopte geschiedenis der wijsbegeerte, Baarn 1965, 20–53; C. Zintzen, ‘Neuplatonismus’, in: LThK, t. VII, Freiburg 1998, 679–772. 155 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. 156 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 42. 157 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 48, 14–15; c. 49.4. Apart from books by St Gregory of Nyssa, St Augustine, Pseudo-Dionysius, Dom Delatte, Blondel and Daniélou, as indicated in this chapter when discussing these authors, he requested the following books, cfr. n.n., List of Lenten reading [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedic- tusberg, see Appendix 3 (p. 506)]: J. Newman, Sermons preached on various occasions, in the light of the sources 397

Plato and Neo-Platonism In his later work Timaeus, Plato (c. 427–347 bc) spoke of the perfect order in the macro-cosmos. Man, being a micro-cosmos, should imitate this order in himself. As seen, a similar line of thought occurs in the work of Van der Laan.158 Le nombre plastique starts with a quotation from Timaeus: “The harmony between the plastic extensions is never the result of one term alone, but always of two intermediate terms”.159 He also quoted Timaeus when discussing the theory of music.160 He made further occasional references to Plato.161 His interest in the latter is also demonstrated by the fact that he included a quotation from Plato’s Meno in his archive and by the scraps of paper with scribbled quotations from Plato that were found in his cell.162 Whereas Van der Laan did not mention it explicitly, in his preface to the Dutch version of Het plastische getal, Dom Huiting referred to the vision of Plato on the concept of beauty.163 As with Plato’s quest, Van der Laan searched for objective beauty in his theory. He stated that “the Church prescribes certain forms, in order to raise our hearts to God. In this regard, every other form of beauty should resemble

London 1857 (Lent 1983); P. Clérissac, Le mystère de l’Eglise, Paris 1925 (Lent 1985); S. Caesarius Arelatensis, Sermones de Scriptura, Paris 1937 (Lent 1987). 158 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19400331; Letter to R. Padovan 19870507; Vormenspel (II,6) 20–21. 159 HvdL, Le nombre plastique (I,1) 1: “L’harmonie entre les étendues plastiques n’est jamais l’effet d’un seul, mais toujours de deux termes moyens”. Cfr. Plato, Timaeus, 32b, in: A. Rivaud, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. X, Paris 1956, 145. Cfr. also e.g. P. Christou—N. Golzari, ‘Good Measure. Notes on the Seminar’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 5) 4. 160 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Muziek en architectuur, s.l. 15–16 Sept. 1951 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19840406; Een architectuur, 10–11 [Unp. AVdL]; Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989, 6. 161 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VIII, Breda 6 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19540509; De architectonische dispositie I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Jan. & 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Gesprek met Dom v.d. Laan over ‘het huis’ door Dom Talma, ’s-Her- togenbosch Apr. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; De Liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 6; Letters to R. Pado- van 19840406, 19860405, 19860828, 19870507, 19871105; Letter to N. van der Laan 19860717; Letter to Br. K. den Biesen Maundy Thursday 1991. 162 Cfr. Plato, Meno 81e-85d, in: A. Croiset–L. Bodin, ed., Platon. Oeuvres com- plètes, t. III, Paris 1955, 251–258. 163 Cfr. F. Huiting, ‘Introduction’, in: HvdL, Le nombre plastique. Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique, Leiden 1960, xi–xiv; Id., ‘Voorwoord’, in: HvdL, Het plastische getal. XV lessen over de grondslagen van de architectonische ordonnantie, Leiden 1967, vii–x. 398 chapter five liturgical beauty”.164 On the one hand therefore, he said, the beauty of creation should be reflected in liturgy, in its signs and in its forms; on the other hand, forms in daily life should reflect that beauty as found in liturgy. For Van der Laan, as for Plato, reality has to adapt to the objective idea. For example, in Vaals the liturgy is determined consid- erably by the framework designed by Van der Laan, one which requires humility to accept it without questioning. In a similar expression of humility, Van der Laan had always sought to submit to the rubrics of liturgy.165 It would seem that a perfect liturgical framework considers human emotion and spontaneity an infringement of objectivity. But for Van der Laan true liturgy channels these in a proper way, avoiding what he called individualistic and “false expression”.166 Instead, he said, spontaneity in liturgy is only possible when man, through those liturgical forms, personally experiences the feelings of religion as expressed by the Church under the influence of the Holy Spirit.167 It is difficult to distinguish exactly between the influence of Pla- tonism and Neo-Platonism in Van der Laan’s work. He would not consider such a distinction very important given his positive opportunistic approach. The central theme of Neo-Platonism is the distinction between the world of ideas and true Being on the one hand, and the visible world on the other hand, parallel to the dualism of Plato. Contrary to Plato, Plotinus (c. 205–270) placed much more emphasis on the undivided divinity, the One, though he only spoke of the One apophatically (apophatikè = ‘away from language’). This approach admits that human language is not sufficient. The One is nothing in the sense that in him there is nothing distinctive, and he is everything in the sense that he is above everything.168 Everything emanates from the One and tries to return to him. Plotinus identified three subordinated hypostases. Something similar can be recognised also in Van der Laan’s hierarchical view of creation, following the teaching of St Gregory of Nyssa and St Augustine. The One is the first hypostasis, which is so full of itself that it needs to pour out, to emanate

164 HvdL, Schoonheid, 6 [Unp. AVdL]: “De Kerk schrijft ons bepaalde vormen voor, om onze gemoederen tot God te verheffen. Iedere andere vorm van schoonheid zou wat dit betreft op de liturgische schoonheid moeten gelijken”. 165 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121; Schoonheid, 13–14 [Unp. AVdL]. 166 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,3) 63: “Valse expressiviteit”. 167 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid, 8 [Unp. AVdL]. 168 Cfr. E. Bréhier, Histoire de la Philosophie, t. I, Paris 1991, 397–411. in the light of the sources 399 or proceed. The second hypostasis is the Intelligence, the idea of a perfect world, which is the foundation of the procession, to which the lower hypostases must relate when returning to the One.169 In turn, the Intelligence emanates a third hypostasis, the Soul. The Soul is a single nature with multiple powers. Within it, Plotinus distinguished between the hypostatic Soul, the providential Soul on which the celestial bodies depend, and Nature, which is the World-Soul. Thus he distinguished between the incorruptible world above the moon and the world below it, which is corruptible like the human body. The Soul is intermediate between the sensible world, which it organises and orders, and the intelligible world, to which it turns in contemplation. It is because of its connection to the Intelligence that the human soul can have an intuition of its own being and truth. The ordering role of the intellect is a very important theme for Van der Laan. Plotinus claimed that matter is evil and ontologically non-being. This is where the Platonic dualism occurs: being perfect, the soul is able to participate in the Intelligence, but because of its association with the body (matter which can be ruined), it is no longer impas- sible. Thus the soul risks turning away from the true causes of the One towards the non-being of matter. According to Van der Laan the two- way relation between the material forms and the human intellect has clear bonds with Neo-Platonism: on the one hand he recognised that the intellect needs forms to develop its ideas, on the other hand these are expressed in material forms. Furthermore, the role of liturgical forms which act as a mediation between the visible and the invisible is also based on this principle. For Plotinus, man is ‘called’ to turn away from a pure material existence and through his thinking reach out to the ceiling of the soul, where he must recognise his impotence to return fully to the One. Again a parallel with Van der Laan can be recognised in the sense that for him too, created reality must return to God, though instead of turning away from matter, Van der Laan advocated a return through matter. This difference reveals a certain amount of Aristotelian influence. Van der Laan quoted one text from Plotinus over and over again: “As far as arts, whose products belong to the world of the senses, employ proportions (symmetry), they take part in the spiritual world

169 Cfr. J. Laurent, Les fondements de la nature selon Plotin, Paris 1992, 15. 400 chapter five and its thoughts”.170 He concluded from this that for an external form to be accessible to the intellect, a certain proportion or analogy is needed, otherwise the form remains at the level of the senses. An artistic form can be used in liturgy, precisely because of its capacity to lead to another level by the application of analogy. The same applies for architecture. For Plotinus, when man considers something beautiful, it is the intelligible world he admires in the sensible world. For him, Beauty has an educational function, for it implies the knowledge of the perfection of being, which is the second hypostasis. A distinction must be made between the particular form of beauty based on man’s aesthetic judgement and the form of Beauty which is related to the general dimension of being. At the origin of all Beauty is the One, who embellished all. This is another clear link with Van der Laan, who also advocated general beauty over individual artistic expression and who spoke of the educational function of art and architecture which have to educate man to recognise the objectively beautiful proportions of the plastic number. As already said, a very important Neo-Platonic idea in Van der Laan’s work is his hierarchical system of form-worlds which is aimed at the ‘returning’ to God by means of liturgy. The difference with Ploti- nus is that this liturgy was made possible through the Incarnation of the Son, who is not subordinate but one with God. Not unlike Ploti- nus, Van der Laan laid great emphasis on the exterior and interior life. Contrary to Plotinus, for Van der Laan it is the interaction with the material world and its forms, cultivated in society, that should bring man to the interior life and ultimately to the contemplation of God. The latter can be done both individually through personal prayer and collectively through liturgy. Note the difference between the Neo-Platonic idea of emanation (the overflowing of the One) and the Christian idea of creation, which is positive. Where Plotinus considered matter as negative and as ontologically non-being, Van der Laan let earthly matter play a role in the

170 HvdL, De architectonische dispositie VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 21 Oct. & 2 Dec. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]: “Voor zover kunsten, wier voortbrengselen tot de wereld der zintuigen behoren, verhoudingen (symmetrie) toepassen hebben zij deel aan de geestelijke wereld en haar gedachten”. Cfr. Plotinus, Enneads, V,9,11, in: E. Bréhier, ed., Plotin. Ennéades, t. V., Paris 1956, 170. Cfr. also e.g. HvdL, Bijeenkomst B.S.K. Delft, Drakenburg, 21–22 Mar. 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte II, ’s-Hertogenbosch Apr. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Het nieuwe klooster in Maarssen, s.l. 3 Oct. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. in the light of the sources 401 return to God. It is therefore only concerning certain specific subjects that Van der Laan’s ideas intersect with (Neo-)Platonism and their final influence on his theory is limited by the Christian ‘filter’ he applied in the same way as the Fathers of the Church.

Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite Dionysius the Areopagite is the pseudonym of a writer of mystical essays at the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century.171 As Van der Laan followed the former tradition of his Congregation to backdate Pseudo-Dionysius to the time of the Apostles, here this author is treated first among the Fathers. The confusion about the dating of the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius started because he himself claimed in his works to have been converted by St Paul (cfr. Acts 17:34), which quickly gave him great prestige in the Greek speaking world of the 6th century, as he appeared to antedate philosophers such as Plotinus by some 200 years.172 His influence increased during the early Middle Ages with Latin translations and commentaries by Duns Scotus and Thomas Aquinas among others and even during the Renaissance and the Enlightenment.173 The work influenced thinkers such as Nicolas of Cusa and Hegel.174 The Corpus dionysiacum was criticized however by Erasmus and the reformers, both in terms of its apostolic origin and its theological contents.175 The thought of Pseudo-Dionysius echoes most of the history of ancient thought. Thus one encounters the Neo- Platonism of Plotinus and Proclus, for example, but also the Chris- tian Neo-Platonism of the Fathers, especially St Gregory of Nyssa and the Cappadocians. In Solesmes and Oosterhout, Pseudo-Dionysius, or

171 Cfr. e.g. J. van Ael–G. Aerden, ‘Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. God die afdaalt om de mensen te verheffen’,Monastieke informatie 38 (Mar. 2007) 54–63; Y. de Andia, ‘Pseudo-Denys’, in: J.-Y. Lacoste, Dictionnaire critique de théologie, Paris 2002; F. Coppleston, A History of Philosophy, t. II, New York 1993, 91–100; B.R. Suchla, ‘Dionysios Areopagites’, in: LThK, t. III, Freiburg 1995, 242–243; A. Rayez, et al., ‘Denys l’Aréopagite’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. III, Paris 1957, 243–429; H.U. von Balthasar, Herrlichkeit. Eine theologische Ästhetik, t. II, Fächer der Stile, Einsiedeln 1962, 147–214. 172 Cfr. B. Schomakers, Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. Over mystieke theologie, Kampen 1990, 30–46. 173 Cfr. e.g. J. Pelikan, ‘The Odyssey of Dionysian Spirituality’, in: C. Luibheid, ed., et al., Pseudo-Dionysius. The complete works, New York 1987, 11–24; F. O’Rourke, Pseudo-Dionysius and the metaphysics of Aquinas, Leiden-New York-Köln 1992. 174 Cfr. B. Schomakers, Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. Over mystieke theologie, Kampen 1990, 27. 175 K. Froehlich, ‘Pseudo-Dionysius and the Reformation of the Sixteenth century, in: C. Luibheid, ed., et al., Pseudo-Dionysius. The complete works, New York, 1987. 402 chapter five

St Denys as he was called, was very much loved, as can be seen for example in Mme Bruyère’s L’Oraison.176 Following Dom Guéranger’s example, Pseudo-Dionysius was considered a convert of St Paul and therefore dated to the first century.177 Thus St Gregory of Nyssa and the Cappadocian Fathers received special attention, for they ‘confirmed’ the thought of ‘Dionysius the Areopagite’. Van der Laan remained faithful to the tradition of his Order in this sense, even when science proved that historically this was the other way round and that these Fathers preceded Pseudo-Dionysius. This may be considered as a sign of Van der Laan’s devotion to the founding fathers of his order. Van der Laan was acquainted with all four preserved works of this mystical theologian which, together with the writings of other Fathers of the Church, were important for him throughout his life.178 He asked several times for a book by Pseudo-Dionysius for his Lenten reading, but did not mention the letters by the same author.179 Furthermore, after his death scraps of paper were found in his cell with handwritten quotations from the theologian’s work.180 He probably recognised much of his own style in what Von Balthasar called the “lucid nonchalance and dogmatic certainty” of Pseudo-Dionysius.181 Two of the

176 Cfr. C. Bruyère, La vie spirituelle et l’oraison d’après l’Ecriture Sainte et la tradition monastique, Solesmes 1887. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19430328; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. Cfr. also L.-C. Couturier, ‘Preface’, in: C. Bruyère, La vie spirituelle et l’oraison d’après l’Ecriture Sainte et la tradition monastique, Solesmes 1887; J. Leclercq, ‘Influence and noninfluence of Dionysius in the Western Middle Ages’, in: C. Luibheid, et al., Pseudo-Dionysius. The complete works, New York 1987, 30; G.-M. Oury, ‘La liturgie, l’esprit et l’Église dans la pensée de dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 507. 177 Cfr. P. Guéranger, L’Année liturgique, t. I, L’Avent liturgique, Le Mans 1841, Paris-Poitiers 18765; G.-M. Oury, ‘La liturgie, l’esprit et l’Église dans la pensée de dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 506. 178 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19391001, 19431121, 19830314; Let- ters to Sr G. van der Laan 19720706, 19720903; Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. 179 Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, Oeuvres de Saint-Denys l’Aréopagite, tr. G. Darboy, Paris 1845. Cfr. n.n., List of Lenten reading [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Bene- dictusberg, see Appendix 3 (p. 506)] in 1969 he asked for De coelesti hierarchia and in 1984 for De divinis nominibus. 180 These quotations mainly come from De ecclesiastica hierarchia (ch. 1 and 2), De coelesti hierarchia (ch. 1, 5 and 15), De divinis nominibus (ch. 4) and of an abbreviated version of De mystica theologia. The texts quoted in Vormenspel both come from De ecclesiastica hierarchia (quoted on pp. 14 and 86 and alluded to on pp. 28, 52 and 59) and De mystica theologia (quoted on p. 84). 181 H.U. von Balthasar, Herrlichkeit. Eine theologische Ästhetik, t. II, Einsiedeln 1962, 155: “luziden Lässigkeit und dogmatischen Sicherheit”. in the light of the sources 403 central themes of the latter can be recognised in Van der Laan’s work: the via negativa and the hierarchical view of created reality, which is created by God and called to return to Him. The via negativa or apophatic theology is the central theme of De mystica theologia.182 It concerns a way of articulating knowledge of the first principles in such a way that it negates all possible determi- nations of the cause and at the same time stands out as a reference to an origin.183 As seen above, it is specifically applied to God, who is ‘unspeakable’ in Himself, so that in truth man can only say what He is not. Aspects of the via negativa as presented by Pseudo-Dionysius can be found in Plotinus, St Gregory of Nyssa and the Cappadocian Fathers. Van der Laan applied this method to his own thought when he recognised three movements of the intellect, the third being a with- drawal and a “negation of everything that can be seen or known”.184 In De divinis nominibus in particular Pseudo-Dionysius spoke of God in a causal way.185 Calling God ‘Creator’, one does not say anything about His internal nature, but only how He is related to other things by pro- ducing them. God is ‘named’ by referring to created things. Though the via negativa arose from the Neo-Platonic hesitation to apply everyday words on the first principle, Pseudo-Dionysius seems to have been the first to order this thought into different steps towards a vision of God, thus laying the basis for a second theme that was important for Van der Laan, related to the connotative way of speaking of God, insofar as things return to God. This theme is especially present in De coelesti hierarchia and De ecclesiastica hierarchia and is linked to the Neo-Platonic idea of emanation and return.186 Pseudo- Dionysius said that the meaning of life lies in man’s intellectual desire for God. Later St Thomas would teach that in this, man is carried by the light of the grace of God. Divine light and free will work together to enable man to raise himself up towards the loving contemplation

182 Cfr. B. Schomakers, Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. Over mystieke theologie, Kampen 1990, 91–127. 183 Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De mystica theologia, in: PG III, 997– 1064. 184 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (X,5) 97: “ontkenning van alles wat gezien of gekend wordt”. 185 Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De divinis nominibus, in: PG III, 585– 996. 186 Cfr. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, De coelesti hierarchia, in: PG III, 115– 370; Id., De ecclesiastica hierarchia, in: PG III, 369–584. 404 chapter five of God. One can see why, in this aspiration of divine contemplation, Pseudo-Dionysian thought was so loved in the monastic environment of Solesmes and Oosterhout. He taught that everything was initially created by God, and that now creation is called to return to Him. This can be clearly recognised in Van der Laan’s view when he explained that one can move towards God through the things man encounters around him.187 Note that he very rarely used the word ‘emanation’ and mainly spoke of the movement out of God and the return to Him. This, as mentioned above, is fundamentally different both for Christi- anity and for Neo-Platonism. For Van der Laan, since the moment of the Incarnation and especially since the Sacrifice, Resurrection and Ascension of Christ, a heavenly worship has been inaugurated in which all of the earth is involved. It is through an act of this liturgy, through Baptism, that man is introduced into the heavenly and supernatural order.188 It is surprising that great concepts connected to the creation and return to God, like ‘sin’ and ‘redemption’, are hardly mentioned in his work. Van der Laan often quoted a fragment from the beginning of De coelesti hierarchia referring to the importance of material things concluding that liturgy on earth is performed in a derived way.189 He considered it as an authentic image, guaranteed by the Church, of the heavenly liturgy in all its perfection.190 Sometimes, the remainder of the quota-

187 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur II, Breda 16 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 17; Het plastische getal VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL]; Altaar- wijding, Boxtel Nov. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 9; De schilderkunst, Meteren 1 Sept. 1973 [Unp. AVdL]; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer VI, Vaals 19 Feb. 1975; IX, 23 Apr. 1975 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 476; Liturgische vormleer V, 23 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL]. 188 Cfr. HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6. 189 Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagite, De coelesti hierarchia, I,3, in: SC 58,72, Paris 1958; HvdL, Vormenspel (II,8) 22, (X,7) 99; The Play of Forms. Nature, Culture and Liturgy, Leiden 2005, 86. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 263; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6; ‘Openbare les over liturgie en Architectuur gehouden op 5 oktober 1963 door Dom van der Laan’, KB 30 (1963) 501; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch, 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Kerk en kunst’, Vindicamus (Apr. 1956) 46–47; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 5; Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziek en liturgie, 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]. 190 Cfr. HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6. in the light of the sources 405 tion was added as well, directly confirming Van der Laan’s (and Dom Guéranger’s) essential thought that all the visible world is directing man to the supernatural world, to the love of God.191 He recognised in the words of Pseudo-Dionysius his own three form-worlds: created nature with the smells of flowers and the light of the sun; the working of the intellect with its degrees of ordering and the social structure; and finally liturgy with the Eucharist. In each of these he saw a reference to the invisible world of heaven and he said that the whole visible world of nature, society and liturgy must lead to the immaterial perception and contemplation proper to the angels.192 As in that of Pseudo-Dionysius, a strong sense of hierarchy and order can be recognised in Van der Laan’s work. He loved to recognise an element of the whole in parts of an object. For example, in nature he recognised the profile of a tree in the form of the leaves.193 Similarly, he compared the small cycle of the ‘making’ of man with the great cycle of creation in order to learn something about the latter.194 Man has received his intellect in order to bring all of creation consciously back to his Creator and to proclaim His glory: “What liturgy is for the great cycle is the opening to the intellect of material things in the limited cycle of our human existence”.195 One could say that Pseudo- Dionysius started his reflection from a heavenly liturgy and Van der Laan from the earthly one.196 But the result of their reasoning leads to the same goal: the encounter of man with God. Unlike some of his other sources, Van der Laan truly absorbed certain elements of Pseudo-Dionysius, probably because it was so present in his spiritual formation and ‘confirmed’ by the other Fathers. He read the works of this author through the eyes of Dom Guéranger and Mme Bruyère and thus within the context of l’esprit de Solesmes.

191 Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagite, De coelesti hierarchia, I,3, in: SC 58, 72, Paris 1958. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 263; Gene- sis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (X,7) 99. 192 Cfr. HvdL, Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 193 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870824. 194 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Annex Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (VII,9) 70. 195 HvdL, Lezing, Vaals 1 May 1976 [Unp. AVdL]: “Wat de liturgie is voor de grote kringloop is de opening naar de geest van de stoffelijke dingen in de beperkte kringloop van ons menselijk bestaan”. 196 Cfr. A. Bodar, ‘Lompheid is lelijk, voorkomendheid mooi’, NRC (6 May 1994) 8. 406 chapter five

For this reason and because of his positive opportunistic approach, he concentrated on the aspects that were of direct use for his own theory. The following sections will show that the other Fathers of the Church should be allotted a similar role in Van der Laan’s work, though here the same ideas crop up in a more fragmented way.

St Gregory of Nyssa As one of the Cappadocian Fathers, St Gregory of Nyssa (†c. 394) had an enormous influence on the dogmatic formulations concerning the Holy Spirit at the Council of Constantinople. But his writings are not only theological, they also reveal a deeply spiritual man. In the work of St Gregory, Van der Laan found “a beautiful doctrine of the interior life”, which helped him a lot.197 This Father was important for Van der Laan throughout his life.198 In line with the tradition of Solesmes, he considered St Gregory to be of the school of Pseudo-Dionysius, though, as said, historically the second came after the first: “Here I find again everything I have read previously in Saint Dionysius”.199 As early as 1944 Van der Laan quoted St Gregory of Nyssa saying that man carries all of creation in himself.200 He provoked renewed interest in this author during the 1970s and 1980s, and re-read his works during Lent, together with certain commentaries.201 Van der Laan loved St Gregory especially for his strong belief in the fundamental reality of creation which had been very important for him right from his early years. He noted how St Gregory said that God deliberated about the creation of man, and a dummy had been made in clay before the actual creation. The rest of creation was created with

197 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19700712: “een prachtige doctrine over het inwendige leven”. 198 Cfr. n.n., List of Lenten reading [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg, see Appen- dix 3 (p. 506)], he asked for the following books by S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione, in: PG XLVI, 11–162 (Lent 1970, 1977, 1989); Id., In Canticum Cantico- rum, in: PG XLIV, 755–1120 (Lent 1971); Id., De vita Sanctae Macrinae, in: PG XLVI, 949–1000 (Lent 1972); Id., De Virginitate, in: PG XLVI, 318–416 (Lent 1973); Id., Apo- logia in Hexaemeron, in: PG XLIV, 62–124 (Lent 1976). 199 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720903: “Alles wat ik vroeger steeds weer bij Sint Dionysius gelezen heb vind ik hier terug”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720706; Letter to A. van Heck 19771212. 200 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid, 27 [Unp. AVdL]. 201 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19821023. Cfr. J. Daniélou, Le IVe siè- cle. Grégoire de Nysse et son milieu, Paris 1964 (Lent 1981); Id., Platonisme et Théologie Mystique. Essai sur la doctrine spirituelle de saint Grégoire de Nysse, Paris 1944 (Lent 1982); Id., Bible et Liturgie, Paris 1951 (Lent 1988). in the light of the sources 407 a fiat et factus est(may it happen and it has happened), but the appearance of the intellect in the material world is described as a masterwork that prepared all creation for the Incarnation.202 As already seen, Van der Laan summarised St Gregory saying that God first distinguished visible things from invisible things, then living things from dead matter, subsequently the living creatures with senses from creatures without senses, animals from plants and finally human beings with intellect from the animals without intellect.203 This comes from the only text of St Gregory which he quoted on several occasions, De anima et resurrectione.204 Still, Van der Laan was well acquainted with some of his other texts: “St Gregory is a consummate philosopher, who knows how to transpose all things of daily life to the things of eternal life and he often uses comparisons which are dear to my heart”.205 On his deathbed, Van der Laan re-read St Gregory’s commentary on the Can- ticle of Canticles. He was also acquainted with the writings of the other Cappadocian Fathers, and made occasional reference to them. Was it not St Benedict himself who advised his monks to read the works of St Basil (†364), who wrote the first rule for monastic life?206 Simi- larly, Van der Laan referred to the importance of St Ambrose (†397), St John Chrysostomos (†407), and St Leo I the Great (†461), the writings of whom he regularly had heard being read in the monastery.207 It is inevitable that these also influenced Van der Laan’s thinking, albeit in a less recognisable way. The only recognisable fundamental element Van der Laan seems to have borrowed from St Gregory is his view of creation. On the one hand this once again emphasises the uniqueness of his theory and the independence with which Van der Laan developed it. On the other

202 Cfr. HvdL, Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]. 203 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer III, Vaals 9 Mar. 1981; V, 23 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. 204 Cfr. S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione, in: PG XLVI, 57–59. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Schoonheid, 27 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (II,2) 17–18; Letter to E. Schruer 19880114. 205 HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720903: “S. Gregorius [is] een volbloed- philosoof, die alle mogelijke dingen van het gewone leven weet te transponeren naar de dingen van het eeuwig leven & dikwijls gebruikt hij vergelijkingen die mij uit ’t hart gegrepen zijn”. 206 Cfr. S. Benedictus, Regula, c. 73; HvdL, Schoonheid, 11 [Unp. AVdL]; Id., Let- ter to Sr G. van der Laan 19720903. 207 Cfr. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 408 chapter five hand, the indirect influence of St Gregory and other Fathers of the Church should not be underestimated.

St Augustine Van der Laan loved the Confessiones of St Augustine of Hippo (354– 430) because of the way in which “St Augustine transposes his contact with things through the senses entirely to his contact with God in his soul”.208 For him, all personal prayer is nothing other than a translation of man’s relations with things into a relation with God.209 This is a fundamental basis for discovering the essence of liturgy. Van der Laan claimed that this text had already intrigued him in the novitiate and that he had re-read it at least one more time in 1980.210 He was similarly taken by a text of the Sermones on the hierarchy of creation. This he usually quoted from St Gregory the Great, whose work he was given as literature for Lent in his early years.211 St Augustine should be seen in the line of the Christian Neo-Platonic thinkers, which is particularly apparent in his theology of creation.212 Many scholars hold that St Augustine had a more positive approach than the apophatic thinking of Plato, Plotinus and Pseudo-Dionysius. At the same time it should be noted, that St Augustine also said that one knows God better by not knowing Him.213 Though Van der Laan was acquainted

208 HvdL, Letter to Sr R. Engels 19800603: “S. Augustinus [transponeert] zijn omgang met de dingen door de zintuigen helemaal [. . .] op zijn omgang met God in zijn ziel”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 194005. 209 Cfr. S. Augustinus, Confessiones X,6, in: CCL XXVII, 159. Cfr. HvdL, Vormen- spel (IV,4) 37. 210 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 194005; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19800603. Cfr. n.n., List of Lenten reading [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg, see Appendix 3 (p. 506)]. 211 Cfr. S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione, in: PG XLVI, 11–162; S. Augustinus, Sermo XLIII, 4, in: CCL XLI, 509. Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19460227, 19580117; Vormenspel (II,3) 19, (X,2) 94. 212 Cfr. K. Kienzler, ‘Confessiones 1. Die unbegreifliche Wirklichkeit der menschlichen Sehnsucht nach Gott’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augus- tinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 86–87; K. Ruhstorfer, ‘Confessiones 7. Die Platoniker und Paulus. Augustins neue Sicht auf das Denken, Wollen und Tun der Wahrheit’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 283–341; C. Mayer, ‘Confessiones 12. Coelum coeli. Ziel und Bestimmung des Menschen’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 570–571; C. Müller, ‘Confessio- nes 13. Der ewige Sabbat. Eschatologische Ruhe als Ziel’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 646–647. 213 Cfr. S. Augustinus, De Ordine II,XVI.44, in: PL XXXII, 1015. in the light of the sources 409 with many texts from the Augustinian corpus, he only occasionally made direct reference to any of them.214 For example, he referred to St Augustine to affirm the importance of architecture: “What singing is for time, is architecture for space. Cantare amantis est [singing is proper to those who love, mpr], St Augustine said, but aedificare [to build, mpr] just as much. The birds give us their example in spring”.215 It is interesting to observe how St Augustine influenced Benedictine life through his influence on the Rule of St Benedict, and thus also indirectly influenced Van der Laan. For example, for St Augustine, the oratory (oratorium) must only be used for the purpose for which it has been designed and from which it takes the name (unde et nomen accepit). Indeed, if someone desires to come and pray—provided he has the time for it—beyond the determined hours (praeter horas . . . orare voluerint), he should not be impeded (impedimentum) from doing so by someone who wants to use the oratory for another purpose. St Benedict said something very similar, when he decreed that the oratory must correspond to its name (sit quod dicitur) and nothing else may be done or kept there. When the Office is concluded, all should leave in perfect silence with due respect for God, so that the brother who desires to remain and pray by himself (peculiariter vult orare), will not be impeded (impediatur) by the indiscretion of others.216 In conclusion, some interesting texts by St Augustine are quoted in Van der Laan’s work, but none of these play a truly fundamental role, probably because St Augustine had a slightly different approach to creation and Incarnation. It is remarkable that Van der Laan never referred to the idea of the Ordo in St Augustine, given his own theory of the ordering of the world.217 At the same time St Augustine probably did have an indirect influence, although this cannot be defined exactly.

214 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]; Studie- bijeenkomst, 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]; Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19580117; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Her- togenbosch 17 Oct. 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer XII, Vaals 4 June 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. 215 HvdL, Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]: “Wat de zang is voor de tijd, dat is de architectuur voor de ruimte. Cantare amantis est, zei St. Augus- tinus, maar aedificare zeker evenveel. De vogels geven ons het voorbeeld in het voor- jaar”. Cfr. S. Augustinus, Sermo CCCXXXVI,1 in: PL XXXVIII/XXXIX, 1472. 216 Cfr. S. Augustinus, Regula ad servos Dei, 7,33–34; S. Benedictus, Regula, c. 52,1–5. 217 Cfr. S. Augustinus, Libri duo de Ordine, in: CCL XXIX, 89–136. 410 chapter five

St Gregory the Great Van der Laan quoted a text from the Benedictine St Gregory the Great (590–604), as read in the Office of Ascension, to confirm his essential idea of creation.218 It is only much later that he acknowledged that St Gregory in this text followed St Augustine.219 St Gregory said that in man all creation is contained, for he has being (esse) in common with the stones, life (vivere) with the trees, feeling (sentire) with the animals and the intellect (intelligere) with the Angels. As a result the Apostles were called to preach the Gospel to all creation (cfr. Mk. 16:15), for when man accepts the Gospel and believes, “it is not only man returning to God, but all creation”.220 Thus all created matter is included in the movement towards God. What is interesting is Van der Laan’s occasional reference to a distinction St Gregory the Great made between the corporales deliciae (physical enjoyments) and the spirituales deliciae (spiritual enjoyments). The corporales deliciae are ardently desired when not yet obtained, but when obtained man is easily bored with them. More interesting are the spiritales deliciae, which do not appeal to man if he does not possess them, but the more he has them, the more he desires them: “Who then is able to love what he does not know”.221 Instead of creating churches that appeal to the taste of people, Van der Laan intended to form the taste of people by constructing churches

218 Cfr. S. Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in Evangelium, XXIX, in: PL LXXVI, 1214. 219 Cfr. S. Augustinus, Sermo XLIII, 4, in: CCL XLI, 509. Cfr. HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg , May 1974, 11; Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Vor- menspel (II,3) 19, (X,2) 94. 220 HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]: “dan is het niet alleen de mens die tot God terugkeert, maar de gehele schepping”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Schoonheid, 27 [Unp. AVdL]; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur I, Hoeven 18 June 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Het kazuifel, s.l. 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]; Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Hulden- berg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte VIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; De liturgie, Utrecht 1969, 7; Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 10–11. 221 S. Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in Evangelium, XXXVI,1 in: PL LXXVI, 1266: “Quis enim amare valeat quod ignorat?”. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Schoonheid, 15–16 [Unp. AVdL]; Het plastische getal XIV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 7 & 21 May 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Lezing, Vaals 1 May 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. in the light of the sources 411 which would arouse that taste.222 Thus he explained that people need to develop a taste for his architecture in order to truly appreciate it. In this sense he could say about his own church in Vaals: “For me too it took some time before I could delight in these austere forms, for they hardly speak to the feeling”.223 St Gregory stands in the tradition of Pseudo-Dionysius, whom he quoted on the celestial hierarchy and whom he called the ‘ancient and venerable Father’.224 The direct references to the works of St Gregory the Great are mainly interesting because they confirm a certain approach to created reality and the way in which man enters into relation with it through his intellect. Within the tradition of his Order, where the Fathers of the Church were allotted an important role, one would expect their writings to be similarly important for Van der Laan’s theory. It is therefore notable to see how few texts are explicitly quoted in this theory. Their indirect influence is probably much greater, though this cannot be proven here. Still, similar to the Benedictine sources, the few quotations from these authors that did find a place in his theory play a key-role in maintaining a cohesion between the various fields in which Van der Laan was active.

5.4. Philosophical and theological formation

If Van der Laan’s monastic training was inspired by Neo-Platonism and mainly based on Scripture and the Fathers, the five years of theological training in the abbey that followed the two years of philosophical training were mainly based on the Summa Theologica of St Thomas and its interpretation. As mentioned in the first chapter, Van der Laan considered his academic education in Oosterhout between 1930 and 1936 to be faulty. Looking back he called it rather Neo-Thomistic, “for the teaching was based more on the manuals about St Thomas than on himself”.225 He supplemented these classes with a careful reading of

222 Cfr. HvdL, Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 9 Sept. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]; Voor Vlaamse academici, s.l. 10 June 1972 [Unp. AVdL]. 223 HvdL, Voor Vlaamse academici, s.l. 10 June 1972 [Unp. AVdL]: “Ook voor mij- zelf was er enige tijd nodig om in deze strenge vormen genoegen te vinden, want zij spreken het gevoel maar weinig aan”. 224 Cfr. S. Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in Evangelium, XXXIV, in: PL LXXVI, 1254. 225 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105: “want de leer werd meer op handboeken over Sint Thomas dan op hemzelf gebaseerd”. 412 chapter five

Contra Gentiles of St Thomas, which he considered to be a summary of both the Pseudo-Dionysian and the Thomistic corpus, because it spoke of God as the final end of creation.226 This also brought him into touch with Plato and Aristotle, whom he considered to be the fathers of Western thought. Still, he claimed that Scripture and the Fathers of the Church were of the greatest importance for the development of his doctrine of architecture.227 Note that in his thought, Neo-Platonism and (Neo-)Thomism are often mixed. For example, in his early work Schoonheid, one encounters both the Thomistic emphasis on the relation between nature and supernature and at the same time the Neo- Platonic dualism of soul and body, thus choosing an approach which leans towards Plotinus as well as the Fathers and especially Pseudo- Dionysius.228 In both fields a distinction should be made between, on the one hand what was important to Van der Laan for his spiritual life as a monk, and on the other, what was essential to his theory of form-making in the largest sense.

5.4.1. Aristotle The starting point of the Metaphysica by Aristotle (c. 384–322 bc) is his critique of Plato.229 Aristotle distinguished on the one hand between the idea as an expression of the general, and on the other hand the reality of a specific object. Thus for him there are two kinds of knowledge. Sense knowledge grasps the concrete of a certain object and intellectual knowledge grasps its essence, the type. The intellect has no innate ideas but abstracts its ideas (i.e. the form of things) from sense perception. Van der Laan was clearly inspired by this idea of concrete sense experience and the general knowledge coming forth from it. It is more probable that he read this in the works of St Thomas than in Aristotle himself, to whom he hardly referred.230 Similarly, he was also introduced to certain Aristotelian themes through Neo- Platonism, which emphasised, for example, the dynamic movement of the return of the entire cosmos. This was contrary to Plato’s more

226 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. 227 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. 228 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Schoonheid, 26 [Unp. AVdL]. 229 Cfr. F. Coppleston, A History of Philosophy, t. I, New York 1993, 266–378; t. II, New York 1993, 302–434; B. Delfgaauw, Beknopte geschiedenis der wijsbegeerte, Baarn 1965, 27–33, 54–91. 230 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer VI, Vaals 19 Feb. 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. in the light of the sources 413 static view where only the soul returned. Van der Laan did not allude to what were central themes for Aristotle as expressed in the terms potency and act, or substance and accident. Only matter and form received attention, not in a specific Aristotelian sense, though in themselves these subjects are more part of an Aristotelian approach than of Neo-Platonism. In Van der Laan’s cell, scraps of paper were found with quotations from Aristotle.231 As with Plotinus, there is only one of Aristotle’s texts which Van der Laan truly quoted at any length. It concerns a quotation from Meta- physica on the indivisible unit used for measuring, which Van der Laan quoted to explain the unit of measurement.232 He used Aristotle to confirm his idea of three quanta: the quantum to be measured, the quantum that is used as a unit and finally the smallest quantum that can be added or not without noticing and which serves as the basis for the unit.233 As Van der Laan always studied Aristotle in the context of the interpretation by St Thomas, it is not easy to distinguish between the influence of these two authors. Given Van der Laan’s remarks about the low quality of the classes in the monastery and also the fact that he used only one text from Aristotle over and again, it may be concluded that the latter did not have a great direct influence on his work. Although the theory definitely contains similar philosophical elements, they cannot be traced back directly to Aristotle. Van der Laan himself admitted that he had no real need to quote Aristotle, but that he only used the great philosopher to support his own ideas, hence allotting him only a nominal role.234 When experiencing opposition from a monk of Solesmes for referring to Aristotle’s Metaphysica X,1–2, he wrote: “I believe he is wrong, but my wrong may be to have

231 These scraps came mainly from Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea V, ed.: I. Bywa- ter, Oxonii 195913, esp. 1131a 29–1131b 24 and in particular from Metaphysica II, VI, X, XXIII. Note that Van der Laan was not a very faithful quoter. For example, he claimed to quote from Metaphysica X,2, when most quotations come from X,1. 232 Cfr. Aristotle, Metaphysica X,1, ed.: W.D. Ross, t. II, Oxford 1924, 1052b 31–1053a 14. Quoted in e.g. HvdL, Letter to Dom P. Nau 19440609; Letter to N. van der Laan 194509, 19830314; De architectonische dispositie XIII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 20 Oct. 1962 [Unp. AVdL]. 233 Cfr. e.g. De architectonische dispositie IV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Nov. & 10 Dec. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also e.g. C. Pouderoyen, ‘Over schaal’, KB (1947) 195–196; D. Pouderoyen, ‘Rationele en poëtische maatstaven’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 8–10. 234 HvdL, Letter to Dom P. Nau 19450907. 414 chapter five searched for this support to give some importance to my ideas. I shall therefore continue by only calling upon common sense”.235

5.4.2. St Thomas Since Pope Leo xiii’s encyclical Aeterni Patris, in Oosterhout St Thomas (1225–1274) was the master who guided students of theology through their formation.236 Though no record is kept of instruction in these years, two sources of information can be found, which probably should be combined. Mähler suggested that it was based on St Thomas’ Summa Theologica, which was read in class and commented upon orally by older fathers.237 Van der Laan himself wrote in retrospect that the instruction was based on Neo-Thomistic manuals.238 Though no names or titles are known, among these were probably the works by Joseph Gredt osb (1863–1940), possibly by Adolphe Tanquerey (1854–1932) or D.M. Prümmer op (1866–1931).239 In Van der Laan’s archive a careful copy of a text from Ambroise Gardeil op (1859–1931) was found, but this was never quoted in any of his lectures.240 Van der Laan frequently used certain texts by St Thomas. For example, he referred quite often to the ancient motto ‘ars imitatur naturam’ (ars imitates nature), which occurs in St Thomas’ commentary on the Physica of Aristotle.241 Though it is doubtful that Van der Laan would

235 HvdL, Letter to Dom P. Nau 19450907: “Je crois qu’il a tort, mais mon tort est peut-être d’avoir cherché cet appui pour donner quelque importance aux idées. Je continuerai donc en faisant uniquement appel au bon sens”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 194509. 236 Cfr. Leo PP. xiii, Litt. Encycl. Aeterni Patris, 4 Aug. 1879, in: AAS 12 (1879– 1880) 97–115. 237 Cfr. M. Mähler, De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991, 135. 238 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19871105. 239 Cfr. J. Gredt, Elementa philosophiae aristotelicae-thomisticae, t. I–II, Freiburg 1899–1901. Cfr. e.g. A.A. Tanquerey, Synopsis theologiae dogmaticae: ad mentem S. Thomae Aquinatis hodiernis moribus accommodata, t. I–III, Tornaci 1894–1896; Id., Synopsis theologiæ moralis et pastoralis: ad mentem S. Thomæ et S. Alphonsi hodiernis moribus accomodata, t. I–III, Romae 1902–1905; Id., Brevior synopsis theologiae moralis et pastoralis, Romae 1911; Id., Brevior synopsis theologiae dogmaticae, Romae 1913; Id., Précis de théologie ascétique et mystique, Paris 1923; Id., Les dogmes générateurs de la piété, Tournai 1926. Cfr. D.M. Prümmer, Manuale theologiae moralis secundum principia S. Thomae Aquinatis, t. I–III, Freiburg 1914. 240 Cfr. A. Gardeil, La structure de l’âme et l’expérience mystique, t. I, Paris 1927, 6–11. 241 Cfr. Aristotle, Physica II,2, ed.: W.D. Ross, Oxford 19623, 2.194a22–194b15. Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, Expositio in VIII libros Politicorum Aristotelis, 2,4,5, in: in the light of the sources 415 have read this, it must be noted that the phrase occurs in other works by St Thomas too.242 Maritain also used the quotation.243 Van der Laan considered architecture to be an ‘ars’ and summarised St Thomas saying that art’s imitation of nature rests in the imitation of the divine Intellect by the human intellect. This is Van der Laan’s ‘great analogy’. For St Thomas, man has been created in the image of God. The same proportion that exists between causes, should also exist between the effects. Therefore, between the works of art which are a product of the human intellect, and nature created by God, there should be a similar analogy as between the human intellect and the Intellect of God. This application of analogy strongly appealed to Van der Laan. He concluded that human art must be the image of creation, both in its ‘making’ and in its result. Van der Laan found the reason that man produces artefacts ‘ad similitudinem naturalium’ (in likeness to natural things) in the fact that he is a union of body and soul. And he said in accordance with St Thomas that it is therefore necessary for the intellect, which receives its light from the divine Intellect, to be ‘informed’ (informari) and illuminated by what man sees in creation when he is making things. As such, the visible things have the function to ‘inform’ the intellect, and therefore they carry in themselves the origin of human knowledge to which man desires to return by his artificial products because ‘ad similitudinem operamur’ (we strive for likeness).244 This idea is presented in Vormenspel, though the motto

Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. II, Romae 1884. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460919; Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XIII, Breda 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur II, 25 June 1947; III, 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Herto- genbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Voor het noviciaat, Vaals July 1964 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 242 Cfr. e.g. S. Thomas de Aquino, Expositio in VIII libros Politicorum Aristotelis, prologue 1, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. XLVIII, Paris 1971; Id., Summa contra Gentiles, 2,75,15, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. XIII–XV, Romae 1918–1930; Id., De potentia, q6 a3, in: Quaestiones disputatae, t. II, P. Bazzi, ed., et al., Taurini–Romae 1965; Id., Summa Theologica Iª-IIae q12 a3, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. VI–VII, Romae 1891–1892; Id., Scriptum super Sententiis magistri Petri Lombardi, lib. IV d42 q2 a1, in: M.F. Moos, ed., t. IV, Parisiis, 1947; Id., Expositio in libros Posteriorum Analyticorum, lib. I lect. 2 n17, in: R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini–Romae 1964; Id., Super primam Epistolam ad Corinthios lectura, XI l.2, in: Super Epistolas S. Pauli lectura, t. I, R. Cai, ed., Taurini–Romae, 1953. 243 Cfr. J. Maritain, Art et Scholastique, Paris 19353, 105, 269, note 134. 244 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460919. 416 chapter five is not mentioned.245 Van der Laan possibly realised the difficulty for people to understand this, “because they miss both the natural and the supernatural reverence for things”.246 He himself found the answer in the Solesmian l’esprit de l’Incarnation, through which those who inspired him advocated the reverence for earthly things. This approach is connected to the Thomistic mottonihil ‘ est in intellectu quod non sit prius in sensu’ (nothing is in the intellect, which is not first in the senses), which Van der Laan quoted on several occasions.247 Note that such a notion does not occur in Platonism, which considers matter as negative. He dedicated a full class to an important text by St Thomas in De Veritate, which was handed to him by two of his confrères, P. Talma and P. Roose: This demonstrates that natural things, from which our intellect acquires knowledge, determine the size of our intellect, as is said in book X of the Methaphysica, but these things are determined in their size by the divine Intellect, in which everything is contained as all artefacts are contained in the intellect of the artisan. Thus the divine Intellect determines size without being determined in size; the natural thing however determines and is determined, but our intellect is determined and it is true that it does not determine the measure of natural things, but only the measure of the artefacts.248 This allowed him to present his plastic number, explained in an earlier class, as the central element of a theory with on the one hand the inter- dependence on what is given by nature (mensuratus a rebus naturali- bus) and on the other hand the making of artificial things (mensuratae

245 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Vormenspel (II,6) 20–21, (IV,2) 36; Letter to A. Mertens 19870105. 246 HvdL, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19460919: “omdat zij zoowel die natuurlijke als die bovennatuurlijke eerbied voor de dingen missen”. 247 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, De Veritate, q2 a3, in: Quaestiones disputatae, t. I, R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini–Romae, 1953. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; A. Bodar, ed., TV-documentary Mar- kant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988; HvdL, Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989, 9. 248 S. Thomas de Aquino, De Veritate, q1 a2, in: Quaestiones disputatae, t. I, R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini–Romae 1953, 5: “Ex quo patet quod res naturales, a qui- bus intellectus noster scientiam accipit, mensurant intellectum nostrum, ut dicitur X Metaph.: sed sunt mensuratae ab intellectu divino, in quo sunt omnia sicut omnia artificiata in intellectu artificis. Sic ergo intellectus divinus est mensurans non mensuratus; res autem naturalis, mensurans et mensurata; sed intellectus noster mensuratus et non mensurans res quidem naturales, sed artificiales tantum”. Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; Letters to R. Pado- van 19840515, 19850902; Letter to N. van der Laan 19860716. Cfr. J. Oldenburger, ‘Bij een beeldje van Niel Steenbergen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 19–21. in the light of the sources 417 ab intellectu artificis).249 This is further explained when St Thomas said: “truth is the correspondence of a thing with the understanding of it”.250 Object and intellect are linked, in the sense that the intellect is formed by natural things. In turn, for Van der Laan it was the intellect which gives measure and form to artificial things. This second relation is even more essential, as man-made things depend on the intellect for their existence. Van der Laan recognised this movement towards the intellect and away from it in Plato and Aristotle, but also in St Augustine and St Thomas. He considered these two elements as a breathing in and out, always connected to the Christian idea of exitus and reditus. As seen in the preceding chapters, this can be recognised in the form-worlds of nature, culture and liturgy, but also for example in the book De architectonische ruimte, which in a first phase derives the ground-ratio from nature so that, in a second phase, the ground-ratio itself becomes the starting point for building a house and even a city within nature.251 This is concisely expressed in the Latin inscription which Dom Andriessen made on Van der Laan’s request, summarising his thought on the subject: ‘Amplum gravidat mentem typis, typis arte exponit’ (The extension makes the intellect pregnant of types, which types are expressed by the same extension through art).252 The AVdL also contains a commentary by St Thomas on a text by Aristotle concerning the term ‘habitus’: though man has no thick hairy skin nor hooves to protect himself like animals do, he should use his intellect to make what he needs.253 This text, to which Van der Laan frequently referred, affirms what was said above. In addition there is an occasional reference to other elements of the teaching of St Thomas. For example, Van der Laan referred to the commentaries

249 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Nov. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. 250 S. Thomas de Aquino, De Veritate, q1 a2: “veritas est adaequatio rei et intellectus”. Cfr. R. Padovan, ‘Measuring and Counting’, The Architect (May 1986) 56; Id., Modern primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 58. 251 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19860716. 252 Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL]. 253 Cfr. S. Thomas Aquino, In Aristotelis libros Physicorum, lib. 3 l. 5 n. 15, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. II, Romae 1884. Quoted in Aristotle, Tekst van Aristote- les over het predicaat ‘habitus’, s.l. n.d. [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Gesprek van Pater Talma met P. v.d. Laan, 7 July 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 22 Sept. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Het huis, Oosterhout Nov. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 19–20; Kunst en persoon, Breda 6 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL]; St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel, 25. 418 chapter five of St Thomas on Aristotle’s Metaphysica and the Politica.254 He also studied the concept of the intellectus agens (acting intellect) which develops sense images into a spiritual existence accessible to the world of the intellect, and vice versa. Thus a house expresses the intellect as against the natural space, while the same house also expresses that space to the intellect.255 As seen above, the Summa contra gentiles also deals with the way in which man knows both God and things through the intellect. Van der Laan probably did not read the work itself but only the commentary on it by Dom Delatte.256 It is interesting to note that Van der Laan only quoted texts from Aristotle and St Thomas themselves, without reference to the Neo- Thomistic manuals which must have guided him through his studies, the Neo-Scholastic Jacques Maritain being a rare exception. As seen, Van der Laan studied the book Art et Scholastique in Delft and it was read in the refectory at Oosterhout.257 Professor Granpré-Molière loved Maritain’s work, and although more critical, Van der Laan occasionally used Maritain to illustrate his point, especially because of his great scholastic knowledge.258 His main criticism was that Art et Scholastique considers the matter of a work of art too much as materia prima, as pure potency, so that the essence is fully determined by the form.259 Conversely, for Van der Laan, matter is essential in the determination of the form. He introduced the concept of the ‘margin’, the material necessity of which is exploited by the form for intellectual expression. Thus this margin offers the possibility par excellence for the artis-

254 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, In duodecim libros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis expositio, X,1–2, in: M.R. Cathala–R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini–Romae 1964, 461– 468; HvdL, De architectonische dispositie IV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Nov. & 10 Dec. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]). Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, Expositio in VIII libros Politicorum, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. XLVIII, Paris 1971; HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur XVII, Breda 22 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. 255 Cfr. HvdL, Bouwen ter ere Gods, Zwolle 19 Jan. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]; Gesprek met Dom v.d. Laan over ‘het huis’ door Dom Talma, ’s-Hertogenbosch Apr. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. See also Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19421025. 256 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, Summa contra Gentiles, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. XIII–XV, Romae 1918–1930. Cfr. P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Somme contre les gentils, Solesmes 1930 [Unp. AVdL]. 257 Cfr. J. Maritain, Art et Scolastique, Paris 1921. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19440323; Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur, s.l. 28 Jan. 1977 [Unp. AVdL]. 258 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur VI, Breda 11 June 1946; XIII, 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]. 259 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19440323. in the light of the sources 419 tic refining of the form in favour of spiritual expression.260 Though the precise norms of the plastic number concern more the craft of the engineer than that of the artisan-artist, Van der Laan should be considered a proper artist. He complained that Maritain was not an artisan himself and his thought too metaphysical: “I understood that Maritain saw making as a kind of action, to which he could apply a Thomistic doctrine of virtue and that he considered beauty as one of the transcendental qualities of being, next to the one, the true and the good”.261 Van der Laan had a more concrete approach, worthy of an engineer and architect. In this way he claimed to be able to find rules that remained hidden from Maritain. He explained the importance of matter by referring to the Sacraments and to the importance Dom Guéranger placed on the external forms of liturgy, in what he called ‘demeurer dans l’esprit de l’Incarnation’. The above leads to the conclusion that certain elements of his philosophical and theological formation were truly absorbed by Van der Laan who himself confirmed that the discovery of his theory was partly inspired by St Thomas and his philosophical studies.262 The inspiration for his ‘great analogy’ between divine and human creation and the way in which the intellect is informed by the senses are particularly related to important Thomistic themes. At the same time, in spite of five years of Thomistic instruction, certain essential Thomistic themes which one could expect to occur in the theory are not referred to. For example, apart from the comment on Maritain, there is no reference to the classical transcendentals verum, bonum and pulchrum. Similarly, though St Thomas picked up the Christian Neo-Platonic idea of the movement out of God and return to Him, Van der Laan never referred to St Thomas in this sense and never used the termsexitus and reditus. All the same, it may again be affirmed that though direct quotations are limited to relatively few themes, Van der Laan’s thought clearly reveals a Thomistic influence.

260 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique, 140–141. 261 HvdL, Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]: “Ik begreep dat Maritain het maken als een soort handelen beschouwde waarop hij een thomistische deugdenleer kon toepassen en de schoonheid beschouwde als een van de trancendentale eigenschappen van het zijn, naast het ene, het ware en het goede”. Cfr. also HvdL, Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur, s.l. 28 Jan. 1977 [Unp. AVdL]. 262 Cfr. HvdL, Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur, s.l. 28 Jan. 1977 [Unp. AVdL]. 420 chapter five

5.4.3. Excursus: Nature and supernature, Neo-Platonism or Neo-Thomism? As seen in the chapter on liturgy, the relation between nature and supernature in Van der Laan’s writings is ambiguous. It is a moot point whether the same applies to the relation between Neo-Platonism and Neo-Thomism. The following shall briefly study both approaches to nature and supernature, in order to help the understanding of his position. Firstly there is the Pseudo-Dionysian worldview, which as has been seen, is very much based on the Neo-Platonic approach of emanation and return as advocated by Plotinus, though reinterpreted in a Christian way.263 In his De mystica theologia, Pseudo-Dionysius identified two ways of speaking about God. The first approach is kataphatic (kataphatikè = ‘towards language’) and admits that some things can be said of God by contemplating the beauty and perfection of creation. Pseudo-Dionysius argued however, that human language is inadequate to express who God is in Himself. Therefore, any kataphatic approach needs to be put into perspective by recalling that God is always greater than the language man uses to describe Him. This apophatic approach asserts that any affirmation about God must be corrected by saying that it does not hold true for human beings. But this negation also needs correction, for Pseudo-Dionysius upheld the mystery of God in particular: He remains the One about whom man cannot speak. Thus he was probably the first to advocate a negative theology by distinguishing between the kataphatic and apophatic approach. This was further developed by medieval theologians into the triplex via outlined below. Pseudo-Dionysius did not use the terms nature and supernature, and the concepts are not easy to distinguish in his scheme, with its falling away from God and gradual return to Him. According to this view, the whole cosmos is sacralised. The Neo-Platonic motto ‘everything is in everything’ does not allow for clear demarcations between the orders of reality. How can one then distinguish between nature and supernature, between the order of the sacred and the order of the profane? Three different approaches to the relation between nature and the supernatural may be considered in history.

263 Cfr. A. Rayez, et al., ‘Denys l’Aréopagite’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. III, Paris 1957, 243–429; P. van Geest, Stellig maar onzeker. Augustinus’ benadering van God, Budel 2007, 44–50. in the light of the sources 421

First there is St Augustine, for whom the two are not truly separated. He combined the application of the via negativa with an affirmative statement about ‘love’. In this Augustinian via amoris, love is a gift of grace.264 At the same time, man can recognise something of God in his love for another human being. Whereas in his early writings St Augus- tine was still hesitant to do so, in his later writings he simply equated love with God. Thus when one knows love, one knows God.265 Though this seems to be a via affirmativa, St Augustine recognised at the same time that love is ultimately ‘unknowable’, just as God, and thus he allowed for a via negationis. This equation God=love and therefore love=God does not allow for any clear distinction between nature and the supernatural. Still, St Augustine recognised the supremacy of God when he affirmed the impossibility of grasping who God is in His essence. The second approach is that of St Thomas Aquinas, who advocated a more positive theology, admitting in the via affirmationis that certain things of God can be affirmed by man. However, the divine nature cannot be equated to its formal expression. This is, as seen, the essence of the via negationis. The first two viae come together in the third way, the via eminentiae. Here the properties attributed to God are neither affirmed nor negated, but expressed in superlatives. Thus in the end, St Thomas also advocated a negative theology, as is demonstrated when he discovered at the beginning of his Summa Theologica that God does not share in the reality of categories and that language is insufficient for understanding God as Himself.266 In the worldview of St Thomas, nature and supernature can be better distinguished mainly in the difference between nature and supernatural grace. Nature is that which is either a part of nature, or that which proceeds out of nature as its effect, or that to which nature has a claim. In contrast, it is by the indwelling of divine ‘uncreated’ grace that man is able to partake in

264 Cfr. S. Augustinus, In Iohannis evangelium, tr. LXXXIII,2, in: CCL XXXVI, 535–536; Id., In 1am Epistolam Joannis, tr. X,3, in: P. Agaësse, ed., Paris 1984, 414–416 [SC 75]. 265 Cfr. P. van Geest, Stellig maar onzeker. Augustinus’ benadering van God, Budel 2007, 105–113, esp. 111. 266 Cfr. S. Thomas de Aquino, Summa theologica I, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. IV-V, Romae 1888–1889; V. Lossky, ‘Les éléments de ‘théologie négative’ dans la pensée de saint Augustin’, in: Augustinus Magister, t. I, Paris 1954, 575–581 [Con- grès International Augustinien, Paris, 21–24 Septembre 1954]; H. Rikhof, ‘Thomas at Utrecht’, in: F. Kerr, ed., Contemplating Aquinas. On the Varieties of Interpretation, London 2003, 103–136. 422 chapter five the supernatural life of God, which is beyond anything that could proceed out of nature as its effect. Though there are some fundamental differences, in line with the Pseudo-Dionysian scheme of emanation and return, the worldview of St Thomas speaks of exitus and reditus. Again the distinction between nature and the supernatural is not absolute and the reditus is possible. Man has the innate capacity to transcend to God, but to do so he needs the help of supernatural grace. The third approach is that of later Neo-Thomistic scholars like Louis Billot.267 Here the separation between nature and supernature became clearer. It distinguished between the states of human nature with created natural gifts (dona naturalia), uncreated supernatural gifts (dona supernaturalia, i.e. grace) and preternatural gifts (dona praeter- naturalia). Supernatural gifts elevate man to the level of God. Preter- natural gifts are only relatively supernatural, in the sense that they elevate human nature more towards the level of that of the Angels. Both gifts were lost in the Fall, but with Christ the supernatural gifts were restored. Now a true confrontation can be observed between, on the one hand, the apophatic equation of nature and supernature by St Augustine and, on the other, the distinction by Neo-Thomism. Though both approaches have their limitations, in the light of the Pseudo-Dionysian worldview of emanation and return, this specific Neo-Thomistic distinction is often considered to be too exact to be workable. The essence of the whole question remains that man can both affirm some (inadequate) ‘knowability’ of God because of his interaction with nature, but also has to admit that he needs the divine light to gain more insight in the supernatural order. The dividing line between the two cannot be demarcated with accuracy. That in itself must be considered part of the divine Mystery. Given this difference in approach, it is not surprising that Van der Laan, who was educated in both the Neo-Platonic and the Neo- Thomistic schools, displayed some ambivalence himself when speaking of the natural and the supernatural, as already seen in the chapter on liturgy. There is no evidence to suggest that he was aware of this. On the one hand he was deeply inspired by his spiritual upbringing, which was based mainly on the Christian Neo-Platonic writings of the Fathers and especially Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite whose

267 Cfr. L. Billot, De Deo Uno et Trino. Commentarius in primam partem S. Thomae , Roma 1920. in the light of the sources 423 thought he truly interiorised and adopted as his own. On the other hand there is the Neo-Thomistic approach of Van der Laan’s theological education, which was at least partly based on the manuals of the late 19th century. Though probably less influential, six years of Thomistic formation left their mark on him. In his thought certain elements of a negative theology can be recognised, but the use of analogy plays an especially important role. The (Neo-)Platonic apophatic approach does not apply analogy as it concentrates on the spirit. For Van der Laan, however, the movement towards the supernatural should take place through matter. A quick glance at his work could lead a scholar to the conclusion that in his early years Van der Laan made more of a distinction between nature and supernature than in his later writings. However, already in his earliest work one can recognise what might be characterised as the struggle between Neo-Platonism and Neo-Thomism. Van der Laan’s thinking concerning the relation between nature and supernature always oscillated between these two approaches, which in the history of theology have often been mixed up and which are difficult to reconcile in a balanced manner.

5.5. Other sources

The most important sources that influenced Van der Laan have been studied above. That leaves some other sources of very varied origins. These involve certain theologians and architects but also writers and poets. Among the architects a primary role is played by Vitruvius, from whom Van der Laan drew most of his architectural vocabulary. Most of the other sources hardly influenced him at all in any fundamental way and only Vitruvius had a truly lasting influence.

5.5.1. Liturgists, theologians and philosophers An important work by the medieval diplomat, canonist and liturgist Durandus de Mende is the Rationale divinorum officiorum(The logic of the divine Offices), written in Italy before 1286.268 Not only does it give a picture of the various forms of liturgy in the 13th century, it also

268 Cfr. G. Durandus de Mende, Rationale divinorum officiorum, in: A. Davril– T.M. Thibodeau, ed., Guillelmi Duranti Rationale divinorum officiorum, CC CXL- CXLa-CXLb, Turnhout 1998. Cfr. A.M. Stickler, ‘Durandus v. Mende’, in: LThK, t. III, Freiburg 1995, 411. 424 chapter five relates liturgy to its traditional sources, and even to church edifices with their furniture and ornamentation. Though these subjects directly concern Van der Laan’s fields of study, he only referred occasionally to Durandus in the context of medieval symbolism in artefacts and buildings. As said before, Van der Laan strongly opposed any form of symbolism or allegory.269 He agreed with Dom Guéranger that the Rationale is a true Summa, which should nevertheless be considered in the context of its time.270 Although for him liturgy was instituted from above, the study of liturgical forms should start from below.271 Preceding chapters have demonstrated how he started with the natural forms of creation, which serve in liturgy in order to transcend to God when turned into expressive and monumental forms by the intellect and human hands. This has no connection with the symbolic interpre- tations of Durandus, so that the influence of this author is minimal. Van der Laan used Durandus only to show the opposite of what he wanted to achieve. Romano Guardini was born of Italian parents, but lived his whole life in Germany, where he wrote some famous works.272 Among these, Vom Geist der Liturgie is considered an important work of the liturgical movement of the first half of the 20th century.273 Other works by Guardini cover almost every aspect of Christian and social life, so that like Van der Laan he is best described as a generalist. The central theme of his theology is Jesus as an intermediary between man and God. Against modernism and protestant liberal theology he emphasised the divinity of Christ, underlining at the same time the strong bond between Christ and the world in His Incarnation. Although one could recognise certain links with Van der Laan’s theory, the only time the latter mentioned Guardini was in a negative sense, commenting on Vom Geist der Liturgie. He said that he had read the book in 1925 and was greatly disillusioned by it. Thus he claimed at the time that he

269 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 55–56; ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 261–262; Liturgische vormleer V, Vaals 18 Dec. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]. 270 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 342. 271 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer IV, Vaals 27 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL]; A. Bodar, ‘Het geheim van de liturgie’, Communio 20 (1995) 87–95. 272 Cfr. e.g. R. Guardini, Der Herr. Betrachtungen über die Person und das Leben Jesu Christi, Würzburg 1937; Id., Das Wesen des Christentums, Würzburg 1938. 273 Cfr. R. Guardini, Vom Geist der Liturgie, Freiburg 1917. in the light of the sources 425 would never read anything by this author again: “Guardini lets liturgy, art and children’s play begin in ourselves, without paying any attention to the first life-giving movement of the rhythm of the natural cycle which must start from the outside”.274 This complaint is the same as the one he made against the Romantic era, which emphasised subjective and psychological elements. He quoted several phrases from the chapter ‘Liturgie als Spiel’ (Liturgy as play) to underline his point and commented: “In creation everything comes forth from God in order to return to Him. There the creation by God as an outward movement is the vital element. And I consider any vision that emphasises the movement from the self outwards as a kind of self-deification”.275 Van der Laan added that the same applies for the order of Salvation: in the acquisition of holiness, the accent is always on the movement by grace received from the outside, and not from the individual outwards; that last movement is always a reaction to the first. He emphasised that in liturgy creation by God is the starting point from where man applies his capacities in order to come to an ‘objective’ design. Guardini started with the more subjective human experience of being taken up into a play with its own rules. Consequently, where the forms of Van der Laan are determined by the expressivity of the function, Guardini let the forms be determined by the expression of the heart. A similar ‘opposition’ can be observed when comparing the oft-quoted position of St Benedict on prayer, that our intellect may be in harmony with our voices (mens nostra concordet voci nostrae), to the approach of the Catechism, which teaches that the voice is in harmony with the praying heart (vocem cordi concordare oranti).276 Of course, both elements should play a role in prayer as well as in design, for man was created with both an intellect and a heart.277 It is unfortunate that Van der Laan did not consider this chapter in the entirety of Vom Geist der Liturgie. Purely on the basis of a few phrases from this book

274 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19850605: “Guardini laat zowel de liturgie als de kunst en het kinderspel bij onszelf ontspringen zonder enige aandacht te besteden aan de eerste levengevende beweging van het rythme der natuurlijke cirkelgang die van buiten moet beginnen”. 275 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19850605: “Bij de schepping zelf gaat alles van God uit om tot Hem terug te keeren. Daar is de schepping van God uit het vitale element. En ik beschouw iedere visie die het accent legt op de beweging van onszelf uit als een soort zelfvergoding”. 276 Cfr. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, c. 19,7; CCE 1176. 277 Cfr. J. Ratzinger, Jesus von Nazareth, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2007, 164–167. 426 chapter five he rejected Guardini’s entire work, not only for the field of architecture, but also for his spiritual life. Van der Laan was probably not the only one who complained about Guardini’s presentation of liturgy as a play, for in the fourth edition, Guardini added a chapter ‘Der Ernst der Liturgie’ and added a footnote, reminding the reader that liturgy comes first, and only then does its external artistic expressions follow.278 Given Van der Laan’s strong reaction, and also the fact that Guardini is hardly mentioned in his books, letters and other works, it can be concluded that Guardini did not have a chance to influence Van der Laan. The French philosopher Maurice Blondel (1861–1949) developed in his doctoral thesis, L’action (1893), what could be called a philosophy of human action.279 This was later worked out in his trilogy on the theme.280 He searched for the divine in man, who could only be fulfilled by God. Blondel’s thought was reviewed very positively by Dom Delatte in 1893, who sought contact with him.281 This explains the early interest in Blondel in Solesmes, and he was later considered good reading in Oosterhout and Vaals too. Dom Talma, who also introduced Van der Laan to Plato, was a great admirer of Blondel, and he must have passed on at least some of this to Van der Laan. The latter was impressed with what he read in L’action and must have been influenced by Blondel’s thought in his early years in Oosterhout, though there is no proof of this in his writings. In Van der Laan’s cell, scraps of paper were found with many quotations from Carnets intimes.282 In 1986 he asked for this book as reading for Lent, which in itself shows an interest in this author. In it, he must have found much to his liking, for example when Blondel referred through the phenomenology of daily things to another, more fundamental reality: “In fact, everything

278 Cfr. R. Guardini, Vom Geist der Liturgie, Freiburg 19615, 101; J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 195. 279 Cfr. M. Blondel, L’action. Essai d’une critique de la vie et d’une science de la pratique, Paris 1893. Cfr. e.g. B. Delfgaauw, De wijsbegeerte van de 20e eeuw, Baarn 1964, 112–117. 280 Cfr. M. Blondel, La Pensee, t. I–II, Paris 1934–1935; Id., L’être et les êtres: essai d’une ontologie concrète et intégrale, Paris 1935; Id., L’action, t. I–II, Paris 1936– 1937. 281 Cfr. e.g. M. Blondel, Letter to Dom Delatte 31 Aug. 1894 [Unp. Archives de Solesmes]. 282 Cfr. M. Blondel, Carnets intimes (1883–1894), Paris 1961, e.g.: 19 Mar. 1884, 20 Mar. 1884, 20 Jan. 1886, 7 Oct. 1888, 13 Mar. 1889, 20 Mar. 1889, 12 Apr. 1891, 17 Nov. 1892. in the light of the sources 427 is only appearance, is only virtual, even the animal, until an idea of the infinity and the absolute becomes the indestructible nucleus, the foun- dational point, the centre of the realisation of the entire world”.283 This is the same thing Van der Laan sought to do in his theory, though he gave evidence of a more empirical approach. Of an article by Blondel he said: “it is for the first time that I read something like this. All our work on architecture only receives its proper value against such a background”.284 However, he did not specify in what way this is the case. It is one of the very few references to Blondel, who spoke for example of “an enlightening source of universal synthesis”, which is precisely what Van der Laan sought in his theory.285 Van der Laan was probably taken by what he read at the time, but did not find a proper way to integrate the ideas into his own theory. Here one encounters the opposite situation to Guardini. Van der Laan liked Blondel very much, but did not quote his texts. It must be assumed that the works of Blondel have mainly been important in the sense that they confirmed his thought, working as a catalyst and thus having an indirect influence. In a more speculative way one could search for other authors that might have influenced Van der Laan without him quoting them. After an initial hesitation, the Nouvelle Théologie of Lyon, with its particular attention to the Fathers of the Church, and especially Henri de Lubac (1896–1991), became popular in Oosterhout. The ‘novelty’ of de Lubac’s Surnaturel is his position that created man is ordered from the beginning to a supernatural end.286 For him, pura natura does not exist. So a supernatural order (including earthly liturgy) has been implanted in man and his history. And that may grow for the better (good) or worse (evil) (cfr. Rom. 7). Note the parallel with the essential idea

283 Cfr. M. Blondel, Carnets intimes (1883–1894), Paris 1961, 328–329: “Et tout en effet n’est que phénomène, n’est que virtuel, même l’animal, jusqu’à ce qu’une idée d’infinité et d’absolu devienne le noyau indestructible, le point d’appui, le centre de réalisation du monde entier”. Similar ideas can be found in e.g. Id., ‘Documents sur la soutenance’, in: Oeuvres complètes. 1893 Les deux thèses, t. I, Paris 1995, 691–745. 284 HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19660125: “[c’est, mpr] pour la première fois que je lis quelque chose [de, mpr] pareil. Tout notre travail d’architecture ne prend sa valeur que contre un tel back-ground”. Cfr. M. Blondel, ‘Le procès de l’intelligence’, La nouvelle journée 19 (1921) 30–39, 115–133, 409–419; bound in: Id., Le Procès de l’Intelligence, Paris 1922, 217–306. 285 M. Blondel, Le Procès de l’Intelligence, Paris 1922, 264: “une source éclairante de synthèse universelle”. 286 Cfr. H. de Lubac, Surnaturel. Études historiques, Paris 1946. 428 chapter five of l’esprit de l’Incarnation of Dom Guéranger, so important for Van der Laan, which also was based on the study of the Fathers. Though, given these parallels, this influence might be expected to be greater, it is probably more his confirmation of the ideas of Dom Guéranger than the original content of Surnaturel that could have influenced Van der Laan and he never quoted de Lubac, nor claimed to have read his work. Another popular theologian at the time, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (1881–1955), recognised a continuation of Christ in nature.287 One could find certain parallels between Van der Laan’s work and that of Teilhard de Chardin, but Van der Laan never quoted him nor is there any record that he had any interest in him.288 Many other authors could be mentioned, who might possibly have influenced Van der Laan in one way or another without him referring to their work or thought. But as there is no proof at all for such influence, this line shall not be pursued.

5.5.2. Architects and mathematicians The only architectural source quoted to any extent by Van der Laan is Marcus Vitruvius Pollio, the Roman architect, engineer and mathematician, whom Van der Laan called the Hippocrates of architecture.289 The fact that Van der Laan referred to a classical author is in line with other writers in the first half of the 20th century, who intended to return to the sources. The single surviving work of Vitru- vius is De architectura libri decem.290 In his early chapters, Vitruvius searched for the essence of architecture, turning to the philosophy of nature and making a comparison with, for example, the construction of nests by birds.291 As seen in the preceding chapters, Van der Laan did the same. Note that he only referred to the theoretical chapters of De architectura and did not study the concrete construction meth-

287 Cfr. e.g. P. Teilhard de Chardin, Le Phénomène Humain, Paris 1955; Id., La Place de l’Homme dans la Nature. Le groupe zoologique humain, Paris 1956, 41; B. Delfgaauw, Teilhard de Chardin, Baarn 1962, 47, 57–60, 81, 87–91. 288 Cfr. e.g. H. Raemdonck, ‘Architectuur en levensbeschouwing’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 47. 289 Cfr. HvdL, Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 22 Apr. 1972 [Unp. AVdL]. 290 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, ed: C. Fensterbusch, Darmstadt 1991. 291 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, II,1.2, ed: C. Fenster- busch, Darmstadt 1991, 78. Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19700925; Letter to A. Bodar 19890224. in the light of the sources 429 ods and machines proposed by Vitruvius. As always, Van der Laan went back to the essence of things, in order to unearth the elements with which to develop his own theory. As seen, it is in De architectura that he found his principal vocabulary: ordinatio (τάξις), dispositio (διαθέσις), eurythmia (εὐρυθμία), symmetria (συμμετρία), decor and distributio (οἰкονομία). He wondered whether the author himself had understood what he probably had found in older Greek sources.292 The famous Dutch art historian Father Frits van der Meer (1904–1994) and the Latinist Christine Mohrmann (1903–1988) helped him with the translation of the Latin definitions in De architectura.293 For Vitruvius, coordination (ordinatio) is the adjustment of size of the several parts to their several uses, and the relation between all the proportions of the building considering the symmetry, which is done by quantity.294 He distinguished between two kinds of proportion: first, the proportions between the different measures (modica membrorum commoditas) of a thing considered in itself (separatim, e.g. the proportion between height and breadth of a doorway) and, second, the proportions between the corresponding measures of two different things (universeque proportionis comparatio). The first proportion type is ruled by eurhythmy, the second type by symmetry. Eurhythmy (eurythmia) is the agreeable harmony and good proportion between the various parts of a building.295 Each part is determined by three

292 Cfr. HvdL, Over een tekst van Vitruvius I, Oosterhout 20 Mar. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Les II van het plastische getal over Vitruvius’ tekst, Oosterhout 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Vitruvii de architectura, Oosterhout c. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; Le nombre plastique (II,1) 8. It seems this was first suggested by F. van der Meer,Letters to H. van der Laan, 4 Oct. 1957 & 28 Feb. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. 293 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19571013; Letter to Fr F. van der Meer 19580223; Letter to Dom X. Botte 19580307. 294 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, I,2,2, ed: C. Fenster- busch, Darmstadt 1991, 36: “Ordinatio est modica membrorum operis commoditas separatim universeque proportionis ad symmetriam comparatio. Haec componitur ex quantitate”. (“Coordination gives due measure to the members of a work considered separately, and the arrangement of the proportions in the symmetry of the whole. It is an adjustment according to quantity”). Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,2) 9. 295 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, I,2,3, ed: C. Fenster- busch, Darmstadt 1991, 38: “Eurythmia est venusta species commodusque in compositionibus membrorum aspectus. Haec efficitur, cum membra operis convenientia sunt altitudinis ad latitudinem, latitudinis ad longitudinem, et ad summam omnia respondent suae symmetriae”. (“Eurhythmy is a view which is satisfying and which indicates good proportions between the parts of a composition. This is obtained when the parts of a work are of a height suited to their breadth, of a breadth suited to their length, and, in brief, when all parts correspond symmetrically”). Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,2) 9. 430 chapter five measures and thus by two distinct proportions, height–breadth and breadth–length. Thus every part must correspond to its own symmetry (symmetria), which is defined as a proper agreement between the different parts of a construction and the whole scheme, in accordance with a certain part selected as standard.296 Whereas eurhythmy concerns the form (venusta species), the more intellectual term ‘symmetry’ concerns the proportions of proportions that relate the form of a part with that of the whole.297 The dimensions in a building, which are linked together by coordination on the basis of their size, depend on the quality of the things that are determined by these dimensions and on their placement in relation to each other.298 This is regulated by the disposition disposi-( tio), which is the correct mutual arrangement of things (apta rerum conlocatio) and the competent execution of the construction by virtue of the joining-together of measures, in conformity with the capacity of things.299 Finally, the capacity of things depends for Vitruvius both on decor, the style of the building, which must look impeccable (emen- datus operis aspectus), and the distributio, the practical composition, which makes good use of space and means. Van der Laan concluded that “in this magnificent synthesis of the work of the architect we see each time two aspects being coupled, of which one has a more intellectual character, and the other is of a more material order”.300 In the first place there is coordination and disposition, but also the two servants of these, symmetry and eurhythmy, correlate coordination, while decor and distribution correlate disposition.301 As seen above,

296 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, I,2,4, ed: C. Fenster- busch, Darmstadt 1991, 38: “symmetria est ex ipsius operis membris conveniens consensus ex partibusque separatis ad universae figurae speciem ratae partis responsus”. (“symmetry is the proper agreement between the parts of a work itself, and the relation between the different parts and the whole general scheme, in accordance with a certain part selected as a unit”). HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,2) 10. 297 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,7) 13. 298 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,9) 15. 299 Cfr. M. Vitruvius Pollio, De architectura libri decem, I,2,2, ed: C. Fenster- busch, Darmstadt 1991, 36: “Dispositio autem est rerum apta conlocatio elegansque compositionibus effectus operis cum qualitate”. (“Disposition is the putting of things in their proper place and the elegance of the effect which is due to the composition related to the character of a work”). Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,2) 9. 300 HvdL, Le nombre plastique (II,11) 16: “dans cette magnifique synthèse de l’œu- vre de l’architecte, nous voyons chaque fois s’accoupler deux aspects dont l’un pré- sente un caractère plus intellectuel que l’autre, qui serait, lui, d’ordre plus matériel”. 301 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL]; Het plastische getal I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 28 Nov. 1953 [Unp. AVdL]; Over een in the light of the sources 431 it was on the basis of these Vitruvian definitions that Van der Laan was able to formulate his theory of architecture, and these ideas form the very basis of his proportion scheme, so that Vitruvius should be considered a very fundamental source for him. Van der Laan also let elements of his architectural theory influence his spiritual life, so that Vitruvius could even be said to have stimulated his interior growth in a certain way.302 Pythagoras of Samos (c. 580–500 bc) was a Greek philosopher who was the first to speak of the soul as being independent, immaterial and immortal. This is different from Van der Laan’s Christian view. More important than the philosophy of Pythagoras is his contribution to mathematics, which gives man insight into the universe. For him, thinking, acting, contemplation and behaviour were connected. Van der Laan rarely referred to Pythagoras, and if he did, this was only in a mathematical sense, or connected to the division of the octave in the theory of music.303 This is understandable as Van der Laan would not have been enamoured of the numerical system of Pythagoras. There- fore the influence of this author was not decisive for the development of the theory. Similarly, Van der Laan got to know the works of the mathematician Ghyka (1881–1965), but did not agree with him, so this author did not influence him either.304

tekst van Vitruvius I, Oosterhout 20 Mar. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Jan. & 20 Feb. 1960; II, 2 Apr. 1960; VIII, 21 Oct. & 2 Dec. 1961 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte I–III, ’s-Hertogenbosch Mar.- May 1963 [Unp. AVdL]; Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 21 Aug. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische dispositie IV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Mar. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte VI, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1 Apr. 1967; VIII, 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL]; De architectonische ruimte I, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 17 Oct. 1970, 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer XII, Vaals 25 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to N. van der Laan 19830314. 302 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 194004, 19400421, 19400910, 19420628, 19431121, 19831125, 19840513; Letters to Sr L. van der Laan 1952, 19660803; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19620306, 19690316; Letters to R. van der Does de Willebois 19821004, 19780105; Letters to R. Padovan 19831227, 19840629, 19850605; Letter to I. Prinsloo 19861029; Letters to A. Mertens 19861108, 19870105; Letter to B. Bremer 19870611. 303 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziek en architectuur, s.l. 15–16 Sept. 1951 [Unp. AVdL]. 304 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom X. Botte 19540509; Letter to W. Lockefeer 19830406. Cfr. M.C. Ghyka, Esthétique des proportions dans la nature et dans les arts, Paris 1927, esp. 336; Id., Le nombre d’or. Rites et rythmes pythagoriciens dans le développement de la civilisation occidentale, t. I, Paris 1931, esp. 82–86. 432 chapter five

The famous work on the history of architecture by the French architectural historian Auguste Choisy (1841–1909) was always sitting on Van der Laan’s desk.305 Apart from Vitruvius, he is the only author quoted in De architectonische ruimte, where Van der Laan used him to defend his decision to start with ancient architectural principles: “As a historian Choisy goes back to the Stone Age; the architect must go back to the foundations of architecture which amounts to the same thing”.306 In a similar way he quoted from Choisy’s commentary on Vitruvius.307 With Choisy he said that the origin of architecture is a flat stone on top of two standing stones.308 As Van der Laan took into account the foundations of architecture but not its history, he did not use Choisy to give a proper historical foundation to his work.309 Thus the direct influence of this author was limited to a few quotations, though an indirect influence may be attributed to him. Choisy met Viollet-le-Duc (1814–1879), the Neo-Gothic architect who is often considered to be the father of modern architecture. The latter had great influence on architects like Pierre Cuypers, Hendrik Petrus Berlage and Dom Paul Bellot. Van der Laan never liked these architects very much, and was not strongly influenced by them, though he dedicated an early lecture to them.310 His dislike was probably particularly provoked by the fact that Viollet-le-Duc advocated the idea that form should follow function. He therefore disregarded the writings of these architects. An exception is Berlage’s book Schoonheid in samenleving (Beauty in Society), which, as seen above, was read by the young Van der Laan.311 But as his occasional references to Berlage are mainly negative, he must be considered more as a catalyst than as a proper source.312

305 Cfr. A. Choisy, Histoire de l’architecture, t. I–II, Paris 1899. 306 HvdL, De architectonische ruimte (IV,15) 50: “Als historicus gaat hij terug naar het steentijdperk, terwijl de architect terug moet gaan tot de grondslagen van de architectuur, hetgeen op hetzelfde neerkomt”. 307 Cfr. A. Choisy, Vitruve, t. I, Paris 1909, 62, 121; HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XII,3) 98–99. 308 Cfr. A. Choisy, Histoire de l’architecture, t. I, Paris n.d., 10. 309 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Het plastische getal XII, ’s-Hertogenbosch 19 Feb. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]; Inleiding Stonehenge, ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL]. 310 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Lezing voor de leden van de A.K.K.V., Oosterhout 5 June 1943 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, ‘Dom Bellot’, KB 17 (1950) 198–199; Stellingen, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. 311 Cfr. H.P. Berlage, Schoonheid in samenleving, Rotterdam 1919. 312 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Mr J. van der Laan 19280507; Lezing voor de leden van de A.K.K.V., Oosterhout 5 June 1943 [Unp. AVdL]; Over een verwaarloosd aspect van in the light of the sources 433

Probably of greater importance were the architects that helped Van der Laan in his education. As seen above, in the first place there was his brother Nico, as well as his father Leo and his brother Jan, in whose studio he worked as an apprentice. Granpré Molière too was a true teacher for him, even though he did not agree with everything he heard. And Dom Bellot should probably also be mentioned here, both as a master and as a catalyst who pushed Van der Laan to find a different solution for the sectio aurea, which led him to the discovery of the plastic number. As these architects have been sufficiently discussed in the biographical chapter, this mention here should suffice. Did other architects have an influence on Van der Laan? For example, it would seem that there are parallels between Van der Laan’s thought and the ideas of Palladio (Andrea di Pietro della Gondola), who was a true Renaissance architect. He too turned to the Greek and Roman tradition of architecture with its classical style and great emphasis on proportions. His influential work, I quattro libri dell’architettura (The four books on architecture), was illustrated with his own designs.313 Nevertheless Van der Laan never referred to Palladio, however important as he may have been for the history of architecture, and no direct parallels can be recognised, so the influence of this author should be disregarded and any parallels that occur should be considered coin- cidental. The same applies to John Summerson and his Heavenly mansions.314 Padovan claimed that Van der Laan was familiar with this article and had it in mind when he wrote Le nombre plastique.315 Though a parallel could be seen in the fact that Summerson referred to child’s play and analysed what takes place when children are playing, Van der Laan never spoke of psychoanalysis as Summerson did. And though it is true that Granpré Molière referred to an English theory which might be that of Summerson, Van der Laan himself never mentioned Summerson, so his influence—if any—is not significant.316 In

de architectuur, Annex Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121 [Unp. AVdL]; Kerkelijke architectuur III, Hoeven 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Leden van Sint-Adelbertus, Oss 20 Apr. 1959 [Unp. AVdL]. 313 Cfr. A. Palladio, I quattro libri dell’architettura, t. I–IV, Venetia 1570, in: M. Biraghi, ed., Pordenone 1992. An interesting detail is that an exhibition of the work of Van der Laan in 2000 took place in the Palazzo Palladio in Vicenza. 314 Cfr. J. Summerson, Heavenly mansions and other essays on architecture, London 1949, 1–28. 315 Cfr. R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994. 141–142. 316 Cfr. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]. 434 chapter five the same way, Padovan saw a strong parallel between the French Jesuit and later Benedictine monk Marc-Antoine Laugier (1713–1769) and Van der Laan.317 This seems to be a bit too far fetched, though it is true that both published serious studies of the theory of architecture, in which proportion plays a central role.318 And indeed, both began with a description of the relation between man and nature. But where Laugier made man construct a roof and then a hut to protect himself, Van der Laan let man make a piece of habitable space to live in, starting with walls that should be in each other’s neighbourhood.319 Though both started from a little cell, and from there expanded their speculation to encompass the entire city, an essential difference can again be observed. Laugier expanded the original hut into the city, which he saw as a forest, in which the park plays an important role. But Van der Laan carefully expanded his idea of the initial cell-space to the space of the whole town with the square as the modular element. It was essentially the opposition between the vastness of nature and the human size of the town that was important. For Van der Laan this confrontation with nature took place especially at the edge of the town, whereas Laugier gave nature a place in the town itself. What is interesting is the fact that both referred to the seven musical tones of the octave, pointing out the endless variation of musical compositions possible with these seven tones, and that the same applies for the laws of architecture. But, though parallels may be seen, Van der Laan never studied Laugier’s work and always claimed to have found his theory on his own.320 In conclusion it may be asserted that the only architectural source of truly lasting importance is Vitruvius.

5.5.3. Writers, artists and buildings Language, architecture, and other expressions of an intelligent nature come forth from a need for friendship between men, as Van der Laan said in his early years.321 Although it is hard to detect from reading his texts, from the beginning he was aware of the importance of language

317 Cfr. R. Padovan, ‘Laugier to van der Laan’, Architectural Design 49 (1979, nr. 12) 324–326; Id., Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, passim. 318 Cfr. M.-A. Laugier, Essai sur l’architecture, Paris 1753. 319 Cfr. M.-A. Laugier, Essai sur l’architecture, Paris 1753, Brussel-Liège 1979, 9. 320 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to P. de Bont 19840705. 321 Cfr. HvdL, La forme des églises, 10 [Unp. AVdL]. in the light of the sources 435 and poetry for his theory.322 In the first place this concerns simply the means by which the theory is communicated from intellect to intellect. Though Van der Laan quoted several poets and essayists, and though he recognised certain elements of his theory in poetry and literature, very few of these authors had a lasting influence. Joost van den Vondel was a Dutch writer who converted to Cathol- icism in 1641. He wrote his Bespiegelingen van Godt en godtsdienst (Considerations on God and religion) in 1662.323 Van der Laan quoted this work in Vormenspel. Man is an image of God with respect to the rest of creation, but with respect to God, man is a condensed image of the whole creation. Vondel gave a poetic rendering of the essential thought of St Gregory of Nyssa. Unlike St Gregory, Vondel does not play an important role in the writings and letters of Van der Laan. However, he was considered good reading in Oosterhout and Van der Laan occasionally referred to him throughout his life.324 The sections chosen by Van der Laan are very illustrative for the relations between God, man and creation. Other sections from Vondel’s work are not quoted at any length, and it must be concluded that Van der Laan here used this poetry to explain and illustrate an already existing thought without properly integrating it into the theory. Antoine de Saint-Exupéry (1900–1944) was a Catholic and an aviator who wrote several works, mainly on aviation.325 He died prema- turely during the war, when his plane crashed in the sea near Marseille during an intelligence mission. Van der Laan mainly referred to the unfinished and posthumously published work Citadelle, which contains both explicit and implicit references to architecture. He interpreted

322 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL]; Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19641228; Bestuursvergadering van Ver. voor Lat. Liturgie, Vaals 25 Oct. 1969 [Unp. AVdL]; Vormenspel (III,10) 33, (VIII,9) 81–82. 323 Cfr. J. van den Vondel, Bespiegelingen van Godt en godtsdienst, Amsterdam 1662, ed.: J.J. Zeij, Bespiegelingen van God en Godsdienst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1936, 9 [GGG nr. 528]; Vormenspel (II,6–7) 20–22. 324 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I, s.l. 30 Nov. 1946 [Unp. AVdL]; ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 99; Kerkelijke architectuur III, Hoeven 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL]; Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 8 Jan. 1972 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL]; Liturgische vormleer V, Vaals 18 Dec. 1974; VI, 19 Feb. 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. C. van Leeuwen, Vuur dat blijft branden. Gesprekken met monniken in Oosterhout, Nijmegen 2005, 25. 325 Cfr. e.g. A. de Saint-Exupéry, Courrier Sud, Paris 1929; Id., Vol de nuit, Paris 1931; Id., Terre des hommes, Paris 1939; Id., Pilote de guerre, Paris 1942; Id., Le petit prince, New York 1943. 436 chapter five the text of the third chapter of Citadelle as a link between architecture and liturgy, which explains his interest in this author.326 Van der Laan concluded that what happens for space in buildings with their hierarchy of spaces, culminating in a consecrated church, takes place for time in liturgy with its returning feasts, culminating in the Easter celebrations. He dedicated a full class to the ninth chapter of Citadelle327 and liked to quote Saint-Exupéry in his letters.328 In Van der Laan’s archive several carefully copied quotations from Citadelle have been found. He claimed to recognise in this work the same ambience in which the work of the Bossche School (School of ’s-Hertogenbosch) was carried out.329 Though he obviously held Saint-Exupéry in great esteem, it is merely where the latter confirmed the theory that he was quoted.330 Some other sources may be mentioned briefly. Etty Hillesum (1914–1943) was a Dutch Jewish victim of the Holocaust and died in Auschwitz. She wrote her diary between 1941 and 1943, and in addition left behind a series of letters. Van der Laan was struck by a page from her diary: “This is how I want to write. With so much space around a few words . . . The words must in fact accentuate the silence . . . It will be a matter of the right proportion between words and wordlessness, a wordlessness in which more happens than in all the words one can bind together”.331 In this text Van der Laan recognised the way in which his plastic number should be applied in order to create meaningful forms. He sent the quotation to a number of friends, though he

326 Cfr. A. de Saint-Exupéry, Citadelle, Paris 1948, 27–28; HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 24. 327 Cfr. A. de Saint-Exupéry, Citadelle, Paris 1948, 52–53. Cfr. HvdL, De architectonische ruimte II, ’s-Hertogenbosch 17 Dec. 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. Cfr. also HvdL, Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]; Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; Groep Rijnland BNA, s.l. 10 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. 328 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19720307, 19731014, 19740217, 19860129; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19791219. 329 Cfr. HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 24. 330 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VII,10) 71–72. 331 E. Hillesum, Het verstoorde leven. Dagboek van Etty Hillesum 1941–1943, Haar- lem 1981, 93: “Zo wil ik schrijven. Met zoveel ruimte om een paar woorden . . . de woorden moeten eigenlijk het zwijgen accentueren . . . Het zal dan gaan om de juiste verhouding van woorden en woordeloosheid, de woordeloosheid waarin meer gebeurt dan in alle woorden die men bij elkaar binden kan”. in the light of the sources 437 did not quote it in his writings.332 Similarly, by the end of his life, Van der Laan expressed his admiration for the statues of Aristide Maillol (1861–1944).333 He was especially struck by Maillol’s early La méditer- ranée and his later La montagne, claiming that he checked his own buildings by imagining whether they could hold a statue by Maillol, for “in our bad 20th century, and I even believe in any century of our West, nothing more beautiful has been made”.334 As in other cases, it should be assumed that Maillol merely confirmed what Van der Laan already knew and no other reference to Maillol occurs in his writings. Furthermore, Van der Laan admitted in a letter that a book by Otto Bollnow (1903–1991) had helped him to find the progression in three zones of experience, as laid down in De architectonische ruimte.335 It is the only time he referred to the book, but after their ‘discovery’, the three zones were always part of his theory. Van der Laan had a very wide interest, and recognised certain elements of his theory in texts and works of art which he came across in daily life and he would be temporarily interested in them, without them having a permanent effect. For example, he once referred to the Dutch painter Rembrandt van Rijn, without pursuing the reference.336 The same applies for a poem by G.K. Chesterton, In October, and the first chapter of a book by Guy de Maupassant, which he copied in his own hand.337 Similarly, Van der Laan once quoted Christian Dior, who said about fashion that it comes into existence by desire and changes by distaste: “Its deepest origin is the desire to please, wherefore it cannot permit itself to be uniform, for that would arouse boredom.338 Given the strong emphasis of Van der Laan on the need of artistic education, with reference to the spiritales deliciae of St Gregory the Great, it is very improbable that

332 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19850201; Letter to R. Padovan 19830307 333 Cfr. e.g. W.F. Roëll, ‘Bij Aristide Maillol’, Elsevier’s geïllustreerd maandschrift34 (Jan. 1924) 1–5; W. George, Aristide Maillol et l’âme de la sculpture, Neuchatel 1977. 334 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19870324: “In onze slechte 20e eeuw is er niets mooiers gemaakt & ik geloof zelfs in geen enkele eeuw van ons Westen”. 335 Cfr. O.F. Bollnow, Mensch und Raum, Stuttgart 1963; HvdL, Letter to R. Pado- van 19831026. 336 Cfr. HvdL, Liturgische vormleer X, Vaals 7 May 1975. 337 Cfr. G.K. Chesterton, The queen of seven swords, London 1926; G. de Mau- passant, La vie errante, Paris 1890. 338 HvdL, Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL]: “Haar diepste oorsprong is de wens om te behagen en daarom kan ze zich niet veroorloven eenvormig te zijn, want dat zou verveling wekken”. 438 chapter five such a hedonistic approach would truly appeal to him, also because he always searched to develop eternally valid forms. Apart from writings, buildings too were an influential source for Van der Laan. As seen in the first chapter, it is in his early years that he started to study certain Greek and early Christian monuments, which definitely influenced his style. During the courses at the CKA certain Greek temples like the Parthenon, the Roman Colosseum and early basilicas as well as an early Syrian church were studied in detail. In his books, Van der Laan studied two constructions, the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and the megalithic monument Stonehenge near Salisbury.339 The diary of his journey to Rome also shows his great interest in the buildings he encountered there.340 As their influence has been sufficiently indicated in the preceding chapters, here their mention should suffice. These buildings were important, as each of them confirmed the theory of the plastic number. Contrary to these sources, and apart from some primitive buildings in Africa and Asia he had no high opinion about modern architecture.341 For example, he was disappointed by what he saw at an exhibition in Amsterdam on 20th century architecture. Nowhere could he find a vision on architecture in general with its unalienable processes. Instead, he noted that “everybody invents a self-made point of departure based on a part of a construction technique and then continues stubbornly in order to arrive at a consequent end, totally blind to the absurdities which result from it”.342 He called it the sick manifestation of a sick society which has lost its foundations. However, it inspired him to continue to write his next book on architectural space, with the intention to ‘vince in bono malum’ (cfr. Rom. 12:21). It may be concluded that it was almost exclusively ancient architecture that influenced Van der Laan in this regard. In the preceding chapters it was seen that Van der Laan assembled a group of people around him, each of them professional in their spe-

339 Cfr. HvdL, Le nombre plastique (XIII,12–15) 115–117; De architectonische ruimte (XV) 206–226. 340 Cfr. HvdL, Reis naar Rome, Rome 26 Feb.–26 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL]. 341 Cfr. e.g. H. van Hartevelt, Tibet, Haarlem 1981, 96, 98–99; HvdL, Letter to H. van Hartevelt 19860627. 342 HvdL, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière 19690327: “Iedereen verzint een eigen gemaakt uitgangspunt gebaseerd op een onderdeel van de bouwtechniek en houdt dan maar koppig vol om tot een consequent einde door te gaan, totaal blind voor de absurditeiten die er het gevolg van zijn”. in the light of the sources 439 cialisation, who cooperated with him in many artistic fields. Among these are the artisans Jan Noyons, Josef Engelberts and Niel Steenber- gen, as well as the artists Théodore Strawinsky and Rosemarijn Van der Does de Willebois. In a way, even his ‘opponents’ like Fathers Constantinus (Reijgersberg) ofm cap, Barendse op and Van Helvoort contributed in the fact that Van der Laan reacted against them. On a more theoretical level, there were the people with whom Van der Laan corresponded, for example his sisters Lutgarde and Gertrude and Sister Rosa in Waasmunster, but also Dom Botte in Zevenbergen and Richard Padovan in London. Similarly the contractor Fried de Bonth with his brother Sjef and his two sons and all the other people who collaborated with Van der Laan throughout his life must have had a certain influence. Though they mainly carried out the designs by Van der Laan, a certain reciprocity during their cooperation is inevitable, so that for the sake of completeness they deserve to be mentioned briefly in this chapter on his sources. As was seen above, it is not difficult to find certain parallels between Van der Laan and other authors in a speculative way, even if there is no formal connection. Malschaert made a comparison between the thought of the Dutch Catholic psychiatrist Anna Terruwe (1911–2004) and that of Van der Laan. Oldenburger added to this a parallel with the works of Aristotle and St Thomas concerning the relation of man with nature through the senses.343 This relationship is fundamental to Van der Laan’s thought. However, also given the fact that Terruwe was not uncontroversial in her time, it is very improbable that Van der Laan would have read her work, and any Catholic scholar could refer to Aristotle and St Thomas. It should therefore be concluded that there is no explicit connection with Van der Laan. This is the same for many modern authors. For example, though according to De Haan and Haagsma, Van der Laan was impressed by the memoirs of the Russian Nadezhda Mandelstam (1899–1980), this author is not mentioned in Van der Laan’s writings, so that at most he was temporarily taken by certain similarities with his own thought.344 The same applies for

343 Cfr. A.A.A. Terruwe, De liefde bouwt een woning, Roermond-Maaseik 1967; T. Malschaert, ‘The house and the human’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 74–85; J. Oldenburger, ‘De liefde bouwt een woning. Gesprek met Theo Malschaert’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 16–18. 344 Cfr. N. Mandelstam, Memoires, Amsterdam 1971; H. de Haan—I. Haagsma, Plastisch Lexicon, Haarlem 1996, 62. 440 chapter five the comparison Arets made with the Italian writer Curzio Malaparte (1898–1957).345 The influence of all these authors and works should therefore be disregarded as serious sources for Van der Laan. From the preceding sections it may be concluded that Van der Laan used many different sources, but with the exception of Vitru- vius and some specific quotations from other authors these play an almost entirely illustrative role. Even sources that one would expect to play a more important role in the work of a monk and liturgist, like the works of Durandus or Romano Guardini, made no impression on Van der Laan and have not been given any essential place in his theory. Van der Laan claimed that he extended what he learned and did in one field of his life to other fields, emphasising particularly the link between spiritual life and that of architecture and other form- making. It is however only for certain key-themes that parallels can be observed with the totality of Van der Laan’s thought. The influence of other sources is much harder to identify although this does cannot logically imply that there were none.

5.6. Concluding Remarks

5.6.1. Sources that play an illustrative role This chapter as an overview of Van der Laan’s sources has shown how a great number of them play a rather illustrative role in his works. It is possible that others have been influential, but without direct quotations by Van der Laan, this cannot be proven. Though he sometimes might use a particular source for a brief time, its effect was not necessarily permanent. This is true for a number of texts from Scripture, which were used only once or twice, but also for papal documents. For example, though Van der Laan did refer to the encyclical Mediator Dei for a time, it is not quoted in later years. Similarly, sometimes Van der Laan would refer to a certain author, without letting his thought be changed by what he read there. For example, his main ideas give evidence of what may be called a Christian Neo-Platonism, but as a quoted source Plato plays a merely illustrative role in his theory.

345 Cfr. W. Arets, ‘Life-Building’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 91–95. in the light of the sources 441

Similarly, the works of Plotinus are not given an important place, and only one quotation is used several times. Still, the preceding has demonstrated that certain Neo-Platonic ideas, especially those concerning dynamism, truly form the basis of Van der Laan’s theory, albeit purified of any non-Christian influence. This is less the case for Aristotle, with whom Van der Laan was probably familiar only through his study of St Thomas and whom he hardly quoted. Even most of the corpus of St Thomas was seemingly disregarded, though certain specific ideas of his can be recognised in Van der Laan’s thought, where the latter gave these an important place. He never referred to a Neo- Thomistic manual, and his few references to Thomism always quote the original text by St Thomas himself. The only time Van der Laan quoted a Neo-Thomistic writer was in order to show his dislike of certain ideas of Jacques Maritain. Apart from Vitruvius, no architect seems to play a fundamental role in Van der Laan’s thought. Pythagoras is mentioned only very briefly and Palladio not at all. Most of the work of Choisy was disregarded, as Van der Laan was almost exclusively interested in ancient Greek and early Christian architecture. This might be part of the reason why he did not agree with the architects Viollet-le-Duc, Cuypers, Berlage and Bellot. To complete the list of those who did not influence Van der Laan in any fundamental way one could add for example Sum- merson, Laugier and many others. The same applies to writers and artists, though, for example, he occasionally referred to the works of the poet Vondel, mainly because this author conveniently confirmed his thought. Similarly, for completeness the various sources supplied by Hillesum, Terruwe and Mandelstam may be mentioned as having no influence on Van der Laan’s thought. Buildings by modern architects did not inspire him at all, especially because of the absence of a fundamental underlying theory and ancient Greek and early Christian architecture seem to have been the only ones that were very important to him. These direct quotations by Van der Laan of a merely illustrative nature can be supplemented by sources that had a more significant, albeit indirect influence. These include Vondel, Blondel, Saint- Exupéry, Bollnow and Maillol. It falls beyond the possibilities of this book to define the exact extent of their influence, but Van der Laan himself claimed that these authors were more or less influential for both the development of his theory and the growth of his spiritual life. 442 chapter five

5.6.2. Sources that are of fundamental importance On the basis of the direct quotations or allusions by Van der Laan, certain authors and texts should be considered of fundamental importance for the development of his thought. It is however notable that of the many fundamental sources which one may expect him to have assimilated in their entirety, only certain specific elements found their way into his theory. Among the sources which were often quoted by Van der Laan, first certain texts from Scripture and the Rule of St Bene- dict should be mentioned, which Van der Laan truly absorbed. Van der Laan quoted the Rule especially on the oratory and concerning the way in which to treat daily objects. Similarly fundamental were the writings by Dom Guéranger, and especially his Institutions liturgiques. Apart from the general idea of what was called ‘l’esprit de Solesmes’, there is the fundamental definition of liturgy, which as discussed in the second chapter in particular, is the most important quotation in his whole work. It is possible to lay out his entire theory departing from this definition, as he himself did in Vormenspel. Connected to this is the Guérangerian motto ‘demeurer dans l’esprit de l’Incarnation’ and the words that originate from liturgy, ‘ima summis’, which formed the basis for Van der Laan’s world-view with its different levels of the reality on earth and even the connection with life in heaven. Among the other members of the Solesmes family, Mme Cécile Bruyère contributed much to Van der Laan’s spiritual life with her book L’Oraison. Similarly, the writings of Dom Delatte, especially the Commentaire sur la Règle de saint Benoît, greatly influenced him, both in terms of his spiritual life and his theory. In particular his commentary on the Summa contra gentiles introduced him in a positive way to the writings of Aristotle and St Thomas, which explains the emphasis Van der Laan placed on the material in order to arrive at the immaterial. More personal was his relationship with his first abbot, Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry, who taught him all of the essential aspects of religious life. Van der Laan often referred to the unity he recognised in the life of Dom de Puniet between the ordinary daily tasks and the liturgical celebration. The book by Dom Mocquereau,Le nombre musical, was important for him as a catalyst when discovering the plastic number and as an example in a completely different field of how to unite all aspects of a certain subject of study. Dom Pierre de Puniet de Parry and Dom Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior) were important for Van der Laan’s further understanding of the great esprit de Solesmes. in the light of the sources 443

More than Plato or Plotinus directly, it is the Christian Neo- Platonism of the Fathers which had a fundamental influence on Van der Laan. Though he only quoted a few texts, his work was infused with the ideas of Pseudo-Dionysius, which are in turn based on the early Fathers of the Church. Also of special importance in the tradition of Solesmes were St Gregory of Nyssa, St Augustine and St Gregory the Great. The most important idea is a Christian ‘correction’ of the Neo- Platonic concept of emanation and return, which led Van der Laan to his very often quoted ‘great analogy’ between the creative Intellect of God and that of man. Together with the writings of Dom Delatte, five years of Thomistic formation must have provided Van der Laan with a solid grounding in the Thomistic corpus. Again however, only a limited number of ideas can be traced back directly to St Thomas. Among these is the motto ‘ars imitatur naturam’, which Van der Laan connected to the ‘great analogy’ of Neo-Platonic origin. The fact that Van der Laan found the origin of the ideas of man in nature is confirmed by the motto nihil‘ est in intellectu quod non sit prius in sensu’. On several occasions Van der Laan gave evidence of a scholastic approach to his sources, and of having being influenced by Thomistic theology. The preceding has demonstrated this especially in the somewhat complex relation between nature and supernature in his work. Though he quoted from several papal documents and dogmatic texts, the only one which is referred to regularly is Sacrosanctum Concilium, which contains the definition of liturgy that is quoted so prominently in Vormenspel. Still, it was concluded above that this definition played a less important role than the definition by Dom Guéranger mentioned in the second chapter. Of fundamental relevance for the development of Van der Laan’s architectural vocabulary were the first chapters ofDe architectura libri decem of Vitruvius, in which the main elements of his proportion scheme can be recognised. The study of Greek and early Christian buildings aided Van der Laan in the application of his theory of the plastic number and helped him to integrate these ideas in one single theory. In a certain way, the statues of Maillol played a similar role. Certain contemporary architects must also be mentioned, especially Leo, Jan and Nico van der Laan, as well as Granpré Molière, Bellot and the architects of the CKA. Even though Van der Laan did not agree with everything he learned from them, they still were important as a source of information and as catalysts. The same applies to his close collaborators and even his opponents. All in all, this makes 444 chapter five an interesting variety of sources that stimulated Van der Laan in the development of his theory.

5.6.3. Evaluation In the Netherlands there is a saying that what is learned at a young age is applied in later years and that applies to Van der Laan. It is interesting to note that the sources which were of greatest importance for him were those he encountered during his early years in Delft and in Oosterhout. Both Vitruvius and l’esprit de Solesmes were of fundamental relevance for Van der Laan in the development of his theory. He was very selective in what he did and did not use. Given the fact that he was a Benedictine monk of the Congregation of Solesmes who studied both architecture and theology, one would expect him to have absorbed certain sources. However, though he truly absorbed what he learned from his founding fathers and his predecessors in the Solesmes family, it is often difficult to see how this influenced his thinking concerning the theory of liturgical form and its application in the field of architecture. It can be said that in a certain way he compartimental- ised his life. Thus he could think as a monk, as a philosopher or as an architect without letting what he learned necessarily have an influence in the other fields. At the same time certain fundamental parallels can be observed, which serve as bridges between the different fields. The most fundamental of these were based on the sources Van der Laan encountered in his monastic, philosophical and theological formation as studied above. Van der Laan’s theory went further than just copying his sources; he utilised them in a very original way. This is what makes his thought unique and worthy of study. His all-encompassing theory relates architecture and all human ‘making’ to the fields of liturgy, theology and spirituality. Because of the Incarnation, man may use everything in the entire creation to be led closer to God. Moreover, being both spirit and body, man necessarily needs physical artefacts in order to open himself—with the grace of God—to the supernatural life that God has prepared for him. Therefore, in line with the teachings of St Benedict, all life becomes a kind of liturgy and daily objects should be treated as if one is always celebrating liturgy in the presence of God. Thus, Van der Laan placed great importance on the form of matter, but also on the origin of this matter, namely God. Whereas Platonic dualism devalues matter, it could be said that Van der Laan found in the light of the sources 445

Salvation through matter, which gives evidence of a more Aristotelian position. In this way one could say that Van der Laan gave matter almost a sacred function, without falling into any form of mysticism. In his theory of the plastic number it is by applying certain proportions that matter becomes valuable to man, being raised to the level of the intellect, so that it subsequently becomes suitable for the celebration of liturgy. Van der Laan had a very wide range of interests and read many seemingly unconnected authors. He started his theory of liturgical forms from below, not with spirituality or theology but by considering natural created forms, and only later did he study cultural and liturgical forms, so important for the spiritual life with God. A good example of this is when he was completely absorbed by the study of the statues by Maillol in Paris, oblivious to the reactions of the people around him. As has been seen, he believed that it is not necessary to know the entire underlying theory when applying it to the fields of architecture, vestments or vessel making. However, there are many theological, philosophical and spiritual sources which form the deepest foundation of Van der Laan’s thought. If one intends to truly understand the essence of this thought, it is essential that these should be taken into account. Many allusions to this great backdrop have been made in the preceding chapters, and they shall form the basis for the concluding chapter.

CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION: FROM MATTER TO MYSTERY

6.1. Introduction

Van der Laan was a busy man, forcing him to focus on the essential things in life. He wrote that when he found some time for himself: “then I immediately take the Bible or the literature I am engaged in at this moment, the commentary of Dom Delatte on the Letter to the Hebrews in the actual text of his lectures, and that always goes directly into my heart”.1 On another occasion he explained in detail the rules for the jeu de boules: “here we still play the authentic jeu de boules which still enthuses our old and most venerable Father Abbot Dom Delatte in Solesmes. [It involves, mpr] 4 to 8 players, one of whom throws the ‘cochonnet’, the little white-painted ball of aproximately 6 cm in diameter, far away or close by as he wishes”.2 These anecdotes provide a glimpse both of Van der Laan’s devotion to the tradition of Solesmes in every aspect and the great variety of subjects in which he was interested. In previous chapters his thought was examined in the light of the main sources he used during his life. He had a surprisingly independent approach to these sources and he claimed that most of his theory rests on the application of logic and reason. However, it has been demonstrated that a certain number of writers that were popular in the tradition of Solesmes had great influence on him. It has also been shown that the initial intuition he had in his early years in the monastery was of great importance. He spent the rest of his life searching for the best expression of this in the light of these sources. The third and fourth chapter in particular have shown

1 H. van der Laan (HvdL), Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 1956 Pentecost: “dan pak ik aanstonds de Bijbel of de lectuur waar ik op het oogenblik aan bezig ben, de brief aan de Hebreeën commentaar van Dom Delatte in de eigenlijke tekst van zijn confe- renties & dat gaat altijd recht naar mijn hart”. 2 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19370821: “nous jouons ici encore l’authentique jeu de boules qui passionne encore toujours notre vieux & très vénéré Père Abbé Dom Delatte à Solesmes. 4 à 8 Joueurs, l’un d’eux jette au loin ou tout près comme il veut le ‘cochonnet’, petite boule de bois peinte en blanc ± 6 cm diam . . .”. Cfr. also HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19370821. 448 chapter six that, although the essence of his thinking never changed, a development is noticeable in its expression. This was not a development in distinguishable phases, but a continuous fine-tuning and searching for the best way to faithfully execute his initial intuition.

This concluding chapter will start with a short overview of some contemporary publications concerning the relation between liturgy, architecture and theology in order to situate Van der Laan’s thought in the contemporary academic scene. It will be followed by a brief exploration of possible tensions between Van der Laan’s approach and its application in the contemporary world. A third section focuses on the most important theological elements in his thought, which shall subsequently be the basis for an analysis of the essence of his approach to both architecture and liturgy. This serves as a background for the final section where, in a general synthesis, the essence of the relation between Mystery and matter in Van der Laan’s work shall be evaluated.

6.2. Contemporary publications

In this section it will be seen that none of the recent studies follows the same approach as Van der Laan did with regard to the theory and practice of architecture and other forms of human creation.3 Although there are many liturgical journals4 and books5 in the practical and

3 Earlier works which Van der Laan may have known, but to which he did not refer include e.g.: A. Fabre, Pages d’Art Chrétien. Études d’Architecture, de peinture, de sculpture et d’iconographie, Paris 1920; J.A.M. den Boer, ‘Moderne bouwkunst’, GB 21 (1938) 149–152; A.J. Maertens, Handleiding voor paramentiek, Steenbrugge 1939; T. Klauser, ‘De inrichting van het huis van God in de geest van de roomse liturgie’, TvL 38 (1954) 202–206 [translation by P. Janssens op of a document by the German Liturgical Commission]; R. Lesage, Objets et habits liturgiques, Paris 1958; C. López, ‘La arquitectura sagrada órgano de comunidad cristiana’, Liturgia 13 (1958, nr. 155–156) 363–368; W. Weyres—O. Bartning, ed., Kirchen. Handbuch für den Kirchenbau, München 1959; R. Friedrich, Grundriss einer Theologie des Wohnhauses. Das Geistige Band, München 1967; n.n., L’église maison du peuple de Dieu. Liturgie et architecture, Paris 1971 [Centre National de Pastorale Liturgique]. 4 Cfr. e.g. the following articles, ordered by journal. Cfr. e.g. La Maison-Dieu: P.-M. Gy, ‘Espace et célébration comme question théologique’, MD (1978, nr. 136) 39–46; J.-Y. Hameline, ‘L’espace du sanctuaire’, MD (1978, nr. 136) 47–65; N. Duval, ‘L’espace liturgique dans les églises paléochrétiennes’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 7–29; C. Gilardi, ‘Le modèle Borroméen de l’espace liturgique’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 91–110; C. Metzger, ‘Le dispositif ancien de l’autel’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 31–38; V. Noé, ‘L’espace liturgique dans l’église postconciliaire’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 129–139; B. Bürki, ‘L’église—Lieu d’une communauté célébrante’, MD (1994, nr. 197) 9–23; conclusion: from matter to mystery 449 pastoral field, here the focus shall be on the scholarly studies.6 First of all one could mention various university publications. For example,

F. Debuyst, ‘L’église: un lieu que la foi vient habiter’, MD (1994, nr. 197) 35–38; H. Schwebel, ‘Espace liturgique et expérience humaine. L’exemple des centres paroissiaux polyvalents’, MD (1994, nr. 197) 39–61; F. Boespflug, ‘Retable et autel: alliance ou concurrence?’, MD (2005, nr. 243) 107–132; J. Doré, ‘Les cathédrales dans l’Eglise et dans la société’, MD (2005, nr. 243) 81–106. Cfr. e.g. Rivista di Pastorale Liturgica: L. Gherardi, ‘Lo spazio celebrativo sull’onda della riforma’, in: RPL 24 (1986, nr. 139) 21–24; E. Lodi, ‘Il luogo immagine dell’assemblea celebrante’, RPL 32 (1994) 3–10; D. Mosso, ‘Nuove chiese e nuovo modo di celebrare’, RPL 32 (1994) 11–17; F.G. Brambilla, ‘Lo spazio liturgico luogo della ‘fede’’, RPL 40 (2002, nr. 230) 3–13; L. di Simone, ‘Il programma iconografico degli edifici di culto. La progettazione della progettazione’, RPL 40 (2002, nr. 230) 28–38. Cfr. e.g. Rivista Liturgica: G. Grasso, ‘Per- ché le chiese?’, RL 66 (1979) 553–567; S. Marsili, ‘Dedicazione senza consacrazione. Ossia: teologia liturgica in una storia rituale’, RL 66 (1979) 578–601; S. Maggiani, ‘La chiesa come luogo della comunità celebrante’, RL 66 (1979) 616–629; G. Santi, ‘Uno spazio per l’assemblea: luogi, arredi, percorsi’, RL 70 (1983) 11–25; A. Grillo, ‘Verso una teologia dello spazio come «luogo»’, RL 82 (1995) 491–503; M.A. Crippa, ‘Architettura per la celebrazione o per la mistagogia?’, RL 88 (2001) 511–522; S. Mag- giani, ‘Una nuova stagione per l’arte? Le attese della liturgia’, RL 88 (2001) 523–540; C. Chenis, ‘Il programma iconografico della chiesa-edificio’, RL 88 (2001) 541–558; M. Soranzo, ‘Lo spazio del ‘santuario’’, RL 88 (2001) 559–568. Cfr. e.g. Ambrosius: I. Biffi, ‘Lo spazio sacro: luogo e simbolo della comunità cristiana’, Ambrosius 61 (1985) 392–404; G. Santi, ‘L’adeguamento delle chiese secondo la riforma liturgica’, Ambrosius 73 (1997) 451–464; P. Squeri, ‘L’edificio-chiesa cristiano. Spunti di riflessione teologico-spirituale’, Ambrosius 81 (2005) 283–295; A.B. del Guercio, ‘Arte contemporanea e spazio liturgico. Questioni teoriche e progetti iconografici’,Ambro- sius 81 (2005) 305–315. Cfr. e.g. Phase: D.P. Cronin, ‘Arte y arquitectura litúrgicos. Una perspectiva a través de la participación’, Phase 38 (1998, nr. 226–227) 367–384; J. López, ‘Significado religioso del espacio litúrgico’, Phase 43 (2003, nr. 254) 101–119; J. Aldazabal, ‘El espacio de la iglesia y su pedagogia mistagogica’, Phase 33 (1993, nr. 193) 53–68. Cfr. e.g. Bibel und Liturgie: S. Rau, ‘Der liturgische Raum als Ort liturgischer Bildung’, BL 71 (1998) 203–215; L. Karrer, ‘Von der Kirche aus Stein zur Kirche aus Menschen. Kirchen-Raüme und Gemeindepädagogik’, BL 74 (2001) 83–90; G. Adam, ‘Kirchenpädagogik. Zu Ansatz und Perspektive eines gemeindepädagogischen Neuaufbruchs’, BL 74 (2001) 91–101. Cfr. e.g. Worship: R. Hurley, ‘The Eucharist room at Carlow Liturgy Center: the search for meaning’, Worship 70 (1996) 238–250; P.T. McCormick, ‘Sacred space: balancing the sanctuary and commons’, Worship 74 (2000) 37–51; R.S. Vosko, ‘A house for the Church: structures for public worship in a new millennium’, Worship 74 (2000) 194–212; E.P. Hahnenberg, ‘Forum: Who is at work?: Ecclesiology and domus Dei’, Worship 74 (2000) 365–370. Cfr. e.g. Studia Liturgica: F. Debuyst, ‘The church: a dwelling place of faith’,SL 24 (1994) 29–44; L. Streza, ‘The mystagogy of sacred space according to Orthodox theology’,SL 24 (1994) 84–90; A. Gerhards—A. Künzel, ‘The relationship between art, liturgy, and congregation in liturgical space: a project from the diocese of Aachen’, SL 25 (1995) 231–246. 5 Cfr. e.g. H.R. Blankesteijn,—W.G. Overbosch, Een hut om in te schuilen. Ker- ken van nu en morgen, Baarn 1964; F. Debuyst, ‘Quelques réflexions au sujet de la construction d’espaces liturgiques’, Communautés et Liturgies (1981, nr. 4) 281–286; J. Peet, ‘De kerk als spiegel van de Kerk’, Jaarboek KDC 11 (1981) 82–106; J. Gelineau, ‘Il luogo dell’assemblea cristiana’, in: Nelle vostre assemblee. Teologia pastorale delle celebrazioni liturgiche, t. I, Brescia 1986, 111–131; S. de Blaauw, ‘De (her)inrichting 450 chapter six there is the Rivista Teologica Fiorentina (RTF)7 of the theological faculty of central Italy and the Chilean periodical on Christian culture and anthropology, Humanitas,8 both of which have dedicated an entire number to architecture. Also worth mentioning are some articles in the German Liturgisches Jahrbuch (LJ),9 the Belgian Questions Liturgiques

van liturgische ruimten’, Eredienstvaardig 15 (1991) 112–116; S.M. Réamoinn, ‘Pla- ces of worship for a pilgrim people’, Doctrine and life 42 (1992) 34–48; I. Grellier, ‘Les bâtiments d’église, une question théologique’, Etudes théologiques et religieuses, 68 (1993) 537–556; R. Gibbons, ‘Celebration and Sacrament: holy place and holy people’, New Black Friars 77 (1996) 234–243; J. Plazaola, La Chiesa e l’arte, Milano 1997, 18–19; J.L. Guerra de Armas, ‘El espacio de la celebracion cristiana’, Almogaren 23 (1998) 127–142; H.R. Blankesteijn, Heilige huizen. Over het bouwen, inrichten en herinrichten van een kerk, Zoetermeer 1998; K. Richter, Kirchenräume und Kirchen- träume. Die bedeutung des Kirchenraums für eine lebendige Gemeinde, Freiburg-Basel- Wien 1998; n.n., De herinrichting van kerkgebouwen, Rotterdam 1998 [DBL Bisdom Rotterdam]; C. Valenziano, Scritti di estetica e poetica, Bologna 1999, 145–165; P. Sequeri, L’estro di Dio, Milano 2000, 110–117; n.n., Tent van God, Rotterdam 2001 [DBL Bisdom Rotterdam]; S. de Blaauw, ‘De kathedraal van Groningen’, in: J.E.A. Kroesen, et al, ed., Religieuze ruimte. Kerkbouw, kerkinrichting en religieuze kunst, Zoetermeer 2002, 23–40; J. Besemer, Opdat de ruimte meeviert. Werkboek (her)inrichting liturgische ruimten, Rotterdam 2006; T. Frings, Gestaltete Umbrüche, Münster 2007. 6 Other works were written in reaction to the over-emphasising of the communal aspect at the expense of the Sacred: cfr. e.g. H.H. Hitchcock, ‘Cry Sanctuary! Will Renovated Churches Have Room for Jesus?’, Adoremus Bulletin, Online edition 2 (1996, nr. 3), http://www.adoremus.org/5–6_96CrySanc.html (access 20100522); T.G. Smith, ‘An Architecture to Honor the Church’s Vision’, Adoremus Bulletin, Online edition 3 (1997, nr. 8), http://www.adoremus.org/1197–Smith.html (access 20100522); M.S. Rose, Ugly as Sin. Why they Changed our Churches from Sacred Places to Meet- ing Spaces and how we can Change them Back Again, Manchester 2001; T.G. Smith, ‘Church Architecture and ‘Full and Active Participation’’, Adoremus Bulletin, Online edition 10 (2004, nr. 2–3), http://www.adoremus.org/0404ArchitectureWorship.html (access 20100522); M.S. Rose, In Tiers of Glory. The Organic Development of Catholic Church Architecture Through the Ages, Cincinnati 2004; M. Doorly, No Place for God. The Denial of the Transcendent in Modern Church Architecture, San Francisco 2007. 7 Cfr. e.g. T. Verdon, ‘Il tempo, lo spazio, il sacro: il duomo di Firenze tra memoria e prolessi’, RTF 8 (1997) 219–233; L.E. Sullivan, ‘The disintegration of primordial worlds and the recombinant nature of ritual space’, RTF 8 (1997) 237–254; S. Dia- nich, ‘Luoghi e spostamenti nell’autocoscienza della Chiesa’, RTF 8 (1997) 255–273; R.A. Berman, ‘Dubois at Eisenach, Adams at Chartres, Stanford in Florence’, RTF 8 (1997) 349–362; S. Maggiani, ‘Dal sacro rubricizzato al santo celebrato nella riforma liturgica del Concilio Vaticano II’, RTF 8 (1997) 363–388; B. Rossi, ‘Dalla visione della sacralità giudaica alla rilettura dello spazio e del sacro dell’autore del quarto vangelo’, RTF 8 (1997) 293–307; D. Tracy, ‘Forms and sacred space in the duomo: a contemporary reflection’, RTF 8 (1997) 389–399. 8 Cfr. e.g. P. Stefani, ‘Uno spazio per il sacro’, Humanitas 44 (1989) 467–476; C. Bassi, ‘Tre capitoli per una meditazione sull’architettura della chiesa’, Humanitas 44 (1989) 477–485; G. Santi, ‘Architettura e liturgia’, Humanitas 44 (1989) 486–495. 9 Cfr. e.g. G. Lukken, ‘Die architektonischen dimensionen des rituals’, LJ 39 (1989) 19–36; K. Richter, ‘Heilige Räume. Eine Kritik aus theologischer Perspektive’, LJ conclusion: from matter to mystery 451

(QL),10 and the Benedictine Ecclesia Orans (EO).11 Furthermore the different dictionary articles on liturgical architecture ought to be considered.12 The publication of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, Notitiae, deserves a special mention, as this often publishes official explanations of the rubrics and regula- tions concerning the liturgy of the Church.13 Furthermore, there is the series Handbuch der Liturgiewissenschaft, of which the third volume is dedicated to liturgical form, a subject which was very important to Van der Laan, though it takes a more historical-theological approach than he did.14 It is surprising to note that only relatively few articles are dedicated to liturgical vestments.15 Furthermore there are many other theological-historical works, as well as those relating liturgy and architecture or other forms of art.16

48 (1998) 249–264; B. Kranemann, ‘Ortswechsel der Liturgie im Raum. Zu einem Studienprojekt zwischen Liturgiewissenschaft und Kunstwissenschaft’, LJ 54 (2004) 119–127. 10 Cfr. e.g. C. van de Wiel, ‘Les «lieux sacrés» dans le nouveau code de droit canonique (canons 1205–1239)’, QL 76 (1995) 106–137; P. Post, ‘Passage rituel: la liturgie en plein air’, QL 77 (1996) 174–190; L. van Tongeren, ‘Vers une utilisation dynamique et flexible de l’espace: Une réflexion renouvelée sur le réaménagement d’églises’, QL 83 (2002) 156–178. 11 Cfr. e.g. H.P. Neuheuser, ‘Materialiter aedificare spiritualiter coaedificari. Zur Theologie und Bidhaftigkeit der Kirchwehliturgie in den Beschreibungen des Abtes Suger von Saint-Denis’, EO 10 (1993) 33–78; C. Valenziano, ‘Semplice nota occasionale sul presente stato provvisorio dell’architettura per la liturgia’, EO 19 (2002) 101–110. 12 Cfr. e.g. E. Abruzzini, ‘Architettura’, in: D. Sartore—A.M. Triacca, eds, Nuovo dizionario di liturgia, Roma 1984; J. Notebaart, ‘Architecture, church’, in: J.A. Komonchak, et al, ed., The new dictionary of theology, Dublin 1988; M.M. Schae fer, ‘Liturgical Architecture’ in: P.E. Fink, ed., The new dictionary of sacramental worship, Dublin 1990; F. Debuyst, ‘Architectural setting’, in: J.G. Davies, ed., A new dictionary of liturgical worship, London 1991; L. Broughton, ‘Architecture’, in: J.-Y.Lacoste, Dictionnaire critique de théologie, Paris 2002. 13 Cfr. e.g. E. Lodi, ‘Spazio e rito 30 anni di cammino’, Notitiae 30 (1994) 649–653; M.I. Rupnik, ‘Applicazione del Concilio: Quale arte per la liturgia?’, Notitiae 41 (2005) 579–587. 14 Cfr. esp. J.H. Emminghaus, ‘Der gottestdienstliche Raum und seine Gestaltung’, in: H.B. Meyer, et al., ed., Gottesdienst der Kirche, t. III, Gestalt des Gottesdienstes. Sprachliche und nichtsprachliche Ausdrucksformen, Regensburg 1997, 347–385. 15 Cfr. e.g. M. Kunzler, ‘Indumentum Salutis. Überlegungen zum liturgischen Gewand’, Theologie und Glaube 81 (1991) 52–78; D. Thönnes, ‘Das textile Gedächt- nis der Kirche’, LJ 47 (1997) 78–88; M. Schneider, Das Sakrament der Eucharistie, Köln 2007, 135–143. 16 Cfr. e.g. L. Bouyer, Architecture et liturgie, tr. G. Lecourt, Paris 1967; S.J. Schloeder, Architecture in communion. Implementing the Second Vatican Council through liturgy and architecture, San Francisco 1978; H.W. Turner, From Temple to 452 chapter six

Though the list of publications mentioned above is necessarily not exhaustive certain conclusions can be drawn from it. The publications take an almost entirely liturgical, historical or theological approach. Much attention is dedicated to historical developments and to practical problems that arise when designing for liturgical use. Few refer to Van der Laan, although on specific details parallels with his work can be detected.17 Although the list of secondary literature referred to

Meeting House. The Phenomenology and Theology of Places of Worship, The Hague- Paris-New York 1979; S. de Blaauw, Cultus et decor. Liturgie en architectuur in laatantiek en middeleeuws Rome: Basilica Salvatoris, Sanctae Mariae, Sancti Petri, Delft 1987; G. Grasso, Tra teologia e architettura. Analisi dei problemi soggiacenti all’edilizia per il culto, Roma 1988; S. de Blaauw, ‘The solitary celebration of the supreme pontiff. The Lateran basilica as the new temple in the medieval liturgy of Maundy Thursday’, in: C. Caspers—M. Schneiders, ed., Omnes circumadstantes. Contribu- tions towards a history on the role of the people in the liturgy, Kampen 1990, 121– 143; Id., ‘Architecture and liturgy in late antiquity and the middle ages. Traditions and trends in modern scholarship’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 33 (1991) 1–34; C. Chenis, Fondamenti teorici dell’arte sacra. Magistero post-conciliare, Roma 1991; A. Rouet, Arte e liturgia, Città del Vaticano 1994, 67–89; S. Dianich, ‘Edificare una chiesa, abitare e celebrare in un luogo, come agire communicativo della comunità cristiana’, in: Spazio e rito. Aspetti costitutivi dei luogi della celebrazione cristiana. Atti della XXIII settimana di studio dell’Associazione professori di liturgia, Torreglia 1994, Roma 1994, 255–273; W. Roemer, Kirchenarchitektur als Abbild des Himmels. Zur Theologie des Kirchengebaüdes, Kevelaer 1997; R. Kieckhefer, Theology in Stone. Church Architecture from Byzantium to Berkeley, New York 2004; L. van Tongeren, ‘De ruimtelijke dispositie van de gemeenschapsliturgie’, Jaarboek voor liturgie-onderzoek 20 (2004) 107–133; M. Seasoltz, A sense of the sacred. Theological foundations of Christian architecture and art, New York 2005; W. Whyte, ‘How do buildings mean? Some issues of interpretation in the history of architecture’, History and theory 45 (2006) 153–177; C. Militello, La casa del popolo di Dio. Modelli ecclesiologici modelli architettonici, Bologna 2006; M. Piacenza, ‘Gli aspetti liturgici che incidono sull’arte’, intervento in occasione della Giornata di studio sul tema ‘Maestà e bellezza nel Suo santuario. L’arte a servizio della liturgia’, Vaticano 1 Dec. 2007 [Unp.]. 17 Cfr. e.g. A. Cornoldi, ed., L’architettura dell’edificio sacro, Roma 1995, 226–227; K. Frampton—J. Cava, ed., Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture, Cambridge-London 1995, 420; P. Post, ‘Kenterend tij? Een plaatsbepaling van twee kerkontwerpprojecten’, TvL 81 (1997) 199–215; Id., Een ander huis. Kerkarchitectuur na 2000, Baarn 1997, 10–17; J.M. Montaner, ‘Wiel Arets: Arquitectura Europea después del Postmodernismo / Wiel Arets: European Architecture After Modernism’, El Croquis (1997, nr. 85) 29; P. Schmidt, ‘Geloof en kunst’, TvL 85 (2001) 4–13; A. Goossens, ‘Vieren in schoonheid. Waarheen? Slotbeschouwingen bij het concres’, TvL 85 (2001) 68–75; M. Biraghi, ‘Il mattone e la vita spirituale’, Costruire in laterizio (2001, nr. 81) 36–40; S. de Jonge, Kerkarchitectuur na 2000. Het ontwikkelen van grensverleggende typologieën tussen literatuur, architectuur en duurzame ontwikkeling, Eindhoven 2002, esp. 45–76; P. Post, ‘Church Architecture and Liturgy: Current Perspectives for Liturgical Inculturation’, in: N. Schreurs—T. Plastow, ed., Juxtaposing contexts. Doing contextual theology in South Africa and in the Netherlands, Pietermaritzburg 2003, 166–167; Id., ‘Raum für Liturgie zwischen dynamischem Ideal und statischer Wirklichkeit. Eine Untersuchung conclusion: from matter to mystery 453 in this book seems impressively lengthy, it actually contains very few scholarly studies. Moreover, it is significant that most of these studies concern the field of architecture and that there are no in-depth academic studies introducing the reader to Van der Laan’s thought in its entirety. Van der Laan himself did not refer much to other writers and showed himself to be an independent thinker. His unique approach to the relation between Mystery and matter does deserve proper academic attention. Contrary to these articles, Van der Laan went back to the very essence of the making of human artefacts, which was the basis for his interdisciplinary approach to liturgy and art. Neither historical nor theological arguments played an important role in his theory. With his empirical-phenomenological attitude he developed an all- encompassing approach to the reality created by God, which in turn can aid man in his movement towards God.

6.3. Perspectives

Though in his theory Van der Laan came to a harmonic synthesis of architecture and liturgy, certain tensions can be observed when considering the application of the theory in the contemporary world. The results of this research give rise to a number of questions concerning his approach. A detailed treatment of these is beyond the scope of this book, but they may serve as pointers for further study. Van der Laan deemed his theory of the proportions of the plastic number to be the only logical answer to the demands of good architecture, so that for him nothing else was needed for the creation of a beautiful building where the faithful could encounter God. He constructed what he thought people should ask for, though he was aware that they needed to be educated in order to appreciate his architecture. In fact, it seems to be a general principle that people need to be

aus der Perspektive des ‘materiellen Christentums’’, LJ 54 (2004) 104–118; B. Kozyreff, ‘Dom Hans Van der Laan, architecte: du sensible à l‘arithmétique’, in: T. Paquot– C. Younès, Géométrie, mesure du monde. Philosophie, architecture, urbain, Paris 2005, 147–158; n.n., ‘Commissione per le nuove chiese e le strutture religiose del territorio’, Ambrosius 81 (2005) 277–281; V. Sainz Gutierrez, ‘El retorno a los origines. Raices de la arquitectura de Hans van der Laan’, Revista de filosofía (2007, nr. 38) 132–148. Further reference may be made to the list of secondary literature on Van der Laan in the bibliography. 454 chapter six educated in order to appreciate art.18 Van der Laan did not articulate this fully but simply said that people need to grow internally in order to value his creations. He believed that these were able to ‘form’ their users, and help them to grow internally towards God. The placement of the essential liturgical objects inside a church educates the faithful concerning the different roles and rituals of liturgy, including the ‘hierarchy’, the holy order of the Church. In this context of education it is surprising that Van der Laan did not mention the proclamation of the Word in his work. He rarely preached a homily. Where in his churches he gave the altar and the presidential chair the architectural emphasis they are due, the removable lectern had a more insignificant shape (see fig. 6.01). Though this might be explained by the fact that he designed mainly monastic churches, it could have offered an opportunity for liturgical education concerning the position of the Word of God. However, it must be noted too that education only played a secondary role for him and that the forms of liturgy themselves were Van der Laan’s main focus. In a way, one could therefore say that his pastoral approach intended to help the soul reach God through the influence of architectural space and design rather than through preaching or pastoral counselling. Other questions could be raised concerning the ‘value as proclamation’ of the architecture and artefacts designed by Van der Laan. Their austere and simple forms have been highly praised from an aesthetic point of view. Visitors to his churches often say that, precisely because of the absence of ornamentation, they were able to concentrate on the only thing necessary, which is their relationship with God. However, not everyone agrees with this appraisal. The average Christian needs some external, material help which speaks to the different senses in order to be able to come closer to God and contemplate His essence. In his theory, Van der Laan emphasised the importance of the senses, for example in his continuous reference to the importance of material objects in l’esprit de l’Incarnation (the spirit of the Incarnation), but his designs sometimes give the impression that he forgot how he himself had grown through a long process of spiritual education and that the austere spaces and simple vestments and vessels he designed were only the result of later developments in his life. As pleasing to

18 Cfr. e.g. M. Chappin, ‘Cultural Heritage and Human Identity’, Report of Seventh Symposium on Cultural Policy, s.l. 1997, 6–7 [Danske Kulturinstitut]. conclusion: from matter to mystery 455

Fig. 6.01 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, lectern. Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] 456 chapter six the eye and the intellect as they may be, to what extent do his designs offer man help on his spiritual path? A monk lives his religious life day and night, always focused on his service to God, and is therefore less in need of aids and signposts than a lay person ‘in the world’. Might the average parishioner not be better helped with a church that is filled with signs and symbols that refer to God in a more explicit way? The catechetical value of stained glass, the Stations of the Cross and the beautiful adorning of the altar and the tabernacle have often proven to be of great help in switching from daily activities to entering into the presence of God. In this respect one might ask whether Van der Laan’s later style should only be applied to certain specific and especially monastic environments and whether in other cases the proclamation of the Gospel might not be better helped by a less strict application of his principles. Some argue that this austerity is precisely the reason why many of the parish churches constructed by Van der Laan’s students of the CKA have been demolished in recent years. After the simplifications and iconoclasm of the second half of the 20th century churches in recent years have been restored to their original state with statues, paintings and symbols which respond to the senses. One might, however, question whether this represents a necessary condition for the communication with the divine, or whether it is rather the expression of a certain sentimentality and nostalgia as Van der Laan would argue. Though these questions shall not be explored further here, Van der Laan would have agreed with the fact that nothing could be more important than the salvation of souls, while believing that this would be best served by the strict application of his theory and the noble simplicity of his architecture and other designs. His search was always for the essence of architecture and therefore for the most important elements that constitute a house of God. For him, all other disciplines, such as painting or sculpture, take second place and should always be considered in the context of the overall design.19 The universality of Christianity was very important for Van der Laan who strongly believed in the one Church of Christ, which adores Him everywhere on earth. He considered the theoretical foundations of human design which he discovered in the plastic number to be similarly universal. It was his firm belief that he was right where his

19 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, La forme des églises, 11 [Unp. AVdL]. conclusion: from matter to mystery 457 theory was concerned and he was willing to defend his position. He argued strongly against the ‘artistic image’ of the Renaissance and the Romantic era.20 According to him, subjective expression from the inside, which he called ‘false expression’, had to be replaced by an objective expression which should be contained in man-made things themselves by following general norms, which for him were expressed in the theory of the plastic number.21 Apart from his study of certain classical monuments, there is evidence that he was little interested in other architectural styles and even attacked them if they did not correspond to his theory. Though he reacted strongly against almost all of the architecture after the era of the early Christian basilica, one might wonder whether great works of architecture like the cathedral of Chartres or the basilica of St Peter and its environs in Rome answer in their essence to proportions similar to those of the plastic number (see fig. 6.02). If Van der Laan was right in his conviction that the application of the plastic number alone leads to beautiful proportions, this should be the case. If not, he was wrong in excluding the possibility of the existence of other equally valid proportion systems. In his rigorous reaction against ornamentation, Van der Laan chose not to study the proportions of these buildings in detail and thus missed the opportunity for a possible reconciliation with the great architectural styles that were developed later. Van der Laan’s systematic and narrowly focused application of his theory gives rise to some other questions. Considering for example the architecture of Vaals, one might wonder whether this is not too inaccessible and demanding. But then again, is not all religious life elitist in a certain way? Van der Laan was convinced that the strict application of his theory, with the allowance for a small calculated margin, would lead to the best possible result. A good example of his unwillingness to give in to practical considerations in this sense was his insistence on applying oblique corners inside his cupboards, which makes them less practical to use (see fig. C45). Similarly he asked the Sisters of Waasmunster to accept a certain physical discomfort in the use of their furniture. These he considered minor sacrifices for the sake of the intellectual pleasure found in the unity of the proportions through which the furniture formed an integral part of the entire architectural

20 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to A. Mertens 19861108. 21 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel (VI,1) 53. 458 chapter six

Fig. 6.02 Rome, San Pietro in Vaticano. [Photo: F.J. Remery] conclusion: from matter to mystery 459 space. A comparison springs to mind with the Austrian architect Adolf Loos, who, like Van der Laan, reacted strongly against the use of ornamentation and placed form before function (see fig. 6.03). Loos, however, did not base his conclusions on a theory as elaborate as Van der Laan’s and there is no evidence that he influenced Van der Laan.22 One might argue that the only ‘fault’ in Van der Laan’s theory is that it is presented as a perfect theory, whereas nature, man included, is not perfect. This would also explain the lack of proper scholarly critiques of the theory, for how can one criticise something perfect? However, although the reasoning seems perfectly logical, on further exploring this question one could argue that the example of the uncomfortable furniture does raise the question whether a certain contact with reality might sometimes be lacking in Van der Laan’s designs. Man is not only an intellectual being, but also has a body with physical needs. Van der Laan’s relation with nature gives rise to a comparison with other architects. Though he extolled the beauty of nature, he did not imitate it in a direct way and his architecture is merely the result of his own study and the observation of the constructions of great civilisations, not of his direct interaction with nature. His squaring of forms might be considered the paradigm of this. Antoni Gaudí (1852–1926), for example, took the opposite approach, using very few straight lines in his designs (see fig. 6.04).23 He praised the beauty of nature and was motivated to observe, study and understand its external forms and laws in order to imitate them. Van der Laan on the contrary searched for the inner essence of nature. Though he started with the observation of nature, he did not imitate it and was not directly inspired by its forms. For him, the step that followed this observation was the development of his autonomous study. Where someone like Gaudí discovered and applied forms and laws of nature, Van der Laan came up with the plastic number derived from nature. In this sense, Van der Laan’s theoretical approach represents a search for the very essence of reality, a method which seems to enlarge the initial distance from the daily reality of man, but which at the same time intends to refer to more fundamental truths. Such an intellectual approach aims to speak

22 Cfr. e.g. A. Loos, Ornament und Verbrechen, Wien 1908; B. Rukschcio– R. Schachel, Adolf Loos. Leben und Werk, Salzburg-Wien 1982. 23 Cfr. e.g. C. Martinell y Brunet, Gaudí. Su vida, su teoría, su obra, Barcelona 1967; A. Gaudí y Cornet, Paroles et écrits, Paris 2003. 460 chapter six

Fig. 6.03 Vienna, Looshaus (1910). Architect A. Loos. [Photo: mpr] to the entire human being and not only to his senses as a more organic architecture would seem to do. The greatest contribution of Van der Laan’s theory is that it shows the connection between Mystery and matter. His proportional theory for the design of artefacts and buildings aims to respond by means of the senses directly to the human intellect, which in turn is called to relate to the divine Intellect from which it originates. Thus man is able to relate to God through the objects he creates. The theory gradually expands to encompass all aspects of human life. This would not necessarily lead to only one type of architecture or design, as the theory is general enough to allow for very different expressions, which could all correspond to the same general principles and proportions. He repeatedly affirmed that his concrete designs should not be considered to be a final solution for architecture and said that later generations would apply his theory in a different way. If he had lived another twenty years, Van der Laan would probably have found another expression and thus developed a new architectural style which would have answered more perfectly to his theory. This can already be recognised in the great difference between his early and later designs, as well as in the diversity conclusion: from matter to mystery 461

Fig. 6.04 Barcelona, Park Güell (1900–1914). Architect A. Gaudí. [Photo: mpr] of ancient buildings in which he recognised his proportional theory. For its future value, it is important to stress the universal nature of the theory in order to make it accessible to a far wider public. That would be a great good, as Van der Laan’s theory is a monumental summary of the possibilities of the sanctification of man, not in spite of, but through the every day world as created by God, which is present in a distilled way in the forms used in liturgy. What follows is an attempt to briefly analyse some theological elements in Van der Laan’s thought that result from the study of his theory.

6.4. Creation and salvation

Van der Laan’s thought contains many theological elements. It is unfortunate that he rarely made explicit reference to his sources and the following sections will deal with this question. As a basis for the final conclusion an oblique approach will be taken by considering three theological elements that form the basis of his oeuvre: creation, Incarnation and sanctification. Though he did not use these terms in the same systematic way, an analysis of this triad will help to shed more light on some aspects of his theory. The intention is to make 462 chapter six explicit what Van der Laan assumed but did not elaborate on in detail. As it deals with various theological ideas and not an entire theology, the following analysis is necessarily fragmentary.

6.4.1. Creation In Vormenspel, Van der Laan started with the question: ‘What is liturgy?’24 However, although the frequent use of the definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger might suggest otherwise, the starting point of his reflection was not liturgy, but the material world as it was created by God (cfr. Gen. 1–2). Of special importance was man’s encounter with created nature. Thus Van der Laan gave evidence of an ‘anthro- pocentric’ view of creation. Because of his soul, man is the crown of creation. He is called to dominate the earth (cfr. Gen 1:26). At its creation the world was created good by God (cfr. Gen. 1:31). This situation was changed in the Fall by the sin of man, which changed not only the relation between man and God, but also the relation between man and creation (cfr. Gen. 3). As of that moment, a certain hostility existed between man and created nature, which was no longer perfect. Thus man needed protection, which brought Van der Laan to emphasize that the first necessities of man are shelter, clothing and food (cfr. Sir. 29:21). This led him to the essential forms of the house, vestments and vessels. Note the Aristotelian-Thomistic influence when Van der Laan said that the intellect, having been informed by created reality through the senses, in turn is able to make its own ‘creations’, applying the same rules it recognises in nature created by God. Here one encounters the ancient theological theme of man as a ‘co-creator’. Van der Laan did not use the term, possibly because he recognised the danger of falling into a self-divinisation of man, but he would agree with Ladaria that “man was created, and at the same moment God made him ‘creator’”.25 Van der Laan expressed this reality in what he called the ‘great analogy’. By analogy of the unlimited divine Intellect, the limited human intellect is able to create artefacts itself, always basing itself on the natural ‘given’. It is understandable, given the high value

24 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel, 7–15. 25 L. Ladaria, ‘Il Creatore’, in: R. Fisichella, ed., Catechismo della Chiesa Cat- tolica. Testo integrale e commento teologico, Casale 1993, 676–684: “l’uomo è stato creato, e nello stesso tempo Dio lo ha fatto ‘creatore’”. conclusion: from matter to mystery 463

Van der Laan allotted to human ‘making’ and the role of the intellect, that he strongly opposed the modern separation between making and thinking, for example when in a factory workers have to make parts of a whole they do not know.26 By excluding the intellect in human ‘making’, one applies a dualism between body and soul which Van der Laan clearly disputed. With reference to St Thomas Aquinas, he said that whereas animals received hooves or a hairy skin to protect themselves, the intellect is man’s main means of survival as he uses it to create whatever he needs.27 In order to dominate it, man introduces three-dimensional limitations into the vast extensiveness of nature which for him is unlimited and therefore hostile. The intellect needs a limited world which it can dominate and thus demarcates a limited architectural space, which it can order. Similarly, man makes clothing, pottery and other artefacts to serve both the needs of the body and the intellect. It seems surprising that Van der Laan often spoke of the role of the intellect, but did not refer to the other two parts which Catholic theology identifies in the soul—will and memory. In line with this, one can observe that elements connected with the these two, like feeling and history, are underutilised in his work. At most one could say that feeling found a limited place in his theory of architecture by his introducing the concept of the margin. At the same time it should be noted that intellect, will and memory cannot be distinguished exactly, and that though Van der Laan only mentioned the first, the other two parts of the soul should be assumed as a given in his thought which he intended to correspond in every aspect to the teaching of the Church. By starting with nature, Van der Laan was able to follow a philosophical reasoning, based on empirically derived facts, which allowed him to open up the practical use of his theory to a wider public. His conviction was that one does not need to believe in order to interact with God’s creation. Part of his theory can be derived without referring to God or divine grace. This can be clearly seen in Van der Laan’s books on architecture, which very rarely refer to God and which are based on ‘the book of nature’ and the logical application of reason. The many aspects of Revelation were for him stepping-stones which he

26 Cfr. HvdL, Keyenberg, Renkum 17 Sept. 1960 [Unp. AVdL]. 27 Cfr. S. Thomas Aquino, In Aristotelis libros Physicorum, lib. 3 l. 5 n. 15, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. II, Romae 1884. 464 chapter six simply accepted and included in his reasoning, often without specific reference. In this approach he let the supernatural be the Mystery, recognising the importance of the Incarnation in the role played by material forms.

6.4.2. Incarnation As a result of the Incarnation, which plays a central role in Van der Laan’s thought, created reality was once again ordered to God. In this sense, creation can be considered to be a preparation for the Incar- nation. In art this is often expressed by giving Adam the features of Christ. Similarly, Van der Laan referred to the analogy of the new man, who has been clothed in Christ through Baptism (cfr. Gal. 3:27). It is an optimistic approach, which might if superficially considered, lead to Duns Scotus’ conclusion that even without the Fall the Incarna- tion would have taken place.28 However, though Van der Laan did not enter into such speculative theological debates, and though he hardly ever referred to essential theological themes like the Fall and Redemp- tion, these must be considered to be the assumed foundation for his theory. Van der Laan gives evidence of upholding the importance of the Incarnation by referring to Christ as the new Adam, which implies a real change in the course of history. Christ became flesh to repair what went wrong at the moment of the Fall, when nature became hostile to man. Because of the Incarnation, creation is elevated; now everything may serve to praise God, to teach about Him and to reach out to Him. This led Van der Laan to the conclusion that the physical is a way to God, and salvation can be reached through the mediation of matter. Although the Council of Trent does not mention the created world (i.e. man and matter) as an instrument of salvation in its Decree on Justification, various important scholars like St Thomas and Ratzinger have affirmed that the senses are not to be discarded in matters of faith.29 Though Van der Laan said the same, contrary to Ratzinger, he

28 Cfr. J. Duns Scotus, Lectura III D.1 q.1, in: Ioannis Duns Scoti Opera Omnia, t. XX, Roma 2003, 1–35, esp. 1–3, 32–33; A. Vos, et al., John Duns Scotus. The possibility of the incarnation. Lectura distinction III question 1, Latin Text and English Translation, Utrecht 2009, 3–30, esp. 3–5, 27–30. 29 Cfr. Conc. Tridentinum, Sessio VI, 13 Jan. 1547, Decretum de iustificatione, c. 7, in: SGTr 5, 791–799 (DH 1528–1531); J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 106–107. conclusion: from matter to mystery 465 did not include historical and eschatological arguments in his reasoning. All of these commentators would agree that if the senses are not involved in the right way, one falls almost inevitably into a merely apophatic approach, which cannot take into account the transparency of the spirit in the senses and regards matter and God as absolute opposites which cannot be related to one another (cfr. I Cor. 2:10–16). Unlike the icon, Van der Laan did not consider his works of art as relating directly to the divine. For that relation to exist, the human intellect has to play a special role in the creation of artefacts destined to serve in liturgy. On a more practical level Van der Laan realised the need for both intellect and senses, as is shown by his frequent use of the Thomistic motto “nothing is in the intellect, which is not first in the senses”.30 He dearly loved a solemn liturgy and faithfully adhered to the liturgical rubrics. He was mainly concerned with the use of matter in the liturgical form of the many objects used for the liturgical celebration and their symbolic meaning, including the church building. However, he abhorred any form of mysticism or symbolism, and allowed only the ‘great sign of the church as the domus Dei’ (the house of God). It simply is an ‘aula’ or a ‘locus’, which becomes special because it is dedicated to God by virtue of its consecration. All churches and liturgical objects respond both to the senses and the intellect. Thus Van der Laan took great care in designing his buildings and liturgical artefacts, both the design and execution of which were anything but straightforward, precisely because only perfect designs should be used in communication with the divine. Contrary to man, God does not need a house to protect his body. Van der Laan concluded that therefore a church must necessarily respond to all architectural rules in order to be able to glorify His name: “if this witness of honour does not find its echo in the visible form it is in vain that one constructs in honour of God” (cfr. Ps. 127:1).31 Though Van der Laan often spoke of the importance of the Incarna- tion, he hardly ever referred to Christ and made no mention of Love,

30 S. Thomas de Aquino, De Veritate, q2 a3, in: Quaestiones disputatae, t. I, R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini-Romae, 1953: “nihil est in intellectu quod non sit prius in sensu”. 31 Cfr. HvdL, In het vriendenboek van Granpré Molière, Feb. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]: “si ce témoignage d’honneur ne trouve pas son écho dans la forme visible, c’est en vain que l’on construit à l’honneur de Dieu”. 466 chapter six

Sacrifice or Salvation in his theory. However, because these are the reason, consequence and aim of the Incarnation, for Van der Laan the word ‘Incarnation’ includes the entire mystery of Christ’s Incarna- tion, Sacrifice in love and Resurrection: “Thus since the Incarnation, and especially since the Ascension, a worship, a heavenly liturgy has been inaugurated in which the earth is involved in its entirety”.32 Mme Bruyère notably did not speak extensively of Sacrifice either.33 Van der Laan concentrated mainly on the exitus of creation and the reditus towards God. The Incarnation is then the turning point and Van der Laan expressed this great movement towards God with the concise words ‘ima summis’, which first of all refer to Christ, who in Him- self reconciled the lowest (ima) with the highest (summa). From the moment of the Incarnation the entire created world was included in His redeeming action which intends to bring everything back to God. The reditus is not done in spite of, but through the created world. Van der Laan’s thought does not include the philosophical idea of Plotinus that the exitus is negative and the reditus is positive. In his Christian approach, the exitus is the positive creation by God, and the reditus is the free answer of man to the grace of God, which may ultimately lead to his sanctification.

6.4.3. Sanctification Though Van der Laan did not use the theological term ‘sanctification’ to describe the movement towards God, it covers precisely what he intended to say. He emphasised the fact that, as with all creation, man is limited by both time and space and needs sacred space, sacred time and sacred symbols to reach out to God. It is through the mediation of these things that man participates in the heavenly liturgy and since the Incarnation—with the grace of God—it is in the earthly liturgy that the exitus of creation is turned into the reditus towards God. The latter movement may be called the sanctification of man, emphasising the fundamental importance of the Incarnation. Liturgy is the earthly ‘endpoint’; the sharing in the divine life is the ultimate goal. Man,

32 HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952, 6: “Sedert de Incarnatie en vooral sedert de Hemelvaart is dan ook een eredienst, een hemelse liturgie geïnaugu- reerd waarin de aarde geheel betrokken is”. 33 Cfr. C. Bruyère, La vie spirituelle et l’oraison d’après l’Ecriture Sainte et la tradition monastique, Solesmes 1885. conclusion: from matter to mystery 467 being both matter and spirit, is tied to matter, but with his intellect he can reach out beyond himself. Though this approach may seem to betray a certain Neo-Platonic dualism, for Van der Laan it is the entire man (body and soul) who is called to return to God. He always considered liturgical architecture and artefacts to be related to the ‘ecclesiastical hierarchy’ taken in the largest sense to also include creation, Incarnation and sanctification through the Sacramental mystery of the triune God, who is the object of the faith of the Church.34 Thus in liturgy, earthly matter is used as a vessel of grace. This is expressed in the reality of the Sacraments, where man-made bread is turned by God into the Body of Christ.35 The key to the concept of sanctification for Van der Laan is that in the Incarnation God Himself became matter, for the sole reason of bringing man, body and soul, to Himself. This is recalled daily in the Eucharist: “Through the mystery of this water and wine may we be made participants of the Divinity of Him, who deigned to become par- ticipant of our humanity”.36 Van der Laan recognised that the matter of the mystery which is celebrated is very simple and at the same time essential. For example, the matter of the Sacrament of the Eucharist is minimal and it can be celebrated at any place, just as the Office, the opus Dei, for which suffices a breviary and a corner in a train compart- ment.37 But without bread there is no Eucharist, without simple cloth there are no vestments and without walls there is no aula Dei. As such, the sensible signs of liturgy are firmly rooted in physical human life and Van der Laan added that therefore one needs to keep one’s eyes and ears open in church.38 Hence the importance for truly beautiful designs and the sanctification of liturgical symbols which speak to all the senses and which in turn inform the intellect.

34 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19400331, 19431121; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 195206; Letters to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804, 19731221, 19841019, 19860618, 19881016; Letter to R. van der Does de Willebois 19780105; Letter to Sr R. Engels 19810528; Letter to R. Padovan 19831227; Letter to A. Bodar 19880728. 35 Cfr. HvdL, Schoonheid 48 [Unp. AVdL]. 36 MR 1969, Liturgia Eucharistica: “Per huius aquae et vini mysterium eius efficia- mur divinitatis consortes, qui humanitatis nostrae fieri dignatus est particeps”. Cfr. also Oratio in Nativitate Domini Missa in Die: “da... nobis eius divinitatis esse consortes, qui humanitatis nostrae fieri dignatus est particeps” (“let us be participants of the Divinity of Him, who deigned to participate in our humanity”). 37 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Bouwen en bidden’, Mededelingen voor de Vrienden van de Abdij St. Benedictusberg, Mamelis 1966, 14–15. 38 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121. 468 chapter six

Van der Laan was always aware of the larger background of the top- down movement of creation and the bottom-up movement of the created world, which—with the help of divine grace—is ultimately aiming towards the supernatural life with God. With reference to the Incar- nation of Christ, he sought to give created matter its original elevated and referential value, always pointing to God. Although a parallel can be observed with Neo-Platonism, which is concentrated around the emanation from the divine and the call of creation to return to its origin, there are also fundamental differences. Plato would neither accept the mediation of an incarnate God, nor the mediation of matter. In Van der Laan’s ideas there is not a trace of paganism, for his work is grounded in a deeply Christian approach to life. He profoundly believed that through the work of the architect and designer, earthly matter could help man to reach out to God in liturgy. The sanctification of man thus, though implicit and assumed, is among the most essential theological elements of his theory and should always be considered as its ultimate background and aim.

6.5. Monastic theology

6.5.1. Looking—Making—Praying All three elements—creation, Incarnation and sanctification—need to be kept in mind when considering the relationship between the fields of liturgy and architecture. Van der Laan was not a methodical scholar, but his brothers in the monastic life helped him by passing on applicable quotations from authors they had studied themselves. Leclerq spoke about this unique way of assembling study material in the monastic environment, which he called ‘théologie monastique’ (‘monastic theology’).39 This is probably a good way to describe what Van der Laan did, for his approach must be called theology the moment he introduced God into his logical reflection. His method is a mixture of empirical phenomenology, positive opportunism in the use of texts handed to him, and a strictly logical application of the human intellect in order to reason through a certain point of view. The term ‘empirical phenomenology’ should not be taken in any specific

39 Cfr. J. Leclercq, L’amour des lettres et le désir de Dieu. Initiation aux auteurs monastiques du moyen âge, Paris 1957, 179. conclusion: from matter to mystery 469 modern or contemporary sense. There is, for example, no indication of any significant influence of the approach of Blondel or Maritain in this context. Van der Laan himself said that his theory was mainly based on the application of logic and reason, bon sens.40 His logical reasoning is also the basis for his habit of keeping the different ‘worlds’ of his theory separated. Thus it was possible for him to speak of architecture without mentioning God, though he himself always kept in mind that larger context. It has been seen in this study that the play with the instruments of background and foreground helped Van der Laan to move up and down the different levels he distinguished in created reality. Thus he always studied a certain aspect of his theory against the background of its greater context. He often related these aspects by the application of analogy, another important instrument of his theory. Van der Laan recognised that the results of his empirical-phenomenological approach to the visible created world should be considered in the totality of the invisible supernatural world which comes from God and to whom it all returns. It is in liturgy that the relationship between these two worlds is ritually expressed by man the co-creator. Aware that the two worlds come in contact with each other all the time, Van der Laan explained the background to his theory of liturgical form with the triad ‘looking—making—praying’. In his own life, he started making artefacts on the basis of what he had learned from his observations of created reality, society and liturgy. The most eminent examples of these artefacts were used in communal prayer, liturgy, for reaching out to God. This is the basis for the rest of the theory. In all his activities Van der Laan was clearly aware of the fact that man can only influence the form of the visible, which is nature, and needs the grace of God in order break through to the invisible, supernatural world. It is precisely this greater background, combined with his empirical- phenomenological approach that makes the theory and the artefacts of Van der Laan an excellent starting point for further reflection concerning the fields of liturgy and architecture or human ‘making’ in general. The results of the current study should therefore not be considered as an endpoint, but more as a starting point and an inventory, on the basis of which further architectural, liturgical and theological

40 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom P. Nau 19450907. 470 chapter six research could be founded. For example, it would be interesting to make a comparison between the work of Van der Laan and that of a modern theologian and liturgist. Here one could think for instance of Ratzinger’s book on the spirit of liturgy, which has had a mixed reception.41 Ratzinger consecutively treated four essentially Van der Laanian themes: the essence of liturgy, time and space in liturgy, art and liturgy and liturgical form. Both authors started with the question: ‘What is liturgy?’ and answered this primarily by turning their attention to creation.42 It should be noted, however, that in the end there is more dissimilarity than similarity between these authors. Whereas Rat- zinger took a historical-theological approach, Van der Laan had a more empirical-phenomenological approach. It is precisely this approach that starts reasoning on the basis of the things man encounters around him that makes his thought accessible to the modern mind. This in itself underlines the fact that his theory deserves further study.

6.5.2. Number—Order—Beauty With the typical remark that he saw every new house as a further completion of nature as it was constructed by the Great Architect, Van der Laan implicitly referred to an important underlying principle: not only does human ‘making’ find its highest and most important application in liturgy, thus relating man to his ultimate goal, but it also relates man to the greater reality of his existence as created by God.43 For Van der Laan his theory of the plastic number was universally applicable. A comparison may be made with the place of natural law in moral theol-

41 Cfr. J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000; R. Arnau-García, ‘Leyendo al Cardenal Ratzinger. Nota sobre ‘El espíritu de la liturgia. Una introducción’’, Anales Valentinos 27 (2001) 399–407; A. Schilson, ‘‘Vom Geist der Liturgie’. Versuch einer Relecture von Romano Guardinis Jahrhun- dertschrift’, LJ 51 (2001) 76–89; P.-M. Gy, ‘L’esprit de la liturgie du cardinal Ratzinger est-il fidèle au Concile, ou en réaction contre?’, MD (2002, nr. 229) 171–178; J. Rat- zinger, ‘Réponse du cardinal Ratzinger au père Gy’, MD (2002, nr. 230) 113–178; P. Farnés, ‘Una obra importante sobre liturgia que debe leerse en su verdadero con- texto’, Phase 42 (2002) 55–76; J. Ratzinger, ‘Respuesta’, Phase 42 (2002) 509–514; O. Bauer, ‘Lettre ouverte à propos de L’esprit de la liturgie, ouvrage du cardinal Joseph Ratzinger’, RTP (2003, nr. 135) 241–251; J. Ratzinger, ‘Réponse’, RTP (2003, nr. 135) 253–256; D.L. Guzmán, ‘Teología Sistemática’, Estudios Eclesiásticos 78 (2003) 411–412. 42 Cfr. HvdL, Vormenspel, 7–24; J. Ratzinger, Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einfüh- rung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000, 11–29. 43 Cfr. HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosen- berg, Vaals 1975, 4. conclusion: from matter to mystery 471 ogy, which plays a similar fundamental role. On the basis of Van der Laan’s application of the plastic number, it might be suggested that he recognised the principle of proportion in the divine Intellect: “There is an order which is like the reflection of the unity that reigns in heaven and by means of which everything is involved in this unity… In this way one must also consider architecture, which, like our singing, may become completely celestial thanks to that order”.44 For example, Scrip- ture recounts how the model of the Temple existed in the Intellect of God (cfr. Ezk. 40–48; Rv. 21:22).45 If indeed the plastic number can be recognised in nature, it must correspond with the ‘number’ in the Intellect of God at the moment of creation. In that case, man as a (created) co-creator would be able to apply the same principles in analogy with his Creator, though always in a limited way. Signs of this truth should then be found in the ancient constructions studied in detail by Van der Laan such as Stonehenge and the Christian basilicas. As they contain the ‘divine number’, these constructions thus can be considered to be viae (ways) towards God. Though Van der Laan upheld the supremacy of God at every moment of his life, one might consider it a danger of his theory that man could be tempted to consider himself to be God, zooming in and out between the different form-worlds and forgetting that he is not a creator but a co-creator when he designs his artefacts. However, this danger of the ‘divine number’ only becomes real when man indulges in pride (cfr. Gen. 3). It has been seen that for Van der Laan, as long as the measurements of an artefact correspond to the universal principles of proportion of the plastic number, this artefact must by definition be beautiful. He claimed to have discovered a way to calculate the unique set of proportions which are pleasing to the human eye as well as to the intellect. This universality is supported by the fact that he managed to recognise the same principles in the ancient monolithic monument Stonehenge, in Greek temples and in Christian basilicas. When considering the man-made cosmos Van der Laan created within the ordered cosmos of creation, a comparison could be made with the Platonic objective world of ideas, where reality needs to adapt itself to the Idea. Van der

44 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19430523: “Il y a un ordre qui est comme le reflet de l’unité qui règne au ciel & par lequel tout est enveloppé dans cette

unité . . . .. De cette façon il faut aussi envisager l’architecture qui comme notre chant peut devenir toute céleste grâce à cet ordre”. 45 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Nabeschouwingen op de lezing van ir. van Ravesteyn, ’s-Hertogen- bosch 13–14 Apr. 1956 [Unp. AVdL]. 472 chapter six

Laan’s buildings could be called Platonic in the sense that, even on the smallest scale, they express the idea of a perfect house. Man must adapt to this idea. It has been shown how in practice this utopian approach sometimes leads to a conflict between the inhabitants of the ‘ideal house’ and the idea. Here one might question the ‘redeeming value’ Van der Laan attributed to the ideal house. It has become clear in this study that he intended to raise architecture above the purely practical role it has to play in protecting and serving man at the level of the intellect, which needs to be informed and be pleased by it. This comparison between Van der Laan’s theory and the ideal Platonic world would make an interesting further study in the field of philosophy. Note that at the same time the universality he claimed for his theory seems to be more typical of an Aristotelian-Thomistic worldview than a (Neo-)Platonic one, which is concerned with the (individual) Ideas. One might also make a comparison with other ancient philosophers. For example, the relation between certain elements of Van der Laan’s theory and the teachings of stoicism are quite striking and offers possibilities for further study. Similarly, a study could be made about the parallels and differences between Van der Laan’s approach to the relation between matter and mystery and the Aristotelian solution of hylomorphism.46

6.5.3. Nature—Culture—Liturgy When focusing on the limited world of cultural forms that man creates within nature, Van der Laan concluded that the functional forms needed for man’s survival were given a certain expression, so that they could convey a message concerning the use of these forms. Sometimes this expression was added at the expense of functionality. When society developed further, certain forms completely lost their functional value and were given a purely symbolic, monumental meaning. The highest use of man-made forms is found in liturgy, where these forms, developed by the intellect, are used for the relation with the divine, which transcends the human intellect. This is the essence of Van der Laan’s theory of liturgical form, expressed in the book Vormenspel,

46 Cfr. e.g. J. Gredt, Elementa philosophiae aristotelicae-thomisticae, t. I, Freiburg 1899, 19326, 214–231; C. Boyer, Handboek der wijsbegeerte, t. II, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1947, 112–125; A.M. Moschetti, ‘Ilemorfismo’, in: V. Melchiorre, ed.,Enciclopedia filosofica, t. VI, Milano 2006, 5502–5503. conclusion: from matter to mystery 473 which should always be considered as the background of the design of concrete plastic forms. He claimed to have been intrigued by the “tem- pered way in which the classic design of the ancients was handled in the liturgy of Christianity”.47 The form of artefacts should always be in harmony with the plastic number, which must rule all artificial reality designed by man as a co-creator, analogous to the order and harmony of creation. In this way, man ‘purifies’ and completes created reality with his noble and simple designs, and at the same time he makes something truly new: churches, vestments and vessels do not exist in nature. The most eminent expressions of these man-designed plastic forms play their highest role in liturgy as liturgical forms. It has been seen how in Van der Laan’s view man appropriates only a fraction of nature for the cultural order, of which again only a fraction is involved in liturgy. And finally it is only a fraction of the whole liturgical order that is directly involved with the centre of Christian worship, culminating in the Sacrifice of Christ and His sacramental Presence.48 This conclusion leans heavily on the oft-quoted definition of liturgy by Dom Guéranger which Van der Laan fully embraced: “Considered generally, liturgy is the entirety of symbols, hymns and actions by which the Church manifests and gives expression to its worship of God”.49 Though in itself this is a general definition, it has been seen that Van der Laan applied it in a more specific way, focusing on the material form of the signs used in liturgy. Thus concrete objects like the products of architecture, vestments and vessels are integrated into liturgy to serve through divine grace as channels and catalysts in the encounter between man and his Creator. Where monumental forms are the highest ‘product’ of society, liturgy is the highest ‘product’ of creation.50 Van der Laan’s approach to matter may be of great advantage to people today. He always searched for the essence of things, asking

47 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19831026: “De getemperde wijze waarop de klassieke vormgevingen van de antieken in de liturgie van het Christendom gehanteerd werden”. 48 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 23. 49 Cfr. P. Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782, 1: “La liturgie considérée en général, est l’ensemble des symboles, des chants et des actes au moyen desquels l’Eglise exprime et manifeste sa religion envers Dieu”. 50 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letter to Aad Evers 19860413; Letter to R. Padovan 19871118; Letter to E. Schruer 19880114. 474 chapter six questions such as ‘What is a house?’ and ‘What is liturgy?’ Instead of the strict definitions or very practical answers man would usually look for today, Van der Laan took a more profound approach. He unravelled the essence of the object of his contemplation step by step, always searching for what it was in itself and how it fitted into the entire framework of the reality created by God and in the movement man is called to make towards Him. It is on the basis of the results of such a reflection, which continued all his life, that he constructed his architecture and artefacts. It is probably Van der Laan’s greatest contribution to have linked the whole of the created world with its objects and artefacts, including even the smallest ball used in jeu de boules, to their divine Origin by enclosing their essence in one single theory. In the preceding sections certain theological elements of Van der Laan’s theory have been made explicit. This is different from the method Van der Laan himself applied. He let the Mystery be what it was. His ‘monastic theology’ in the tradition of Solesmes forms the basis for a possible further study, relating the essence, origin and final destination of the whole world with both Revelation and the ordinary daily objects man encounters. It was his personal experience that the ‘secret’ of the interior life is the foundation of all exterior expression: “The sacramental structure of our Christian life has always been a guide to me for the construction from below of the architectural theory”.51 This link between Mystery and matter, which he recognised in his own life, allowed Van der Laan to develop his entire theory, recognising how in the Incarnation the ima were reconciled with the summa, thus involving matter in the movement towards God, the ultimate Mystery.

6.6. Evaluation: Mystery and matter in Van der Laan

Van der Laan’s theory is an important contribution to the study of the relation between matter and supernatural life. His wide-ranging study of the essence of liturgical form could be called unique. He pointed out the intrinsic relation between material forms and the celebration of liturgy. According to him, the influence of architectural space on man

51 HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840629: “De sacramentele structuur van ons christelijk leven is mij altijd een leidraad geweest bij het van onder af opbouwen van de architectonische theorie”. conclusion: from matter to mystery 475 should not be underestimated. Man cannot subtract himself from the space in which he finds himself; he is always under its influence. Bad and ugly architecture has its effect on people, just as harmonic and beautiful architectural space does. With his claim to have discovered the objective principle of proportion, Van der Laan sought to free architecture from both the symbolism of traditional architects and the functionalism of pragmatic designers. The former he accused of being too romantic and subjective. In refuting functionalism he held that the form deserves a proper place in architectural design and should not simply follow from the function. He started with the very essence of architecture and concentrated on the encounter of man with unlimited nature, introducing a ‘human scale’ into it. He shared his theory with the students of the Course for Church Architecture that was set up to facilitate post- Second World War reconstruction. This was the cradle of the Bossche School (School of ’s-Hertogenbosch), the architectural movement that applies his ideas even today. With his theory of the ‘plastic number’ Van der Laan claimed to have rediscovered the ancient proportions which correspond to the human intellect (and ultimately even the divine Intellect). He found most of his specific architectural vocabulary in the writings of Vitruvius. The plastic number consists of a series of eight measurements which regulate the proportions of an entire building with the addition of a certain margin. Van der Laan’s empirical approach revealed that these proportions can be recognised in many acclaimed historical designs, which in itself is a strong argument in support of the plastic number. He held that in all good art and architecture the form is determined by the proportions of the different architectural elements both in relation to each other and to the entire building. When the furnishings of the building also respect the same proportions, he considered the design successful. In Van der Laan’s view, the most beautiful building man can make is allowed to serve liturgy as a church. In the application of his theory, he showed that a good knowledge of liturgy and its rubrics is necessary for an architect of churches. Notwithstanding this, he did not develop a specific ecclesiastical architecture, as for him a church was simply a house in its most general form. The basis of these ideas was Van der Laan’s view of created reality, in which he started with the observation of the ‘forms of nature’. Since the original harmony of creation was disrupted in the Fall, man needs physical protection and a defined area which he can defend and consider 476 chapter six his own. For his survival man makes buildings, vestments and vessels. These were for Van der Laan the three fundamental fields of human ‘making’. The forms man makes he called the forms of society or ‘cultural forms’. The first function of these cultural forms is to protect and serve man. A further role is to express meaning. When these ‘expressive forms’ no longer have a functional role, but are only intended to convey an idea, Van der Laan spoke of ‘monumental forms’. Man- made forms play their most eminent role in liturgy. The ‘forms of liturgy’ are at the same time functional, expressive and monumental. Every liturgical form is part of the complete liturgy, which is directed towards communication with God. It is in liturgy that a divinely instituted relation between matter and Mystery occurs. Van der Laan’s thought contains many theological elements, and what he did could be called ‘monastic theology’. However, his method was not that of a dogmatic theologian and his way of proceeding is best referred to as an empirical-phenomenological approach. As in theology, he started from the visible world, with its natural forms and human artefacts, which serves in its entirety in liturgy, and proceeded towards the invisible world. But whereas theology applies the light of faith to its reasoning, Van der Laan claimed to base himself solely on the light of reason when considering particular fields of his theory, for example that of architecture. This he combined, however, with elements from Revelation. In line with the teachings of the Gospel and the Church, he accepted as a fact that man stands above the animal world because of his soul and that, with all creation, he is called to return to God. Van der Laan was not very systematic in indicating the sources of the quotations he used, so that their exact origin and influence remains unclear. However, a systematic theological analysis allows for certain suppositions to be made. In this book it has become clear that the relation between Neo-Platonism and (Neo-)Thomism in his writings is rather complex. Though most of his favourite sources are inspired by the Christian Neo-Platonism of certain Fathers of the Church, Van der Laan is not a strict Platonist or Neo-Platonist. For example, where Neo-Platonism tended to see matter as non-being, focusing on the spirit, Van der Laan embraced matter almost as a means of salvation. The emphasis he laid on the relevance of the Incarnation is contrary to Platonic ideas. The importance of matter and the senses and his empirical approach to reality is more Aristotelian. Similarly, where the relation between man and nature is concerned, Van der Laan went conclusion: from matter to mystery 477 beyond the confined cave of Plato with its external reality, towards a more Aristotelian approach to space. This is especially the case for man’s interaction with created nature, which was so important to Van der Laan. His method and his frequent use of analogy also betray an Aristotelian and Thomistic influence, which can, for example, be recognised in the essential analogy between the divine Intellect and the human intellect, but also, for example, in his reference to the angels. In Van der Laan’s theory, the main connection between the fields of monastic life, architecture, (Neo-)Platonism and (Neo-)Thomism can be found in the tradition of Solesmes, which for him was summarised in Dom Guéranger’s definition’s of liturgy. From the latter he learned the importance of earthly matter in the movement of man towards God, by whom everything was created. It is by reason of the Incarnation that every natural and artificial object is involved in this movement. Through the contemplation of matter by the intellect and the subsequent adaptation of its form, matter is elevated. In this sense one could say that Van der Laan considered matter in the light of its sacred dimension: God created both matter and the intellect, and both have to play their role in the return to God. Van der Laan found a confirmation of his view on the analogy between the human intellect and the divine Intellect in the writings of his predecessors in monastic life, such as St Benedict, St Gregory the Great, Mme Bruyère, Dom Delatte and Dom de Puniet. Pseudo-Dionysius and other Fathers of the Church also played an important role and inspired him to continuously refine his theory. This book on the essential relation between Mystery and matter in the thought of Van der Laan has considered all the different fields of his study, searching for a synthesis. Just like Van der Laan the liturgist, architect, theologian and monk, this research has taken an interdisciplinary approach, considering the worlds of liturgy, architecture, theology and spirituality in the monastic tradition of Solesmes. This interdisciplinary way of proceeding has proved to be a fruitful method for reviewing his theory in its entirety and thus discovering the fundamental sources that led him to its development. Though theology and Christian faith are not needed for an application of Van der Laan’s theory in specific sectors of human life, for a proper understanding of his thought one has to take into consideration both the visible and invisible worlds and their divine origin. For Van der Laan, this was the foundation of all his life and work, which was always directed to its sole aim, man’s unity with his Creator in heaven, who gave to man 478 chapter six everything needed for life and godliness. It is was Van der Laan’s conviction that through the interaction with material things people may “become participants in the divine nature” (2 Pt 1:4), and thus experience the divinely ordained union between matter and Mystery. APPENDIX ONE

LA FORME DES EGLISES

This early document was written by Van der Laan around 1930. It shows a remarkable resemblance to his later books, Le nombre plastique (1960) and De architectonische ruimte (1977). In order to support the thesis that the essence of his thought was there from the early years, this document has been added as an appendix. The original document is preserved in the AVdL.

La forme des églises

Dans le livre du Rm̄e Père Abbé sur la liturgie de la Messe, la description de la basilique se termine par ces mots : « de quelque genre qu’elle soit la basilique chrétienne est destinée à exprimer d’une façon saisissante l’unité de l’Eglise locale ». On pourrait dès lors se demander comment ce témoignage matériel de l’union et de l’hiérarchie des fidèles se réalise, et quel est le rapport entre cette union mystérieuse et spirituelle des fidèles et les formes du bâtiment matériel. Il y a certainement un premier témoignage de cette unité dans la manière même dont les fidèles se rangent entre eux lorsqu’ils se réunissent, groupement hiérarchique autour du pontife qui dès les temps apostoliques 1|2 a pris sa forme définitive. Sans doute d’un tel ensemble bien ordonné il y a une influence possible sur le bâtiment qui doit l’encadrer. C’est ainsi que l’on voit toutes les habitations s’adapter à l’usage que l’on doit en faire. Mais abstraction faite du fait que pour ce premier témoignage la même difficulté se présente que pour la forme même de l’église, il faut avouer que lorsqu’on s’attache uniquement à cette influence directe de l’usage d’un bâtiment sur sa forme, qu’alors l’église ne saurait avoir une forme très déterminée. Lorsqu’on considère toute l’échelle de nos différentes habitations, celle par exemple de tous les locaux que se groupent ensemble pour former un monastère, on voit que surtout ceux qui doivent s’adapter à un usage très matériel ont les formes les plus caractéristiques. Qui ne connaît la grande différence entre les ateliers et l’atmosphère très propre à chacun d’eux. Qui pourrait se tromper sur la destination du lieu lorsqu’il entre dans une cuisine. |3 480 appendix one

En montant l’échelle on arrive à des lieux dont la destination est plus élevée et en même temps on constate que les formes prennent des allures plus universelles. Quelles doivent être alors les formes d’une habitation qui ne sert qu’à la prière et la réunion des fidèles sans plus? Heureusement il existe une autre relation entre l’usage et la forme d’un bâtiment, relation qui est moins directe mais plus profonde. Car l’usage n’est pas seulement ordonné du coté matériel qui le distingue des autres, mais en plus et surtout par des lois générales par lesquelles au contraire les différents usages se rencontrent. Les mouvements par exemple d’un charpentier se distinguent fortement de ceux d’un for- geron. Les uns sont bien plus doux que les autres. Mais si l’on con- sidère le rythme des mouvements on le retrouve chez l’un comme chez l’autre quoique sous un tout autre aspect. C’est que le rythme est une loi universelle du mouvement. |4 De même dans les maisons qui servent à ces différents usages il n’y a pas seulement à considérer les adaptions matérielles à ces usages mais aussi les caractères universels par lesquels toutes les habitations doivent se rencontrer. Là aussi il y a des lois générales qui règlent l’espace selon des principes fixes et simples, comme le rythme le fait pour le mouvement. C’est donc par les principes qu’il y a encore une relation entre les maisons et leur usage et celle-là au lieu de s’affaiblir lorsqu’on monte la scala de nos habitations, au contraire s’affermit et prend toute sa valeur. Car c’est surtout en remontant à la source que ces deux ordres de choses mani- festent leur unité d’origine. D’autant plus que l’usage est simple et dépourvu d’attaches maté- rielles d’autant plus aussi la maison peut obéir docilement aux lois universelles de l’architecture. C’est alors surtout que leur ressemblance apparaît qui sans |5 cela se cache sous les exigeances multiples et diver- geantes de la matière. On doit donc distinguer deux points de vue dans l’appréciation de nos habitations, l’un qui considère surtout l’adaptation matérielle à l’usage, tandis que l’autre apprécie la beauté d’après l’élévation même de cet usage, par laquelle l’ordre qui règle l’usage saura rejoindre celui qui règle les formes que prennent l’espace. On peut donc dire par exemple que tout salle d’honneur est plus belle qu’une cuisine à cause même de l’usage, ce qui n’empêche que la cuisine pourrait être plus belle comme cuisine que la salle comme salle d’honneur. D’après ces considérations il n’y a aucun doute sur le fait qu’une église doit être la plus belle salle qui soit car l’usage est le plus élevé, le plus simple, le plus un qui soit. Sans nier qu’il y demeure toujours la forme des eglises 481 une certaine influence utilitaire de par la liturgie qui garde son coté matériel, on peut dire que dans une église les lois de l’architec- |6 ture peuvent prendre toute leur valeur. On peut dire même que cela se réalise surtout dans une église. Là de tout coté l’unité de l’ordre doit éclater. Un bâtiment donc qui réalisera au plus parfait les lois qui régissent l’ordre de l’espace sera par là même une église. Ce qui explique pourquoi la Sainte Eglise adapte si facilement à son usage toute chose belle, mais belle de ce point de vue plutôt ontologique, et pourquoi d’autre part ses églises seront toujours les représentantes les plus parfaites de l’architecture. L’histoire est là pour le prouver avec abondance. Sans oublier donc les quelques exigeances matérielles du culte il s’agit pour une église de trouver les formes les plus pures, les plus vierges de l’architecture. On se demandera donc avant tout : quelles sont les formes architecturales où se manifeste de la façon la plus parfaite l’unité de l’espace. Cette unité en effet est insaisissable en elle-même mais les formes du bâtiment doivent la manifester, comme d’autre part le grou- |7 pement et les fonctions des fidèles doivent témoigner de leur unité à eux. Il y aura alors l’harmonie voulue, la relation de l’usage et de la forme de par la ressemblance non point directe mais par leur principe. Nulle part cette relation saurait être plus forte que dans une église car là il s’agit des deux côtés de la manifestation la plus parfaite de l’unité.

Une autre considération conduit encore à cette même universalité pour les formes de nos églises. Nos constructions ne sont pas seulement l’image de l’unité de l’Eglise, mais elles sont encore des réalités que l’Eglise consacre à Dieu à raison même de cette relation d’image. Elle exprime ainsi son appartenance à Dieu et en même temps celle de toute l’espace créé dont l’église est en soi l’expression. Or cette prémice de l’espace demande une grande pureté. Elle doit être l’expression de [cet, mpr] |8 espace d’une façon virginale et loin de toute relation matérielle qui la rendrait moins simple, moins une.

Pour les formes de nos églises il faut donc recourir aux lois fondamen- tales de l’architecture; en considérer la fin la plus élevée et les principes les plus profonds qui y correspondent.

Il faut consentir avant tout que le but de l’architecture est plus élevé que celui de satisfaire seulement à nos besoins corporels. 482 appendix one

Ce simple but corporel est pour une grande partie né du fait que l’harmonie entre notre corps et la nature n’a plus sa pureté originelle. Notre corps se trouve comme accablé par cette nature qui lui est devenu trop forte. Nous cherchons instinctivement à tempérer ce contraste en nous entourant de maisons ou en fuyant dans des grottes. C’est ainsi que nous espérons retrouver notre domination |9 quoique d’une façon réduite. Mais ce même procès se fait au point de vue intellectuel, et là encore l’architecture joue un rôle et par le fait même un rôle plus noble que dans la simple domaine corporel. L’espace étant trop fort ou pour mieux dire notre perception étant trop faible, nous n’arrivons pas à en saisir l’unité sans nous appuyer sur des points de repère. Que l’on en trouve dans la nature, que l’on en fait artificiellement et de nouveau nous retrouvons notre domination. De procédé intellectuel l’architecture devient l’expression d’une domination retrouvée, [d’un espace compris, mpr]. Ce procès intellectuel est calqué sur le précédent, il l’inclut et l’élève à son niveau, comme l’intelligence le fait pour le simple instinct. Dès lors le vrai but de l’architecture semble être de donner [une, mpr] expression de l’espace compris exactement comme nous le demandions pour nos églises. Mais dans ce cas il y a comme un déplacement |10 du centre de gra- vité en ce sens que ce n’est plus tant la maison construite qui est visée, mais plutôt la construction même ;1 la prise de contact avec l’espace, dont la maison témoigne. Une fois posé ce but, il faut se demander quels sont les principes correspondants qui règleront les formes. Les formes naturelles autour de nous suffisent peut-être pour prendre un certain contact intellectuel avec l’espace ; pour exprimer cette reprise de contact ils ne suffisent certainement pas. Il faut pour cela un retour actif sur ces points de repère, un retour conduit par notre intelligence et par lequel ce contact peut devenir manifeste à d’autres. C’est alors seulement qu’apparaît l’architecture ; elle suit donc immédiatement un besoin [d’amitié, mpr] entre les hommes, comme la langue et tant d’autres manifestations de nature intelligente. L’architecture s’exerce sur des éléments naturels dérivants de l’extension de l’espace.

1 The manuscript uses the term “la construction même”, above which is pencilled in Dutch “het construeren zelf ”, the act itself of constructing. la forme des eglises 483

En considérant ces éléments, on peut distinguer en premier lieu le contraste même entre plein et vide, dont l’un détermine l’autre. Cette détermi- |11 nation s’opère par leur forme, forme du plein ou forme du vide ; cette forme est comme un nouvel élément supérieur au simple contraste du plein et du vide qu’elle détermine. A son tour cette forme est déterminée par l’extension dans les dif- férents sens et ces grandeurs constituent comme un troisième élément. Les éléments naturels se groupent ainsi en trois étages qui se déter- minent successivement par eux-mêmes : l’espace, la forme et la mesure. La dernière, qui est l’élément éminent, ne semble déterminé que par l’extérieur, et c’est là que l’intelligence intervient. Par la mesure elle saurait s’exercer sur tous les étages des éléments et non pas seulement sur eux, mais aussi sur tout ce qui les accompagne, la lumière pour l’espace et la couleur pour les formes. Notre prise de contact intellectuel avec l’espace ou plutôt sur l’extension en général s’exerce donc par les mesures. C’est par cette influence des mesures que les autres éléments joueront à leur tour un |12 rôle dans l’architecture, deviendront expression de cette même prise de contact. Les éléments deviennent ainsi porteurs de réalités au-dessous d’eux- mêmes parce que leur chef—la mesure—sert de base à ce monde nouveau. Quelle est maintenant l’influence de notre contact artificiel avec l’espace sur les mesures ? Là encore on peut distinguer différents plans. En premier lieu on peut constater que chaque détermination en plaçant quelque chose dans l’espace a l’effet immédiat de déterminer quelque chose et de lais- ser un reste indéterminé. Chaque détermination est une « discrétion » dans un sens spécial du mot ; elle sépare d’une grande indétermination une partie donnée. Ce caractère de « discrétion » accompagne nécessairement toutes les déterminations suivantes, de façon que dans toutes les parties d’un ensemble il y aura toujours ce contraste de parties déterminées et de parties laissées indéterminées comme |13 suite de cette détermination. Une autre conséquence de cette première détermination est que cette détermination a [en] besoin d’une base. Sans base il y aurait une division en deux parties indéterminées et donc pas de détermination. Chaque détermination aura donc de nouveau à se baser sur la précé- dente. Pour distinguer ces différentes déterminations il faut qu’il y [ait, mpr] pour chaque détermination suivante un nouvel ordre de grandeur 484 appendix one qui la distingue. On se demande dès lors en quelle proportion ces ordres de grandeur se succèdent ayant entre eux la différence la plus petite. Cette proportion se laisse déduire mathématiquement. Les mesures, sans frein extérieur dans l’architecture « corporelle », reçoivent ici leur discipline ; elles vont se ranger selon des « types » qui distinguent les déterminations et nous conduisent ainsi à la détermi- nation primordiale : la prise de contact même avec l’espace. |14

Déduction de la proportion entre les ordres de grandeur

Distinguons trois cas dans l’extention dont deux sont irréels, un seulement pleinement réel, c’est-à-dire l’extention linéaire, l’extention du plan et l’extention selon les trois dimensions. Dans le premier cas les ordres de grandeur se succèdent chaque fois par augmentation égale à la grandeur précédente. Dans le second cas, où il y a dans chaque réalité des mesures en deux dimensions, la succession minimale se fait par augmentation de la plus petite mesure de chaque réalité, ce qui conduit à une proportion entre les ordres de : a2 + a = 1, c’est-à-dire [la, mpr] section d’or (Φ). Dans le cas qui intéresse l’architecte et devrait intéresser aussi les peintres il y a chaque fois des mesures possibles en trois dimensions. La succession se fait alors par la proportion : a3 + a2 = 1, c’est-à-dire ± ¾ (ψ). |15 Sur cette première discipline des mesures se greffent encore deux autres, c’est-à-dire les mesures ne se déterminent pas de la même façon dans les trois directions de l’espace : de coté, en avant, en haut ; et enfin les successions des ordres de grandeur portent en eux leur propre limite de façon que les successions se terminent en systèmes de 7, et ainsi que dans chaque système l’ordre plus petit est déterminé par la marge entre les deux ordres les plus grands. La notion de marge régit toutes les formes de l’architecture au point de vue intellectuel, comme la mesure le fait pour l’architecture « corporelle ». De même [que, mpr] cette dernière sert de base à l’architecture intellectuelle, la marge saurait donner occasion à un point de vue dans l’architecture qui est plus éminent, si l’on consent à voir dans cette notion une expression d’une activité plutôt religieuse, dont les dîmes etc. sont les exemples authentiques. Grâce à cette hiérarchie complète des valeurs |16 on saurait trouver le lien qui lie comme deux extrêmes l’espace et le culte, d’où devraient naître les formes de nos églises. APPENDIX TWO

OVER DE SCHOONHEID VAN HET LITURGISCHE GEBAAR

This early document was written by Van der Laan in 1944. It shows how the main ideas of the later book Het vormenspel der liturgy (1985) were present in his thought from the early years. For this reason it has been added as an appendix. The original document is preserved in the AVdL.

I. Over de kloof tusschen het liturgische gebaar & de wereldsche manieren

I. Een groote belemmering die ons hindert om door te dringen in het wezen van het liturgische gebaar & zoodoende zijn schoonheid te appre- cieeren, is het feit dat het gebaar der Kerk door een diepen kloof gescheiden wordt van de wereldsche manieren. Als christenen zouden wij ons vreemd moeten gevoelen in ieder wereldsch milieu. Helaas is het dikwijls zoo dat wij ons veeleer niet op ons gemak gevoelen in de kerk. Dat blijkt vooral als wij zelf aan een of andere ceremonie moeten deelnemen. Voor kinderen is dat niet moeilijk, die hebben met de wereld nog geen kennis gemaakt, maar voor ouderen is het veelal onmogelijk om die hemelsche manieren van de Kerk aan te nemen. Daarvoor moeten wij ons afkeeren van de wereldsche manieren, die telkens weer opnieuw in de Christenheid willen doordringen. 1|2 Sint Benedictus wist dit heel goed toen hij in zijn Regel, in het hoofdstuk der goede werken, voorschreef om zich verre te houden van de wereldsche manieren. In het heiligdom mag niets van de wereld doordringen. Integendeel de manieren van den eeredienst moeten langzamerhand hun stempel drukken op heel het dagelijksche leven. Zoo zegt Sint Benedictus in een ander hoofdstuk, dat wij alle huis- raad moeten behandelen als heilige altaarvaten & dat de gasten moeten ontvangen worden als Xristus zelf, want, zoo zegt hij, deze wordt ook werkelijk in hen ontvangen. Bij deze algemeene moeilijkheid voegt zich nog het feit dat in onze dagen zelfs het natuurlijke gebaar bijna geheel uit de wereld verdwenen 486 appendix two is. De omgangsvormen zijn vervlakt & de bewegingen & handelingen van het tooneel doen niet veel meer dan de gewone natuurlijke bezigheden tot in de kleinste individueele trekken nabootsen. Hoe ver zijn wij hierin verwijderd van het antieke drama, dat geheel & al berustte op |3 het gebaar & waar zelfs de individuen schuil gingen achter het masker. Het liturgisch gebaar is van deze beide uitersten even ver verwijderd. De Kerk heeft haar eigen gebaren, waarbij geen sprake is van masker, maar waar toch alles duidelijk is voorgeschreven. Een vroegere redac- tie van de vijf geboden der H. Kerk schreef het mishooren op Zondag voor ‘met goede manieren’. Dat moeten wel die kerkelijke manieren zijn, die wij in de wereld niet kunnen leeren. Wel zijn er tijden geweest, dat die manieren misschien meer dan tegenwoordig in de wereld waren doorgedrongen. Zoo weten wij dat de oude mysterie- spelen zich maar nauwelijks onderscheidden van de liturgische plechtigheden. Ook heeft een wereldsche muziek zich pas in de laatste eeuwen naast de zang der Kerk kunnen ontwikkelen. Voordien was het onderscheid maar miniem. Men zou zich mogen afvragen waaraan die ontwikkeling van wereldsche vormen te danken of liever gezegd te wijten is. |4 Hoe is het mogelijk geworden dat die schoonheidsvormen, die toch hun oorsprong hebben in de liturgie, zich langzamerhand zoo van hun eigen oorsprong verwijderd hebben, dat zij haar zelfs eenigszins vijandig gezind zijn & ons blind maken voor de schoonheid zelf der liturgie. Het gebaar, dat door de Kerk uit zijn antieken vorm werd opgeheven voor haar eeredienst, is van het toneel der moderne wereld vrijwel verdwenen. Dit komt omdat de wereld een levensbeginsel van de liturgie heeft prijsgegeven, nl. haar gemeenschappelijkheid. Een van de eerste eigenschappen van het kerkelijk gebed is zijn gemeenschappelijke vorm. ‘Une prière à l’état social’. Dit gebed krijgt hierdoor de kenmerken die eigen zijn aan iedere gemeenschap. Een gemeenschap nu is niet denkbaar zonder gezag en wetten. Wij zien dan ook dat Sint Benedictus op de eerste bladzijde van zijn Regel het gemeen- |5 schap- pelijke kloosterleven definieert als een leven van monniken die staan onder een regel & een abt. Het gemeenschappelijke gebed is dan ook niet mogelijk zonder wetten, zonder gezag. De gebaren & alle andere uitwendige teekens van dit gebed hebben hun vaste vormen door de Kerk voorgeschreven. Voordat deze gebaren de uitingen werden van het gebed van hen die ze verrichten, lagen zij vast in de traditie & de boeken der Kerk. over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 487

Sint Benedictus, een echte Romein, doortrokken van de antieke tradities, voor wie het niet moeilijk was deze orde van zaken te aan- vaarden, schrijft dan ook in zijn hoofdstuk over de wijze van zingen in het koor, dat wij zoo moeten zingen dat ons hart overeenstemt met de woorden, die de Kerk ons op de lippen legt. Zonder het persoonlijk element te miskennen legt hij duidelijk den nadruk op de algemeene vorm van het gebed dat de Kerk voorschrijft. 6| Hetzelfde geldt ook voor de gebaren. Men kan de liturgie definieeren als de uitdrukking van de inwendige deugd van godsdienst, maar dan moet daarbij nog gezegd worden, dat hare handelingen & gezangen een vastgesteld & geordend karakter hebben. Wij raken hier aan een kernpunt van de liturgie: de Kerk schrijft ons bepaalde vormen voor, om onze gemoederen tot God te verheffen. Iedere andere vorm van schoonheid zou wat dit betreft op de liturgische schoonheid moeten gelijken. Al schrijft dan niet de Kerk zelf die vormen direkt voor, de traditie & ondergeschikte gezagsdragers zouden hierin moeten voorzien. De spelen, de omgangsvormen, de gezangen die het dagelijksche leven opsieren zouden alle op hun manier iets van die liturgische schoonheid moeten weerspiegelen en daardoor zouden de menschen voortdurend onder haar opvoedende invloed gehouden worden. Het is eigen aan de liturgie om de geheele |7 samenleving te verheffen mits zij daarin de voorname plaats heeft gekregen die haar toekomt. Telkens zien wij dat in den loop der geschiedenis bevestigd. Heele gebieden van de menschelijke samenleving zien wij langzamerhand doordrongen worden van den geest der Kerk, maar ook zien wij dat haar heele gebieden weer ontgaan. Zelf echter blijft zij in haar liturgie rotsvast de verheven vormen van schoonheid handhaven; vormen die zij zelf voorschrijft, terwijl zij van de individuen slechts vraagt om deze op zoodanige wijze te realiseeren dat zij weten wat zij doen. Hier- door voert zij al haar kinderen op tot haar eigen inspiratie. Er zal dus steeds een groot onderscheid blijven bestaan tusschen de schoonheid van de liturgie & iedere schoonheidsvorm die gebaseerd is op een persoonlijk ingeving. Deze kan een groep van menschen gedurende eenigen tijd verblinden & zij kan steeds opnieuw de aandacht aftrekken van de echte schoonheid der liturgie. Zelfs kan |8 zoo’n schoonheidsvorm een schijn van burgerrecht verwerven door zich op één lijn te stellen met de liturgie, maar dat mag ons nooit beletten om steeds te blijven betoogen dat de gebarentaal die de H. Kerk ons voorhoudt, de eenige is die past in onze omgang met God & de H.H. Engelen & bijgevolg ook met onze mede-Christenen. 488 appendix two

Wij moeten dus nooit in die uitingsvormen van de Kerk spontane, natuurlijke uitingen willen zien van persoonlijke gevoelens & ze even- min als zoodanig uitvoeren. Van spontaneïteit kan pas sprake zijn als wij ons door die vormen zelf de gevoelens hebben eigengemaakt van haar die ons die vormen heeft voorgeschreven & deze gevoelens zijn niets anders dan de gevoelens van godsdienst, die de H. Geest zelf voortdurend aan de H. Kerk ingeeft. De gebaren worden door individuen uitgevoerd & houden dus steeds een zeker persoonlijk karakter. Maar dit zal steeds meer op den achtergrond geraken, naarmate men |9 doordringt in hun bovennatuurlijke realiteit. De gebaren worden tenslotte als een tweede natuur & eerst dan ontplooien zij hun volle hemelse schoonheid. Vanzelf zullen zij dan ook doordringen in het dagelijksche leven, dat op zijn beurt ons dan weer zal voorbereiden op het liturgische ceremonieel. Wij begrijpen nu hoe funest het is, dat naast het officieele gebaar van de Kerk, zich een drama heeft ontwikkeld met zijn individueel &natu- ralistisch gebarenspel, een spel van gebaren die eigenlijk geen gebaren meer zijn. Wij zijn zoodoende ongevoelig geworden voor de fijne nuan- cen van de kerkelijke plechtigheden & hun symboliek ontgaat ons. Er is thans groot gevaar dat, om aan het gebaar zijn schoonheid te geven & te ontkomen aan eene zuiver materieele uitvoering der voorgeschreven bewegingen, men die gebaren gaat misbruiken voor de uitdrukking van persoonlijke gevoelens. |10 Het zijn dan de kleine afwijkingen van de voorschriften die dit persoonlijk karakter op den voorgrond brengen. Direkt krijgen die gebaren een theatraal aspect hetgeen de Kerk verafschuwt. Wat de Kerk verlangt is dat wij ons door de gebaren zelf gewillig laten doordringen van de gevoelens die zij er mee wil uitdrukken, zoodat wij die in ons als in heldere spiegels weer- kaatsen & onze ziel aldus overeenstemt met onze gebaren. Hieraan vooral is de eminente schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar te danken. |11

II. Over de opvoeding, die noodig is om het liturgische gebaar ten volle te kunnen waarderen

Om echter die eminente schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar ten volle te kunnen waardeeren & genieten is een zekere opvoeding noodig. Hier- mede willen wij niet zeggen dat bij een eerste kennismaking met dat schouwspel alle schoonheid ervan ons zou ontgaan. De ervaring leert over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 489 ons zelfs dat deze gewoonlijk gepaard gaat met groote ontroering. Zoo lezen wij van den Ariaanschen Keizer Valens dat hij vol booze plannen op het Hoogfeest van Kerstmis de kerk van den heiligen bisschop Basilius was binnengedrongen; maar nauwelijks had hij den drempel van het heiligdom overschreden of hij werd zoo aangegrepen door den zang der psalmen & het hemelsche schouwspel van de liturgie dat hij al zijn slechte voornemens vergat & zich bevend voegde bij de schaar der geloovigen, die hun gaven |12 gingen opdragen aan het altaar. Hoeveel bekeerlingen, ook in onze dagen, dateeren niet van een eerste contact met de schoonheid der liturgie? Evenals het Evangelie bezit de liturgie de eigenschap bevattelijk te zijn & aantrekkelijk voor allen die met haar in aanraking komen. Doch haar volle glorie openbaart zij pas aan hen die in haar eigen school geleerd hebben haar taal te verstaan. Zoo herinneren wij ons dat wij als kinderen volop genoten van de lichtjes der kaarsen & den gouden glans der paramenten, maar later zijn wij vatbaar geworden voor een andere, meer wezenlijke schitte- ring, die niets anders is dan eene afstraling van de glorie des hemels. De gebaren & bewegingen waardoor het kind het eerst wordt getrof- fen, zijn het buigen & draaien der misdienaars & het balanceeren der wierooksvaten, aangezien dit met een zekere regelmaat gebeurt. Maar als wij ons willen laten |13 inwijden door de Kerk zelf, dan zal zij ons de geheimzinnige schoonheid ontvouwen van geheel haar ceremonieel. Deze schoonheid zal ons dan van dag tot dag blijven aantrekken & boeien & ons zoo voorbereiden op de eeuwige liturgie van den hemel, waarin wij allen onze functie zullen hebben te vervullen. Het klinkt wat vreemd als wij hooren zeggen dat de eenvoudige liturgische gebaren ons werkelijk kunnen boeien. Zijn wij in de wereld van tegenwoordig niet gewend aan schouwspelen van veel aangrijpender aard, dan die opeenvolging van steeds terugkeerende, voorgeschreven & stijve bewegingen? Het opvoeren van het aantal misdienaars zooals wij dat dikwijls zien & hunne africhting op gestyleerde & overdreven bewegingen kunnen niet goedmaken wat er aan actie in den modernen zin ontbreekt. Iets te verwijten aan het eeuwenoude & eerbiedwaardige ceremo- |13 nieel van de H. Kerk is het laatste waaraan wij zouden denken. Als het ons niet voldoende meer aanspreekt, moeten wij daarvan de reden zoeken in de oppervlakkigheid der geloovigen die niet meer van jongs af aan zijn opgevoed in die geheel eigen wereld van schoonheid. Na de kinderjaren moest diezelfde liturgie ons steeds weer op een nieuwe 490 appendix two wijze gaan boeien. Het dagelijksch aanschouwen der ceremonies, tot het eenvoudige kruisteken toe is voor de echte kinderen der Kerk een geestelijk voedsel dat hen volkomen bevredigt & bovendien in hen het verlangen levendig houdt naar de eeuwige glorie. Het komt er slechts op aan dat wij ons niet laten verleiden door een schoonheid van te laag gehalte. Als wij ons, gelijk kinderen, onder het bijwonen der plechtigheden enkel willen laten betooveren door de lichtjes der kaarsen & de krinkelende wierookwolkjes, dan is het niet moeilijk om elders |15 grooter schoonheid te ervaren dan in de kerk. Als wij in de gebaren niets anders willen zien dan schoone bewegingen van ons lichaam, dan is het zeker dat wij elders grooter schoonheid kunnen vinden, daar waar op het zondige af, de harmonie van ons lichaam & zijn bewegingen tot een uiterste perfectie wordt gecultiveerd. Wij zien dan ook een zinnelijke wereld haar toevlucht nemen tot theater & dans. Zonder al deze schoonheid geheel uit te sluiten is de liturgische schoonheid meer van geestelijken aard. Alle zinnelijke schoonheid heeft hier een hoogere strekking & is er nooit om zichzelf alleen. De bekoring die van deze verheven schoonheid uitgaat beperkt zich niet alleen tot de zinnen maar spreekt vooral het hart & het verstand aan. En dit is de reden waarom wij die schoonheid moeten leeren waarderen. Sint Gregorius, in een van zijn homeliën op het Evangelie, legt ons duidelijk uit |16 wat het verschil is tusschen geestelijke & lichamelijke genoegens. De lichamelijke genoegens, zoo zegt hij, ontvlammen in ons het verlangen als wij ze nog niet bezitten; maar als wij ze eenmaal genieten, hebben wij er spoedig genoeg van. De geestelijke genoegens daarentegen trekken ons niet aan zoolang wij ze niet bezitten, maar als zij ons eindelijk ten deel vallen, dan willen wij er steeds meer van genieten. De reden van dat laatste is hierin gelegen, dat geestelijke genoegens, naarmate zij meer genoten worden, ook steeds beter gekend worden. Daarom ook konden zij niet begeerd worden vóór de ervaring & die kennis ontbrak nog. Niemand toch kan beminnen wat hij niet kent. Uit deze woorden van Sint Gregorius blijkt duidelijk dat om geestelijke genoegens te waardeeren & te beminnen een zekere opvoeding noodig is. De lichamelijke genoegens daarentegen kennen & begeeren wij van nature.2

2 This phrase was inserted later by Van der Laan. over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 491

Maar zooals wij reeds gezegd hebben, de liturgie biedt niet alleen geestelijke schoonheid. Het is juist het wezen van de litur- |17 gie om ons langs den weg der zinnen tot de hemelsche schoonheid te voeren. Ieder weet bovendien hoe wij hier op aarde de stoffelijke natuur moeten exploiteeren om ons lichaam in stand te houden, dat wij ons lichaam moeten verzorgen om aan onze geest zijn ‘elan’ te verzekeren. En welke is niet den waarde van dit ‘elan’ voor ons geloof? Maar o, wee, als één van die trappen om tot de ontwikkeling van ons geloof te geraken omwille van zichzelf wordt gecultiveerd & op die manier de harmonie van het geheel verstoord wordt. Het geloof zal daar altijd onder lijden, gelijk het anderzijds zal bloeien wanneer alles eraan onderworpen is. Van den anderen kant is de wanorde van dat geheel een gevolg van de vermindering van het geloof. Men weet dan niet meer waarom men de aarde, waarom men het lichaam, waarom men den geest cultiveert.3 Met de schoonheid is het in die drie orden niet anders gesteld. Er is een stoffelijke, een lichamelijke & een geestelijke schoonheid die alle drie in een prachtige harmonie in de liturgie tot hun recht komen. |18 Nooit mag daar een schoonheid van lager gehalte omwille van zichzelf gecultiveerd worden, teneinde aan het geheel geen schade te berok- kenen. Ieder effect van lagere orde is er in de eeredienst op gericht om een hoogere schoonheid tot haar recht te laten komen. Maar andersom kunnen wij ook zeggen dat door die dienstbaarheid aan een hoogere orde, ook aan de stoffelijke een lichamelijke schoonheid alle recht wedervaart. Zou het daarom niet mogelijk zijn dat het verwaarloozen van de schoonheid der liturgie de oorzaak is, dat ook uit de gebieden van lagere orde alle schoonheid verdwijnt? |19

III. Over de verschillende gehalten van schoonheid die in dit gebaar verborgen zijn

Voor het gebaar zouden wij die schoonheden van verschillend gehalte in het kort als volgt kunnen omschrijven. Iedere schoonheid is steeds een min of meer duidelijke harmonie tusschen alle deelen van een geheel, & komt voort uit een mysterieuze oorzaak, die zelf onzichtbaar blijft, maar die zich manifesteert in gezegde harmonie. Op die manier blijven

3 This phrase was inserted later by Van der Laan. 492 appendix two wij trouw aan de antieke formule met haar drie factoren voor de schoonheid: de volkomenheid, de orde & de helderheid. Voor de bewegingen der stoffelijke natuur is het gewicht de geheime kracht die alles bij elkaar houdt & er voor zorgt dat alles zich wil terug- bewegen naar zijn uitgangspunt. Alles wat zich door eigen gewicht beweegt, getuigt dus van de kracht die het heelal te samenhoudt & het werkt er voor zijn deel aan mee om |20 die orde & samenhang te handhaven. Gaat het over de bewegingen van ons lichaam, dan voegt zich bij die zwaartekracht nog de kracht van ons lichaam dat immers leeft & zichzelf kan bewegen. Zoo wordt dus iedere lichaamsbeweging behalve van het gewicht ook een manifestatie van ons eigen levensbeginsel & dient tevens om ons leven in stand te houden. Wij zijn echter bovendien nog dragers van een onsterfelijke ziel, die louter geestelijk van aard is. Onze bewegingen zullen daarom boven alles het stempel dragen van de vrijheid onzer ziel & hierdoor kunnen zij den naam krijgen van gebaren. Wij begrijpen nu dat bewegingen van stoffelijken aard, al zijn zij schoon op zichzelf, niet noodzakelijk schoon zijn in het geval dat zij door een levend lichaam tot stand gebracht worden. Als lichaamsbewegingen mogen zij namelijk het nieuwe princiep van harmonie dat in het leven gelegen is, niet in het duister laten. Dit |21 levensbeginsel zal juist vooral in een zekere opheffing van het stoffelijk gewicht duidelijk naar voren komen, iets wat bijvoorbeeld in den dans gewoonlijk tot een uiterste opgevoerd wordt. Doch wij moeten zeggen dat alle lichaamsbewegingen, al getuigen zij van het lichamelijke leven, voor een mensch, die drager is van een ziel, daarom nog niet altijd te pas komen. Acrobaten kunnen mooie toeren maken, maar dat zijn nog niet altijd schoone menschwaardige gebaren. Zo zien wij het gehalte der schoone beweging langzamerhand stij- gen en in de Liturgie haar hoogtepunt bereiken. Want het gebaar is een van de middelen waarmee de H. Kerk in de liturgie haar godsdienst uitdrukt & voor ons kenbaar maakt. De geheime kracht die ten grondslag ligt aan het schoone liturgische gebaar is dus behalve alle ande- |22 re krachten, nl. die van het gewicht, het leven & de bezieling, vooral de godsdienst der Kerk, die door dit gebaar moet worden uitgedrukt & onderhouden. De schoonheid van de liturgie is dus een opeenstapeling, om zoo te zeggen, van stoffelijke, lichamelijke & verstandige schoonheden die hare hoogste harmonie ontleent aan den godsdienst. En omdat die godsdienst der ware Kerk zijn oorsprong heeft in het menschgeworden Woord Gods, is het duidelijk, dat ook de schoon- over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 493 heid der liturgie eenigszins van bovennatuurlijke aard moet zijn & dat de uitdrukking ‘goddelijke inspiratie’ voor deze vormen, mits goed verstaan, zeker op zijn plaats is. In dit verband moeten wij er ook aan denken dat in de liturgie het gebaar steeds het woord & de zang begeleidt & er als het ware het lichaam van is. Dit woord nu waarmee de Kerk zich uitdrukt in haar |23 gebeden is door den zelfden Geest geïnspireerd, die vroeger aan David, Salomon & Isaias hun cantieken dicteerde. Het zijn trouwens meestal de woorden van die heilige zangers zelf die door de Kerk gebruikt worden. Zouden nu de gebaren dat woord kunnen omhullen & versieren zonder daarbij den boven- natuurlijken invloed van het geïnspireerde woord te ondergaan? Het is daarom zeker niet verboden in dat gebaar iets te zien voortleven van de schoonheid die het menschgeworden Woord omgaf toen het nog op aarde vertoefde. Zijn daden worden immers op mysterieuze wijze steeds opnieuw voltrokken in de liturgie. Als wij over de schoonheid van het liturgisch gebaar spreken, dan doen wij dat niet om ons van die waarheid te overtuigen & nog minder vergelijken wij haar daartoe met andere vormen van schoonheid. Voor ons christenen is er geen twijfel mogelijk of alle schoonheid concen- treert zich rondom het altaar. Alles wat wij hier beoogen is dit: het geheim van |24 die schoonheid te doorgronden, om haar, zooals Sint Gregorius zeide, door vermeerderde kennis steeds meer te genieten. Zoo dringen wij dan door in de hemelsche manieren die ons geopenbaard zijn & die eenmaal geheel & al de onze moeten worden. Wellicht zullen wij zoo nog meer de bekoring ondergaan van het Menschgeworden Woord, dan velen die Hem hier op aarde gehoord & gezien hebben. Velen immers hebben Hem gehoord & gezien, zonder Hem te hooren of te zien. Met de schoonheid der liturgie zou het net zoo gaan als wij ons niet de moeite gaven tot haar wezen te willen doordringen. |25

IV. Over de ontleding van het liturgische gebaar

Een van de meest voor de hand liggende middelen is: het zich rekenschap geven van alles wat het liturgisch gebaar als gebaar, als lichaamsbeweging & als beweging in het algemeen inhoudt, zooals wij dat al reeds in het kort hebben aangegeven.4 Het gebaar is den mensch van nature eigen, evenals de taal & de zang; het heeft echter in de liturgie een beteekenis gekregen die zijn

4 This phrase was corrected later by Van der Laan. 494 appendix two oorspronkelijke bedoeling ver overtreft, ofschoon die beteekenis daar grootendeels op gebaseerd is. Dit geldt niet alleeen voor het gebaar in het algemeen, vele van de in de liturgie opgenomen gebaren bestonden reeds te voren in vrijwel dezelfde vorm. Zelfs voor het kruisteeken, dat toch geheel gebaseerd is op een kunstmatige gelijkenis met het kruis van Calvarie, is het misschien niet onmogelijk om eenig bestaand gebaar aan te wijzen, dat zich tot dezen vorm gepreciseerd heeft. Wij zullen ons hierover niet verwonderen, als wij bedenken dat de geheele structuur |26 van ons bovennatuurlijk leven geënt is op onze natuurlijke vermogens, die als het ware de voorwaarden zijn van dit leven. De antieke wijsheid heeft ook nooit nagelaten om in de natuur zelf steeds het lagere te beschouwen als een voorbereiding, een voor- afbeelding van het hoogere. En omdat wij onze kennis moeten verwerven door onze zinnen & dus steeds van het lagere tot het hoogere moeten opstijgen, hebben de oude wijsgeeren zich van een dergelijke beschouwing der natuur bediend om tot diepere inzichten te komen. De vermogens van de ziel hebben zij niet nagelaten in verband te brengen met de deelen van het lichaam & de harmonie van dit menschelijk lichaam hebben zij op zijn beurt getracht te verklaren door de verhoudingen die zij vonden in de levenlooze natuur. Tenslotte hebben zij in het stelsel der hemellichamen de wijsheid geput die hen in staat stelde in de diepte van de ziel door te dringen. Dit allesomvattend inzicht in de verschil- |27 lende trappen der natuur gaf hun den sleutel voor een symboliek, die ons tegenwoordig verwondert, maar die daar om niets van zijn zin verloren heeft. In de liturgie & in de geschriften der Kerkvaders is van die symboliek gelukkig veel bewaard gebleven. Zoo leert ons de Heilige Gregorius in een van zijn homiliën op het Evangelie, dat de mensch, als het ware, de geheele schepping in zich bevat. Met de levenlooze dingen heeft hij het ‘zijn’ gemeen & met de planten en dieren het leven & het gevoel, om tenslotte door zijn verstand overeen te komen met de Engelen. Rondom ons heen vinden wij dus het leven uitgestald in al zijn graden van volmaaktheid & niets is leerzamer voor wie in het mysterie van het leven wil doordringen, dan het nauwkeurig waarnemen van heel die rijkdom van zijns- & levensvormen die God schiep alvorens den mensch te vormen. Had Sint Franciscus van Sales in zijn bibliotheek niet de werken van Plinius over de natuur- |28 lijke historie, waaruit hij gretig putte voor zijn bespiegelingen over het bovennatuurlijke leven & onze liefde tot God? Wat wij hier zien voor het leven kunnen wij ook toepassen op het gebaar dat een uitingsvorm is van het leven. Om dit gebaar te doorgronden kunnen wij niets beter doen dan nauwkeurig letten op alles over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 495 wat zich om ons heen beweegt of wordt bewogen. Alle bewegingen in de natuur zijn als een ontleding van ons gebaar; de geringste vorm van beweging is op een of andere wijze in dat gebaar vervat. |29 Om de verschillende bewegingsvormen in de natuur na te gaan, doen wij goed om ons het scheppingsverhaal uit de bijbel in het geheugen te roepen. Wij zien dan dat er vóór de vierde scheppingsdag nog geen sprake was van beweging. Tot op die dag had God de elementen één voor één ontvouwd & uitgespreid opdat zij in hun midden het leven zouden kunnen ontvangen. De levende wezens zouden dan door hun spontane beweging die elementen als het ware beheerschen. De visschen het water, de vogels de lucht & de andere dieren de aarde. Door het feit dat deze schepselen zichzelf kunnen bewegen & verplaatsen in het element waaruit zij zijn voortgekomen & waarvoor zij geschapen zijn, geven zij aan dat element een perfectie, welke het eerst niet had. Onbeweeglijk uitgespreid bleven die elementen verstrooid & zonder onderlingen band tusschen hun deelen. De levende wezens echter, die alle plaatsen |30 van hun element kunnen bezoeken, die zich er in kunnen ‘verplaatsen’, vereenigen in zichzelf al die verspreide deelen & brengen ze tot hun eenheid terug. Zij zijn de glorie dier elementen & hun versiering ter eere van den Schepper. Zoo zien wij duidelijk in het leven der dieren een voorspel op de schepping van den mensch, die door zijn verstand niet alleen de elementen, maar alles wat er in beweegt moet regeeren. Het verstand immers strekt zich uit tot alle wezen & daarom keert door de schepping van den mensch al het geschapene tot zijn Schepper terug in een bewuste & uitgesproken lofprijzing. Maar vóór de schepping der dieren was er al sprake van een zekere beweging. Op den vierden dag kwamen de hemellichamen tot stand, die door hun voortdurende beweging & omwentelingen getuigenis afleggen van de mysterieuze kracht die het heelal tesamen houdt, & door diezelfde beweging |31 tevens ieder voor hun deel medewerken aan dat alles omvattende evenwicht. De antieke wijsheid heeft ook deze beweging aan een leven willen toeschrijven, de zoogenaamde ziel der wereld, maar wij weten dat deze beweging in de wereld der engelen haar oorsprong heeft.

V. Over de schoonheid van iedere stoffelijke beweging

Iedere stoffelijke beweging hier op aarde is min of meer direct van de beweging der hemellichamen afhankelijk in de vorm van gewicht & 496 appendix two evenwicht. De schoonheid van die stoffelijke bewegingen zal voor ons daarvan afhangen, of die bewegingen in al hun deelen duidelijk de orde vertoonen die getuigenis aflegt van de onzichtbare kracht die het heelal tesamen houdt, of althans van een kracht die daarvan min of meer direct afhankelijk is. De wind die door het koren waait, het was- sen & afnemen der maan dat eb & vloed & de branding der zee veroorzaakt, zijn van die krachten die, zelf afhankelijk, de oorzaak worden van zichbare bewegingen. |32 Nu moeten wij iedere beweging min of meer opvatten als een rustverstoring & tegelijkertijd als een middel om die rust op een of andere manier terug te vinden. Het is in hun relatie tot de rust dat de deelen der beweging zich onderscheiden. Eenerzijds is eene beweging een verwijdering van die rust, anderzijds een benadering. Steeds zullen bij iedere beweging deze twee aspecten volkomen aan elkaar beantwoorden. Bij bewegingen waarvan die deelen elkaar voortdurend opvolgen is dit duidelijk waar te nemen & daaraan danken zij het, dat zij interressant zijn & boeiend om naar te kijken. De rustpunten zijn bij zoo’n opeenvolging geen definitieve beëindigingen van de beweging, maar vertegenwoordigen slechts een voorbijgaande rust. Zij beëindigen weliswaar een deel van de beweging, maar houden bovendien het vervolg van de beweging reeds in zich |33 besloten. Alle slinger & kaatsbewegingen vinden hierin hun aantrekkelijkheid & het is niet te verwonderen, dat de meeste kinderspelen als hoepelen, ballen & touwtje springen hierop berusten. Ieder deel van de beweging, dat de rust verstoort, houdt in zich de reden verborgen van een nieuw deel van die beweging dat die rust wil terugvinden. Hierdoor ontstaat het rythme dat ten grondslag ligt aan iedere goed geordende & daardoor schoone beweging. Bewegingen zonder rythme, waarin dus de essen- tieele deelen elkaar niet duidelijk & ordelijk opvolgen & in evenwicht houden, missen dan ook alle aantrekkelijkheid & zijn niet schoon te noemen. In een beschaafde wereld moesten zij met alle geweld geweerd worden. |34

VI. Over de schoonheid van de bewegingen der levende wezens

De bewegingen der levende wezens moeten eveneens om schoon te zijn aan deze wet van het rythme voldoen. Maar dat rythme zal een speciaal karakter krijgen, omdat levende bewegingen, om schoon te zijn, in de ordening van hun deelen bovendien getuigenis hebben af te leggen over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 497 van een nieuw ordescheppend beginsel: het leven. Het leven openbaart zich namelijk hierin, dat het levende wezen uit zichzelf bewegen kan. Zooals nu de stoffelijke bewegingen als het ware verstoringen zijn van de rust, het uitgangspunt & doel van iedere beweging, zoo zullen alle lichaamsbewegingen steeds modificaties zijn van dat elementaire rythme der stoffelijke beweging. Het leven zal zichzelf des te beter openbaren, naarmate bij de levende bewegingen het stoffelijk gewicht meer wordt opgeheven. Het opvliegen van een vogel is daarom een duidelijke leven- |35 de beweging, want vanwege de stof wordt alles door eigen gewicht naar beneden getrokken. Maar het neerstrijken van die vogel gebeurt evenzeer met inspanning van het levende wezen, evenals het opvliegen, niettegenstaande [dat, mpr] hier toch het stoffelijk gewicht voldoende zou zijn. Hier blijkt nu juist het schoone van de levende beweging, die steeds de beweging der stof weet te beheerschen & te verheffen tot haar orde. Door het leven is iedere beweging ofwel een opheffen van ofwel een toegeven aan het stoffelijk gewicht, maar nooit zal het een opheffen zijn zonder tegelijk iets toe te geven, nooit een toegeven zonder tegelijk op te heffen. Iedere opheffing laat eenig gewicht toe & alle toegeven wordt getemperd door een terug- houdende beweging. Wie heeft nooit het neerstrijken van een reiger bewonderd, waarbij die dubbelvoudige reactie zoo duidelijk tot zijn recht komt? Zou hierin ook niet het aantrekkelijke liggen van neerval- lende sneeuw? Het |36 is alsof daar ook door een mysterieuze oorzaak het stoffelijk gewicht wordt opgeheven & ieder vlokje zichzelf voor- zichtig neerlegt. Het karakteristieke van iedere levende lichaamsbeweging is dus gelegen in het temperen, in het beheerschen van het natuurlijke rythme der stoffelijke beweging. Alle bewegingen worden hierdoor resultanten van tegengestelde bewegingen. In de psychische wereld is dat een heel bekend verschijnsel & het verklaart waarom een kind of een onuit- gegroeid dier allerhande onbeheerschte bewegingen maakt. Het kan, zooals de doctoren zeggen, nog niet tegelijk twee antagonistenspie- ren innerveeren (d.w.z. twee spieren met tegengestelde werking, zoals strekken & buigen). Het gebruik van deze twee soorten spieren tegelijkertijd geeft de beheerschte beweging. Deze levende bewegingen, dit mogen wij niet vergeten, blijven steeds reacties op de zwaar- |37 tekracht, op het gewicht. Zonder dit laatste is iedere lichaamsbeweging ondenkbaar. De lagere orde is de conditie van de hoogere. Op dezelfde manier moeten wij ons nu voorstellen, dat alle zuiver menschelijke bewegingen steeds het levende rythme tot 498 appendix two grondslag moeten hebben om te kunnen bestaan als zoodanig & om schoon te zijn. De dierlijke bewegingen waren door hun spontaneïteit reacties op het fatale verloop der stoffelijke bewegingen; de mensch kan bovendien nog vrij omgaan met die vrije lichaamsbeweging & die der- mate ordenen, dat zij een getuigenis zal afleggen van zijn verstand. 38| Zooals iedere stoffelijke beweging uitgaat van de rust, & ander- zijdsch tracht die rust te heroveren, zoo zien wij in iedere levende beweging zoowel een getuigenis van het leven, als een middel om dit in stand te houden.5

VII. Over de schoonheid van het gebaar

Bij onze menschelijke bewegingen kunnen wij ook dat dubbele aspect terugvinden: naast de getuigenis van ons verstand, dienen onze menschelijke handelingen om dat verstand in stand te houden. Dat klinkt vreemd omdat ons verstand van zoo’n geheel andere orde is dan de handelingen van ons lichaam. Toch is er geen twijfel of die handelingen dienen niet slechts om ons lichamelijk leven in stand te houden, maar ook ons verstand. De vereeniging van onze verstandelijke ziel met een lichaam heeft tot noodzakelijk gevolg, dat dit verstand, ondanks zijn geestelijke aard, zich ontwikkelt door zinnelijke waarnemingen die door bewegingen van allerlei aard |39 worden veroorzaakt. Door deze verheffing van haar doel krijgen onze bewegingen ook een heel nieuw karakter. Zelfs aan bewegingen die niet van onszelf afhankelijk zijn trachten wij dit karakter op te leggen. De gewone natuurlijk rythmische beweging, hoe levendig ook uitgevoerd, is niet meer voldoende, zij mist de noodige expressie. Het nieuwe beginsel van orde dat in ons verstand is gelegen heeft een nieuwe vorm & een nieuwe schoonheid voor onze bewegingen ten gevolge. Zooals de levende beweging op tweeërlei wijze reageert op de stoffelijke beweging, zoo heeft ook ons verstand een dubbele invloed op iedere handeling die wij stellen. Het zal die namelijk min of meer voorzien van een verstandelijke expressie. Eenerzijds richt dus ons verstand die handelingen vrij op haar lichamelijk doel, anderzijds weet het die

5 In the margin Van der Laan has added: “Quia vero per sensibilia in cognitionem intelligibilium devenimus, operationes autem sensibiles sine motu non fiunt, (inde est quod etiam operationes intelligibiles quasi motus quidam describuntur, & secundum similitudinem diversorum motuum earum differentia assignatur) IIa IIae q. 180 art. VI”. over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 499 bewegingen daaraan te ont- |40 trekken & te gebruiken voor den geest. Maar ook hier gaat het vrijelijk richten van onze handeling op het lichamelijke doel nooit zonder eenige verstandelijke expressie, terwijl van den anderen kant ieder gebaar, want daar zijn wij nu bij aangeko- men, steeds eenige relatie zal houden met een lichamelijke bedoeling. Geheel de schoonheid van ons menschelijk handelen zal dus liggen in de nieuwe ordening; in de wijze waarop wij steeds in onze natuurlijke manier van doen een expressief karakter weten te leggen, & in de wijze waarop wij tevens in onze gebaren een groote natuurlijkheid weten te bewaren. Zooals de levende beweging zich vooral openbaarde in het opheffen van het stoffelijk gewicht, zoo is ook het karakteristieke van het gebaar vooral daarin gelegen dat door het gebaar de levende beweging |41 onttrokken wordt aan zijn lichamelijke bedoeling en een verstandelijke beteekenis krijgt. Iedere lichamelijke beweging als zoodanig heeft slechts effect op de plaats waar zij wordt uitgeoefend & ook alleen op dat moment zelve. Iedere beweging oefent haar werking uit door het physieke contact & daarmede houdt hare werking op. Maar met de beweging als teeken is het heel anders gesteld. Haar effect overschrijdt een bepaalde plaats & tijd. Het teeken behoeft slechts gezien te worden om tot zijn recht te komen & bovendien kan het door het geheugen worden bewaard. Zijn effekt is dus universeel. En bovendien is het teeken nog onafhankelijk van de persoon die het maakt, zoodat het gemaakt kan worden in naam van een ander. Als teeken zijn dus de bewegingen geheel boven hun physieke oorzaak & hun gevolgen in tijd & ruimte |42 verheven. Zij krijgen een bestaansvorm buiten die van het bewegen zelf om & in die vorm kunnen zij duidelijk omschreven & voorgeschreven worden. Een natuurlijke levende handeling in al haar nuances omschrijven is een onmogelijkheid & al was het mogelijk dan nog zou niemand die voorgeschreven handeling kunnen uitvoeren.6 Dat kan alleen als de bewegingen teruggebracht worden tot typische vormen, tot bewegingen waarvan alleen de hoofdmomenten bepaald worden. Zoo weet iedereen dat voor gewone handelingen als eten & drinken, om die handelingen beschaafd & menschwaardig te maken, bepaalde regels in acht genomen moeten worden. Er is een manier om zijn lepel vast te houden, etc. Hierdoor worden die handelingen tot sprekende gebaren verheven. Zoo ook het groeten, dat nog meer een gebaar is.

6 This phrase was corrected later by Van der Laan. 500 appendix two

Iedereen weet dat men zijn hoed niet |43 op een willekeurige manier van zijn hoofd dient te nemen. Hiervoor bestaan bepaalde manieren. Zelfs bij zeer eenvoudige handelingen mag die typeering der bewegingen niet ontbreken, omdat door die typeering juist het teeken ontstaat. Zoo schrijft het liturgisch ceremonieel in verschillende omstandigheden buigingen voor. Niets is zoo eenvoudig als een buiging, maar toch kan niet iedere buiging van het lichaam hiervoor in aanmerking komen. Het ceremonieel kent drie typen van buigingen: de hoofdbuiging, de diepe buiging & een derde buiging die tusschen beide in ligt. Andere buigingen, & wij kunnen ze ons in alle maten voorstellen, behooren niet tot het ceremonieel. Iedere buiging, dieper dan de voorgeschreven & nauw omschreven diepe buiging is te diep & als gebaar niet schoon. Zoo zijn dus de gebaren onttrokken aan den persoonlijken invloed. Zonder dat zouden die gebaren niet verheven blijven in de orde |44 van het teeken. Ook in het nakomen van deze voorgeschreven bewegingen moet gezorgd worden dat die bewegingen streng gescheiden blijven van iedere natuurlijke wijze van handelen. Ieder gebaar moet daarom een duidelijk begin & einde hebben, waardoor het zich als gebaar isoleert van de gewone manier van doen. Wij kunnen iemand terloops groeten, maar dat kan nooit een schoon gebaar worden. Ook mag een gebaar nooit uitgevoerd worden tegelijk met een of andere natuurlijke beweging die niet tot dat gebaar behoort. Zoo bijvoorbeeld behoort men niet iemand te groeten met een sigaar in den mond & als men voor iemand buigt, moet men er niet van profiteeren om tegelijk iets op te rapen. Door al die dingen wordt het teeken zijn van onze handelingen verzwakt & verliezen onze gebaren aan schoonheid. Als zij echte gebaren zijn, zijn onze hande- |41 lingen in hooge mate het beeld van onszelf. Zij zijn dan physieke bewegingen die dragers zijn van een geestelijke beteekenis, zooals onze ziel huist in ons lichaam. Onze bewondering, admiratio, zooals terecht het latijnsche woord luidt, is geheel gebaseerd op die wederzijdsche gelijkenis, op die weerspiegeling. Zoo bepaalt de duidelijkheid, waarmee onze handelingen teeken worden & geheel opgaan in het teeken zijn, de schoonheid van onze gebaren. |45

VIII. Over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar

Al de wetten voor de schoone bewegingen in het algemeen & voor het gebaar in het bijzonder, gelden natuurlijk ook voor het gebaar der over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 501 liturgie.7 In het begin hebben wij reeds gezegd, dat geheel dit ceremonieel gebaseerd is op het natuurlijke gebaar. Maar nu rijst de vraag of dit liturgische gebaar nog een bijzondere schoonheid meebrengt. Zooals wij telkens gezien hebben, heeft ieder nieuw princiep van beweging zijn terugslag in de orde van de samenstellende deelen dier beweging. Het gevolg hiervan is dat zich ook telkens een nieuwe vorm van schoonheid openbaart, waarvan het gehalte hooger is naarmate het princiep zich verheft. Achtereenvolgens hebben wij ons rekenschap gegeven van de stoffelijke beweging, de beweging der levende lichamen & de echt menschelijke beweging, ieder met hun eigen schoonheid; en gezien dat telkenmale de hoogere schoonheid |47 niets te kort doet aan eene van lager gehalte.8 De liturgische gebaren nu zijn middelen waardoor de H. Kerk haar godsdienst tot uitdrukking brengt & openbaart, evenals de zang, het woord & tal van symbolen teekens zijn van dien godsdienst. Maar er zijn in de christelijke godsdienst teekens die meer zijn dan teeken. Wij leeren in den catechismus dat de Sacramenten uitwendige teekens zijn, door Xristus ingesteld, waardoor de genade niet alleen wordt aange- duid, maar ook gegeven; wij leeren dat in het allerwaardigste Sacra- ment, de H. Eucharistie, onder de gedaanten van brood & wijn Xristus zelf tegenwoordig is. Rondom dit centrum van onzen cultus groepee- ren zich nu alle teekens & uitdrukkingen der liturgie. Hierdoor krijgen deze handelingen een realiteit die zij als natuurlijk teeken niet zouden hebben. Zij stellen hier hun univer- |48 saliteit & onpersoonlijkheid— waardoor zij zich tot gebaren verheven hadden—in dienst van een nog hoogere realiteit. Als gebaren waren die handelingen onttrokken aan de materieele condities van tijd & ruimte om te dienen in de orde van het verstand; als liturgische gebaren vinden zij een realiteit terug die boven het verstand verheven is. We vinden dus weer terug, wat wij al in een lagere orde van zaken ontmoet hebben. Evenals onze handelingen om werkelijk menschelijk

7 Note by Van der Laan dated May 1963 : “De laatste beschouwingen (van VIII) zijn niet goed. De beide lezingen over Liturgie in Delft (Studium Generale 27 Nov. & 4 Dec. 1957) geven een betere grondslag voor deze beëindiging der studie (mei 1963)”. 8 In the margin Van der Laan has added: “Secr. Fer. V post Dom. II in Quadr.: ‘Prae- senti sacrificio, nomini tuo nos, Domine, ieiunia dicata sanctificent: ut, quod observantia nostra profitur exterius, interius operetur effectu. Per Dominum.’ Sab. IV Temp. Quad., Secr: ‘Praesentibus sacrificiis, quaesumus, Domine, ieiunia nostra sanctifica: ut, quod observantia nostra profitetur extrinsecus, interius operetur. Per Dominum’ ”. 502 appendix two te zijn, min of meer opgenomen moeten worden in de orde van het teeken-zijn, zoo zien wij in de liturgie een aaneenschakeling van gebaren die alle min of meer dienen in de orde van de genade. Het minste gebaar, om liturgisch te zijn, moet kunnen bogen op die dienstbaarheid in de orde der genade, terwijl van den anderen kant, de verhe- venste genade ons in de liturgie niet zonder |49 eenig zichtbaar teeken gewordt. Hierin ligt de reden van een speciale rangschikking der gebaren rondom onze heilige mysteries. Deze nieuwe orde, die zich ook in de gebaren zelf openbaart, brengt ons tevens een nieuwe vorm van schoonheid, een schoonheid van het hoogste gehalte. Zonder het geloof blijft deze schoonheid echter voor ons verborgen, omdat wij dan onmogelijk het motief kunnen vatten, dat de bewegingen tot liturgische gebaren maakt. Voor de kinderen der H. Kerk echter ligt in deze gebaren de voorsmaak der eeuwige schoonheid, want er is maar één liturgie in den hemel & op aarde. Wij moeten ons niet verwonderen als in de liturgie de gebaren iets inboeten van hun natuurlijke expressiemogelijkheden. Zij dienen nu niet meer in de eerste plaats om ons iets aan het verstand te brengen, maar om ons de wereld der genade, die het verstand te boven gaat, tegenwoordig te stel- |50 len & om de genade op ons toe te passen.9 Zoo hebben wij ook nooit aan de natuurlijke gebaren gevraagd om practisch te zijn, maar om expressief te zijn; het teeken zijn onthief deze bewegingen grootendeels van den eisch der practische doelmatigheid. In de liturgie vragen wij dus ook in de eerste plaats naar de bovennatuurlijke realiteit & bij wijze van overmaat naar de expressie. Zonder een levendig geloof kan de liturgie nooit naar waarde genoten worden & het is niet onmogelijk dat wij ooit de klacht te hooren krijgen dat de ceremonies der Kerk zoo weinig aanspreken. Om dit gemis aan geloof dan te camoufleeren, voegt men er aan toe, dat de oude kerkelijke gebruiken weinig berekend zijn voor ons menschen van de twintigste eeuw & dat het daarom geen wonder is dat zij ons niet meer ontroeren. De Kerk echter, bewust van de hooge waarde der liturgie & wars van iedere wereldsche gedachte, heeft de gebaren steeds zoo weten te temperen dat de hoogheilige Handeling hierdoor

9 Van der Laan added a note in the margin: “De handelingen—om liturgisch schoon te zijn—moeten in de eerste plaats liturgisch zijn & dat brengt bepaalde condities van materieele en vormelijke aard mede; bijv. het physieke contact bij sommige wijdingen & 2 bepaalde bewegingen die het kruisteken samenstellen”. over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar 503 het beste in haar bovennatuurlijke |51 realiteit uitkomt10. Zij heeft zelfs niet geschroomd om in sommige streken & tijden de voornaamste momenten der liturgie achter gordijnen te laten schuilgaan. Hoe ver zijn wij hier niet verwijderd van het natuurlijke drama! Zang & stilte, beweging & rust, vertooning & verberging trachten elkaar de loef af te steken.11 Zoo zien wij in de huidige liturgie het altaar op het heiligste ogenblik door wierook omsluierd; dan bedaren de bewegingen & verstommen alle gebaren. De ‘acte par excellence’, het hoogtepunt der liturgie voltrekt zich in de plechtigheid der stilte & der rust. Hier raken wij aan het geheim der hoogste schoonheid die in het liturgisch gebaar vervat is: het weet te spreken, zelfs als het zwijgt. Tibi silentium laus, zoo lezen wij in de psalmen: Aan U, o God, de hulde van de stilte & de rust.

St. Paulus Abdij Oosterhout 9 Oct. 1944 fr. H. van der Laan.

10 Van der Laan added a note in the margin: “De stoffelijke beweging & de levende bewegingen herwinnen weer veel ten koste van de expressie. Het vrije rythme (van de zang) eigen aan de gregoriaansche zang, is grootendeels het gevolg van het feit dat alle muziek in de Kerk samengaat met een tekst die zijn eigen waarde voor de zang niet mag prijsgeven. Het woord in de liturgie heeft namelijk zijn geheel nieuwe waarde van ‘forma’ in de sacram. wereld”. 11 This phrase was inserted later by Van der Laan. APPENDIX THREE

LIST OF BOOKS CHOSEN FOR LENT

Every year Father abbot assigned to each monk a book to read during Lent. In later years the monks were permitted to choose a book themselves. This makes the following list of Lenten books chosen by Van der Laan so important, for it concerns books with which he was happy to spend the six weeks of Lent. Van der Laan copied this list in his own handwriting. Its importance is increased by the fact that no library record exists of books he borrowed. A similar list has not been found for his period in Oosterhout. That would however be of less interest, as before the 1960s a monk would not choose the book himself.

1967 Denys l’Areopagite, La Hierarchie céleste 1968 & 1969 Dom P. Delatte, L’Epitre aux Hébreux 1970 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione 1971 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, Comm. in Cant. Canticorum 1972 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, Vita S. Macrinae 1973 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De virginitate 1974 Dom P. Delatte, L’Epitre aux Colossiens 1975 Dom P. Delatte, L’Epitre aux Romains 1976 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, Hexameron 1977 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione 1978 & 1979 Dom P. Delatte L’Epitre aux Ephésiens 1980 S. Augustinus, Confessiones 1981 D.J. Daniélou, Le IVe Siècle. Greg. de Nyssa et son milieu 1982 D.J. Daniélou, Platonisme et théologie mystique 1983 J. Newman, Sermons preached on various occasions 1984 Dyonysios Areopag., De divinis nominibus 1985 P. Clérissac, Le mystère de l’Eglise 1986 M. Blondel, Carnets intimes 1987 Caesarius Arel., Sermones de Scriptura 1988 P. D.J. Danielou, Bible et liturgie 1989 S. Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima et resurrectione 1990 Dom P. Delatte, Inédits 1991 Dom P. Delatte, Commentaire sur la Règle BIBLIOGRAPHY

Given the amount of material involved, this bibliography has been subdivided into archive material, other primary sources, and secondary literature. The latter is divided into sources on Van der Laan and other secondary sources. Concerning the archive material, the archive number has been indicated if available. As the numbering of the AvdL was not definitive at the time of this research, data retrieved from the AvdL have been indicated by title, place and date. For the sake of completeness this bibliography also gives the numbering as known in 2010. As it is expected that this will change in the near future, the numbering has not been indicated in the footnotes.

Archive material

Brugge: Archief St Andriesabdij HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte [Unp.]: 9 Dec. 1946; 4 Sept. 1948; 22 Oct. 1948; 9 Nov. 1948; 27 Nov. 1948; 5 Dec. 1948; 21 Dec. 1948; 11 Apr. 1949; 9 May 1949; 23 Jan. 1950; c. 1950; 1950; 10 Feb. 1950; 10 Oct. 1950; 16 Oct. 1950; 13 Jan. 1953; 18 Feb. 1953; 26 Sept. 1953; 9 May 1954; 27 June 1954; 1 Aug. 1954; 4 Aug. 1954; 27 Sept. 1954; 15 Feb. 1955; 6 Apr. 1955; 3 June 1955; 6 Aug. 1955; 28 Aug. 1955; 4 Oct. 1955; Dec. 1955; 29 Feb. 1956; 8 Mar. 1956; 9 Mar. 1956; 10 June 1956; 30 July 1956; 9 Sept. 1956; 11 Sept. 1956; 9 Dec. 1957; 12 Jan. 1958; 7 Mar. 1958; 2 May 1958; 19 May 1958; 1 July 1958; 24 Oct. 1958; c. 1959; 2 Feb. 1959; 1 Apr. 1959; 15 Apr. 1959; 22 Nov. 1959; 2 Dec. 1959; 27 Dec. 1959; 3 Jan. 1960; 2 Feb. 1960; 24 Feb. 1960; 3 Mar. 1960; 14 Mar. 1960; 25 Mar. 1960; 9 Dec. 1960; 1 Feb. 1961; 17 Mar. 1961; 9 Apr. 1961; 12 Apr. 1961; 7 July 1961; 7 Sept. 1961; 11 Sept. 1961; 18 Oct. 1961; 20 Dec. 1961; 18 May 1962; 10 Aug. 1962; 6 Sept. 1962; 8 Nov. 1962; 23 Nov. 1962; 14 July 1963; 8 Aug. 1963; 16 Jan. 1964; 21 Apr. 1965; 22 July 1964; 30 July 1964; 1 Sept. 1965; 28 Sept. 1965; 25 Jan. 1966; 2 June 1966; 23 Jan. 1967; 17 Sept. 1969; 5 Oct. 1971; 21 Nov. 1971; 26 Nov. 1971; 2 Dec. 1971; 15 Dec. 1971; 20 Dec. 1971; 6 May 1972; 21 Jan. 1973; 17 Apr. 1973; 11 Aug. 1974; Sept. 1974; 15 Jan. 1975; 25 Jan. 1975; 26 July 1976; 6 Nov. 1976; 24 Feb. 1977; 29 July 1977; 28 Mar. 1978; 19 July 1978; 31 Oct. 1978; 8 Mar. 1979; 6 Apr. 1979; 8 July 1979; 4 Jan. 1980; 11 Aug. 1980; 8 Dec. 1980; 13 Jan. 1981; 8 Aug. 1981; c. Sept. 1981; 29 Apr. 1982; 28 July 1982; 24 Feb. 1983; 18 June 1985; 26 Dec. 1985; 26 July 1987; 4 June 1988; 10 July 1988; 31 July 1988; 22 Nov. 1988; 14 Dec. 1988; 25 Apr. 1989; 3 Sept. 1989; 13 June 1990; 21 May 1991.

Egmond: Archief St. Adelbertabdij Beekman, A., Inventaris van de belangrijkste kunstvoorwerpen, Egmond 1951 [Unp. Archief St. Adelbertabdij].

Genève: Fondation Théodore Strawinsky HvdL, Letters to T. and D. Strawinsky [Unp.]: 7 Feb. 1955; 20 Feb. 1955; 9 Apr. 1955; 4 Aug. 1955; 29 May 1956; 10 June 1956; 18 Nov. 1956; 19 Mar. 1958; 22 Oct. 1958; 24 Oct. 1958; 28 Dec. 1958; 25 Jan. 1959; 15 Mar. 1959; 1 May 1959; 21 May 1959; 22 June 1959; 15 July 1959; 7 Aug. 1959; 9 Oct. 1959; 10 Aug. 1961; 2 June 1962; 6 Aug. 1962; 1 May 1963; 15 Jan. 1964; c. 1965; 4 Aug. 1965; 16 Mar. 1966; 10 May 1966; 8 June 1966; 30 June 1966; 7 July 1966; 25 Oct. 1966; 12 Dec. 1966; 5 Jan 1967; 506 bibliography

31 Jan. 1968; 14 June 1968; 31 July 1968; 6 Mar. 1969; 19 Apr. 1969; 6 May 1969; 13 May 1969; 15 June 1969; 23 Nov. 1969; 18 Dec. 1969; 24 Dec. 1969; 3 Jan. 1971; 1 Apr. 1971; 25 Oct. 1971; 13 Nov. 1971; 23 Mar. 1972; Aug. 1973; 1 Jan. 1975; 26 Feb. 1975; 25 Mar. 1975; 28 Apr. 1975; 14 July 1975; 3 Aug. 1975; 1 Mar. 1976; 17 May 1976; 30 May 1976; 25 Aug. 1976; 10 Sept. 1976; 26 Sept. 1976; 1 Dec. 1976; 23 Dec. 1976; 18 Jan. 1977; 28 Feb. 1977; 20 June 1977; 30 Jan. 1980; 10 July 1980; Nov. 1981; 24 Mar. 1983; 17 May 1984; 13 Jan. 1986; 20 Sept. 1986; 15 June 1987; 29 June 1987; 31 May 1988; 6 July 1988; 17 May 1989; 30 May 1989; 6 Nov. 1989.

’s-Hertogenbosch: Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch Helvoort, H. van, Letter to N. van der Laan, ’s-Hertogenbosch 15 July 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. n.n., Presentielijst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 29 Apr. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogen- bosch]. n.n., Uitnodigingsbrief, ’s-Hertogenbosch 16 Apr. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Her- togenbosch]. Sarlemijn, G.J.M., Groep bouwkunst van de A.K.K.V., 47Bo 16 no. 757 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. ——, Letter Feb. 1947, [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. ——, Letter to members of the commission, Amsterdam 10 Sept. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch]. ——, Letter to members of the commission, Amsterdam 4 Dec. 1947 [Unp. Archief Bisdom ’s-Hertogenbosch].

Leiden: Archief St. Petrus parochie Liber Baptizatorum, Leiden 2 Nov. 1903–1 Jan. 1920 [Unp. Archief Parochie St. Petrus].

Maastricht: Sociaal Historisch Centrum Limburg n.n., ean 1081, Stichting het Limburgs welstandstoezicht te Maastricht: Beroepskwes- ties, Gemeente Vaals, Bouw abdijkerk klooster Mamelis, 1959–1965 [Unp. Sociaal Historisch Centrum Limburg].

Oosterhout: Archief St. Paulusabdij Bellot, P., De religieuse bouwkunst, Oosterhout 1927 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. Delatte, P., Letter to Dom de Puniet 22 Apr. 1907 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij B I.12]. Huiting, F., De architectuur van de St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout, Oosterhout 12 Sept. 2004 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. Mähler, M., Dom Hans van der Laan. Jaren in Oosterhout (1927–1968), Oosterhout n.d. [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. n.n., Besluit RZ-2000–578 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij. Rijksdienst voor de Monu- mentenzorg]. n.n., Kroniek van de kloosterbedrijven der Sint-Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 1944 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij]. Puniet de Parry, J. de, Conférence, Oosterhout 18 Apr. 1907 [Unp. Archief St. Pau- lusabdij G III]. ——, Conférence, Oosterhout 30 Jan. 1931 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij F III]. ——, Conférence, Oosterhout 15 Mar. 1935 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij G II.1]. ——, Conférence, Oosterhout 30 Jan. 1938 [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij G II.1]. bibliography 507

Saint Pierre de Solesmes: Archives de Solesmes Blondel, M., Letter to Dom Delatte 31 Aug. 1894 [Unp. Archives de Solesmes]. Guéranger, P., Note autobiographique 62 [Unp. Archives de Solesmes].

Rotterdam: Nederlands Architectuur Instituut (NAi) Embden, S.J. van, Inleiding tot de tentoonstelling ‘architectuur’ van modellen en meubels, Eindhoven 6 Dec. 1982 [Unp. NAi Archief Van Embden d2155].

’s-Hertogenbosch: Archief familie Van der Laan HvdL, Preek huwelijk van Hans v.d. Laan met Veroon Habets, s.l. 7 Sept. 1965 [Unp. Archief familie Van der Laan].

Vaals: Archief Gemeente Vaals n.n., Bouwvergunningen 1532, 2112, 2227, Vaals [Unp. Archief gemeente Vaals].

Vaals: Library & Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg n.n., Kroniek van de abdij van Vaals, Vaals [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg]. n.n., List of Lenten reading [Unp. Archief Abdij St. Benedictusberg, see Appendix 3 (p. 506)]. Delatte, P., Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Colossiens, Vaals n.d. [Unp. Library Vaals]. ——, Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Romains, t. I–II, Vaals 1976–1977 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/550–551]. ——, Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Hébreux, t. I–II, Vaals 1978 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/695–696]. ——, Commentaire sur l’Epître de Saint Paul aux Ephésiens, t. I–III, Vaals 1980–1981 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/658–660]. ——, Inédits, Vaals 1990 [Unp. Library Vaals 9108/71]. Puniet de Parry, J. de, Commentaire sur l’Apocalypse de Saint Jean, Oosterhout 1930 [Unp. Library Vaals 9107/799]. ——, La sainte Règle. Conférences au chapître à Oosterhout du 2 Avril 1924 au 10 Sep- tembre 1941, Vaals 1966 [Unp. Library Vaals 85–7].

Vaals: Archief Dom Hans van der Laan osb (AVdL)

Archived texts by Van der Laan La forme des églises, Oosterhout c. 1930. [Unp. AVdL. See Appendix 1 (p. 481)]. Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Sept. 1939 [Unp. AVdL 1–2. Later published as HvdL, Grondbeginselen der architectuur, t. I, Purmerend 2001 [André Dam]]. Rietveldsche Toren, Delft 13 Jan. 1940 [Unp. AVdL 3–4. Later published as HvdL, Grondbeginselen der architectuur, t. II, Purmerend 2001 [André Dam]]. Paters SVD, Teteringen 21 Feb. 1940 [Unp. AVdL 328–329]. Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 7 July 1940 [Unp. AVdL 5–6. Later published as HvdL, Grondbeginselen der architectuur, t. III, Purmerend 2001 [André Dam]]. Resumé. Doel en eerste beginselen der architectuur, Oosterhout 1941 [Unp. AVdL 9]. Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest Jan. 1941 [Unp. AVdL 7–8]. Over het laatste doel van het bouwen, s.l. 10 Jan. 1942 [Unp. AVdL 330]. Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 16 Jan. 1943 [Unp. AVdL 10–17]. Lezing voor de leden van de A.K.K.V., Oosterhout 5 June 1943 [Unp. AVdL 331–332]. Torenveltstraat 6, Oegstgeest 26 July 1943 [Unp. AVdL 18]. 508 bibliography

Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Annex Letter to N. van der Laan 19431121 [Unp. AVdL]. Douze lettres sur l’architecture 1944–1946. Adressées au R.P. Dom Pierre Nau, moine de Solesmes, pour résumer une doctrine sur la génèse de la forme: 18 Jan. 1944 [Unp. AVdL 335], 14 Feb. 1944 [Unp. AVdL 336], 3 Mar. 1944 [Unp. AVdL 337], 4 Apr. 1944 [Unp. AVdL 338], 3 May 1944 [Unp. AVdL 339], 9 June 1944 [Unp. AVdL 340], 27 July 1945 [Unp. AVdL 341], 7 Sept. 1945 [Unp. AVdL 342], 3 Oct. 1945 [Unp. AVdL 343], 3 Jan. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 344], 15 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 345], 28 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 346]. [Schoonheid] Over de schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar, Oosterhout 1944 [Unp. AVdL 334b. See Appendix 2 (p. 487)]. HBO Tilburg, Oosterhout 16 Jan. 1944 [Unp. AVdL 333–334]. Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden Nov. 1945 [Unp. AVdL]. Votum concernant notre habit monastique, adressé au Chapitre Général de 1946, Oos- terhout 30 Jan. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 358]. Kerk en kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 86. Later published as N. Boer, ‘Kerk en kerkbouw’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amster- dam 1948, 16–19]. Liturgie en architectuur, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 86. Later published as N. Boer, ‘Gewijde kunst’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 133–138; HvdL, ‘Litur- gie en Architectuur’, Actio Catholica 9 (1946) 352–357]. Werkgroep kerkelijke architectuur I–XVII, Breda 1946–1947: I, 6 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 24–26]; II, 16 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 27–29]; III, 27 Apr. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 30–32]; IV, 7 May 1946 [Unp. AVdL 33–36]; V, 25 May 1946 [Unp. AVdL 37–39]; VI, 11 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL 40–42]; VII, 22 June 1946 [Unp. AVdL 43–45]; VIII, 6 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL 46–48]; IX, 20 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL 49–51]; X, 3 Aug. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 52–54]; XI, Oosterhout 31 Aug. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 55–57]; XII, Oosterhout 14 Sept. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 58–60]; XIII, 26 Oct. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 61–63]; XIV & XV, 11 Jan. 1947 [Unp. AVdL 64–66]; XVI, 8 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL 67–69]; XVII, 22 Feb. 1947 [Unp. AVdL 70–73]. Bijeenkomst van de Heeren Leeraren der Vrije School voor Beeldende Kunsten, ’s-Her- togenbosch 27 July 1946 [Unp. AVdL 348a]. Drie voordrachten over ‘paramentiek’ I–III, s.l. 30 Nov.–2 Dec. 1946 [Unp. AVdL 87–92]. Studiebijeenkomst, Breda 29 Mar. 1947 [Unp. AVdL 74]. Rijnsburgerweg 160, Leiden 19–20 Apr. 1947 [Unp. AVdL 19–23]. Kerkelijke architectuur I–IV, Hoeven 1947: I, 18 June 1947 [Unp. AVdL 348–349]; II, 25 June 1947 [Unp. AVdL 350–351]; III, 9 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL 352–353]; IV, Hoeven 16 July 1947 [Unp. AVdL 354–355]. Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Dec. 1947 [Unp. AVdL 94–99]. Over Mediator Dei, Breda 24 Jan. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 75–76]. Samenvatting, Breda 13 Mar. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 77–81]. Lezing voor de Bouwkundige Studiekring, Delft 14 June 1948 [Unp. AVdL 359–360]. Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 July 1948. [Unp. AVdL 100–102. Published as HvdL, ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 16–18]. St. Joost, Breda 13 Sept. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 356a]. Notre Dame, Oosterhout 10 Oct. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 357]. Notre Dame, Oosterhout 17 Oct. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 357]. Studiebijeenkomst, Breda 20 Oct. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 82]. Bijeenkomst met de geestelijkheid, Breda 23 Nov. 1948 [Unp. AVdL 83–84]. Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Apr. 1949 [Unp. AVdL 106–116]. Liturgie en Architectuur, Oosterhout c. 1950 [Unp. draft for a lecture AVdL 383]. Bouwen ter ere Gods, Zwolle 19 Jan. 1950 [Unp. AVdL 378–379]. bibliography 509

In het vriendenboek van Granpré Molière, s.l. Feb. 1950 [Unp. AVdL 380]. Over den zin der liturgische gewaden, Haaren 19 Apr. 1950 [Unp. AVdL 384. This is the basis for the later article by HvdL, ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 261–265]. Architectonische analyse van een Italiaans huis, Oosterhout 15 June 1950 [Unp. AVdL 386]. Gesprek van Pater Talma met P. v.d. Laan, 7 July 1950 [Unp. AVdL 387–388]. St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 22 Sept. 1950 [Unp. AVdL 389]. Het huis, Oosterhout Nov. 1950 [Unp. AVdL 391–392]. Muziek en architectuur, s.l. 15–16 Sept. 1951 [Unp. AVdL 117–123. This is the basis for the later publication by HvdL, Muziek en architectuur, Antwerpen 1952]. Rijsenburg I, 20 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL 395–396]. Rijsenburg II, 27 Jan. 1952 [Unp. AVdL 397–398]. St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 2 June 1952 [Unp. AVdL 400–401]. Kunst en kerk, Breda 12 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL 402–404. Later published as HvdL, Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Drie voordrachten over kunst in het Begijn- hof te Breda. Kunst en kerk. Kunst en maatschappij. Kunst en persoon, Amsterdam 2003]. Kunst en maatschappij, Breda 28 July 1952 [Unp. AVdL 405–407. Later published as HvdL, Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Drie voordrachten over kunst in het Begijnhof te Breda. Kunst en kerk. Kunst en maatschappij. Kunst en persoon, Amsterdam 2003]. Kunst en persoon, Breda 6 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL 408–409. Later published as HvdL, Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Drie voordrachten over kunst in het Begijn- hof te Breda. Kunst en kerk. Kunst en maatschappij. Kunst en persoon, Amsterdam 2003]. Lezing, Haaren 30 Oct. 1952 [Unp. AVdL 410–411]. Het domein van de kunst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 8–9 Nov. 1952 [Unp. AVdL 127–133. This is the basis for the later publication by HvdL, Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952]. De architectuur van het boek, Antwerpen 22 Nov. 1952 [Unp. AVdL 412–414]. Studiebijeenkomst samen met Brouwer, Wissing, Bleker, Kranendonk en Jan Hermans, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1953 [Unp. AVdL 430–431]. Bijeenkomst B.S.K. Delft, Drakenburg 21–22 Mar. 1953 [Unp. AVdL 417–419]. St. Paulusabdij, Oosterhout 12 May 1953 [Unp. AVdL 420–421]. Docentenbijeenkomst CKA, ’s-Hertogenbosch 3 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL 424]. Conférence, Clervaux 15 July 1953 [Unp. AVdL 425–427]. Toelichting op het nieuwe religieuze kleed, JMJ, ’s-Hertogenbosch 24 Sept. 1953 [Unp. AVdL 428–429]. Het plastische getal I–X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1953–1956: I, 28 Nov. 1953 [Unp. AVdL 134–135]; II, 12 Dec. 1953 [Unp. AVdL 136–137]; III, 2 Jan. 1954 [Unp. AVdL 138–139]; IV, 30 Jan. 1954 [Unp. AVdL 140–141]; V, 27 Feb. 1954 [Unp. AVdL 142–144]; VI, 27 Mar. 1954 [Unp. AVdL 145–147]; VII, 29 May 1954 [Unp. AVdL 148–149]; VIII, 26 June 1954 [Unp. AVdL 150–153]; IX, 2 Oct. 1954 [Unp. AVdL 154–155]; X, 13 Nov. 1954 [Unp. AVdL 156–157]; XI, 22 Jan. 1955 [Unp. AVdL 158–159]; XII, 19 Feb. 1955 [Unp. AVdL 160–161]; XIII, 2 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL 162–163]; XIV, 7 & 21 May 1955 [Unp. AVdL 164–165]; XV, 19 Nov. 1955 & 14 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL 166–167]; XVI, 3 Mar. 1956 [Unp. AVdL 168–169]. Reis naar Rome, Rome 26 Feb.–26 Mar. 1955 [Unp. AVdL 436–442. Later published as HvdL, Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Verslag van een reis naar Rome tijdens de vasten in 1955. Naar Rome met Jan, Els en Jeanne Daisy, Amsterdam 2004]. Over het kloosterkleed, Veghel 16 Apr. 1955 [Unp. AVdL 443–444]. Waaraan herkent men het heiligdom der christenen?, ’s-Hertogenbosch 10 June 1955 [Unp. AVdL 445–446]. 510 bibliography

Het kazuifel, s.l. 30 Sept. 1955 [Unp. AVdL 447–448]. Drie lessen over kleding, De Tiltenberg 3–4 Jan. 1956 [Unp. AVdL 451–454]. Nabeschouwingen op de lezing van ir. van Ravesteyn, ’s-Hertogenbosch 13–14 Apr. 1956 [Unp. AVdL 455–456. Later published as HvdL, Den Bosch, Kruithuis 13 en 14 april 1956. Over de doorbraak naar de Sint-Pieter te Rome. Nabeschouwing op de lezing van ir. Van Ravensteyn, Amsterdam 2002]. Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 12–13 July 1957 [Unp. AVdL 459–461]. Stellingen, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL 464]. Lezing, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp.AVdL 463]. Over Liturgie I–II, Delft 1957: 27 Nov. 1957; 4 Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL 465–450]. Beknopte uiteenzetting van het plastische getal, Delft 14 Jan. 1958 [Unp. AVdL 471– 473]. Les II van het plastische getal over Vitruvius’ tekst, Oosterhout 1958 [Unp. AVdL 481]. Vitruvii de architectura, Oosterhout c. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. Mishoren met goede manieren, Utrecht 6 Feb. 1958 [Unp. AVdL 475–477]. Over een tekst van Vitruvius I, Oosterhout 20 Mar. 1958 [Unp. AVdL 479–480]. Lezing, Roosendaal 8 Dec. 1958 [Unp. AVdL 487]. Leden van Sint-Adelbertus, Oss 20 Apr. 1959 [Unp. AVdL 488–490]. Le nombre plastique. Bref exposé, s.l. 29 June 1959 [Unp. AVdL 474 & 491]. L’habit monastique, s.l. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 509]. Description de la coule en forme de la cloche, s.l. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 509]. Description de la coule admise ‘ad experimentum’ par le Chapitre Général de Solesmes en 1960, s.l. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 509]. Over de dispositie van het koorgebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 493–494]. Gesprek met Dom v.d. Laan over ‘het huis’ door Dom Talma, ’s-Hertogenbosch Apr. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 498–499]. Bijzondere les over de ceremonies van de H. Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL 500–502]. Keyenberg, Renkum 17 Sept. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 503–504]. De architectonische dispositie I–XIV, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1960–1962: I, 9 Jan. & 20 Feb. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 179–180]; II, 2 Apr. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 183–186]; III, 25 June & 23 July 1960 [Unp. AVdL 187–190]; IV, 5 Nov. & 10 Dec. 1960 [Unp. AVdL 192–195]; V, 28 Jan. 1961 [Unp. AVdL 196–197]; VI, 4 Mar. & 17 June 1961 [Unp. AVdL 198–200]; VII, 22 July & 9 Sept. 1961 [Unp. AVdL 201–204]; VIII, 21 Oct. & 2 Dec. 1961 [Unp. AVdL 205–209]; IX, 3 Feb. & 3 Mar. 1962 [Unp. AVdL 210–213]; X, 7 Apr. 1962 [Unp. AVdL 214–216]; XI, 16 June 1962 [Unp. AVdL 217–220]; XII, 15 Sept. 1962 [Unp. AVdL 221–223]; XIII, 20 Oct. 1962 [Unp. AVdL 224–226]; XIV, 15 Dec. 1962 [Unp. AVdL 227–229]. Oog en Al, Utrecht 29 Jan. 1963 [Unp. AVdL 511–512]. De architectonische ruimte I–III, ’s-Hertogenbosch Mar. 1963 [Unp. AVdL 231–232], Apr. 1963 [Unp. AVdL 233–234], May 1963 [Unp. AVdL 191 & 235–236]. Bij de inwijding van het nieuwe kloosterhabijt, Huldenberg June 1963 [Unp. AVdL 515–517]. Preek huwelijk van Dick van Dam en Cécile de Puniet de Parry, s.l. 3 Aug. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. Een kerk is een huis van gebed, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 Oct. 1963 [Unp. AVdL 237–242. Published as HvdL, ‘Openbare les over liturgie en Architectuur gehouden op 5 oktober 1963 door Dom van der Laan’, KB 30 (1963) 500–504]. De geleding van het menselijk lichaam onder het gezichtspunt van de verhoudingen van het plastische getal, Oosterhout 5 Feb. 1964 [Unp. AVdL 412–514]. Leidraad voor het beoordelen van kerkgebouwen, ’s-Hertogenbosch Summer 1964 [Unp. AVdL 245–246]. Over kleding I, s.l. June 1964 [Unp. AVdL 515–517]. bibliography 511

Voor het noviciaat, Vaals July 1964 [Unp. AVdL 518–520]. Het nieuwe klooster in Maarssen, s.l. 3 Oct. 1964 [Unp. AVdL 521–524]. Altaarwijding, Boxtel Nov. 1964 [Unp. AVdL 525–526]. De architectonische dispositie I–V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1965–1966: I, 27 Feb. 1965 [Unp. AVdL 250–252]; II, 27 Mar. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 253]; III, 24 Apr. 1965 [Unp. AVdL 254]; IV, 5 Mar. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 255]; V, 3 Sept. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 256–257]. Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 21 Aug. 1965 [Unp. AVdL 531–532]. Voor het noviciaat, Vaals 9 Sept. 1965 [Unp. AVdL 533–534]. Studiebijeenkomst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1 May 1966 [Unp. AVdL]. Homilie bij de uitvaart van Jan van der Laan, Oegstgeest 17 Aug. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 534a]. Bouwen en bidden, Vaals 15 Oct. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 258–259. Published as HvdL, ‘Bouwen en bidden’, Mededelingen voor de Vrienden van de Abdij St. Benedictus- berg, Mamelis 1966, 11–25]. De architectonische ruimte I–X, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1966–1967: I, 5 Nov. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 260]; II, 17 Dec. 1966 [Unp. AVdL 261]; III, 4 Mar. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 262]; IV, 4 Mar. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 263]; V, 4 Mar. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 264]; VI, 1 Apr. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 265]; VII, 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL 266]; VIII, 6 May 1967 [Unp. AVdL 267]; IX, 2 Sept. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 271]; X, 9 Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 272]. Een recent gebouw van de Bossche School, s.l. 21 Aug. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 268–269. Later published as HvdL, ‘R.-k. St. Willibrordkerk te Almelo. Architect: Jan de Jong’, BW 86 (1968) 343–348; H. Holtmann, ed., De Willibrordkerk Almelo. Het erfgoed van Dom Hans van der Laan, Jan de Jong en Théodore Strawinsky, Almelo 2004, 53–64]. Lezing, s.l. 8 June 1968 [Unp. AVdL 273]. Excursie naar de abdijkerk van Vaals, Vaals 6 July 1968 [Unp. AVdL 274–275]. Vijf vragen van een architect over de menselijke voortplantingsdaad, Vaals 24 Aug. 1968 [Unp. AVdL 539–540]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 Nov. 1968 [Unp. AVdL]. Over een Schotse tartan, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23 Nov. 1968 [Unp. AVdL 276–280. Later published as HvdL, ‘On a Scotish tartan’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 12–25]. De liturgie VII, Amsterdam 5 Feb. 1969 [Unp. AVdL 543–545]. Beste Pater Prior, s.l. May 1969 [Unp. AVdL]. Bestuursvergadering van Ver. voor Lat. Liturgie, Vaals 25 Oct. 1969 [Unp. AVdL 550]. De architectonische Ruimte I–V, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1970–1971 [Unp. AVdL 281–299]. Inleiding, ’s-Hertogenbosch 31 Jan. 1970 [Unp. AVdL 285]. Inleiding Stonehenge, ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL 551–552]. Zeer Eerwaarde Heren, Sittard 11 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL 553–554]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 17 Oct. 1970 [Unp. AVdL 290–297]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 9 Jan. 1971 [Unp. AVdL 301–303]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 27 Mar. 1971 [Unp. AVdL 304–306]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 5 June 1971 [Unp. AVdL 307–308]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 8 Jan. 1972 [Unp. AVdL 309–313]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 22 Apr. 1972 [Unp. AVdL 314–318. This is the basis for the later article by HvdL, ‘Beschouwingen over het huis’, Plan 3 (1972, nr. 6) 54–59]. Voor Vlaamse academici, s.l. 10 June 1972 [Unp. AVdL 556]. Schema lessen Parijse studenten, Vaals Oct. 1972 [Unp. AVdL 559]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 21 Oct. 1972 [Unp. AVdL 319–320]. Zestien stedelijke disposities, ’s-Hertogenbosch 26 May 1973 [Unp. AVdL 321–322]. Algemene lesdag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 16 June 1973 [Unp. AVdL 323–327]. De schilderkunst, Meteren 1 Sept. 1973 [Unp. AVdL 557–558]. 512 bibliography

Genesis van de liturgische vorm, Vaals 2–3 Mar. 1974 [Unp. AVdL 566–572]. Liturgische vormleer I–XII, Vaals 1974–1975: I, 2 Oct. 1974 [Unp. AVdL 900]; II, 16 Oct. 1974 [Unp. AVdL 901]; III, 6 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL 902]; IV, 27 Nov. 1974 [Unp. AVdL 903]; V, 18 Dec. 1974 [Unp. AVdL 904]; VI, 19 Feb. 1975 [Unp. AVdL 905]; VII, 5 Mar. 1975 [Unp. AVdL 906]; VIII, 20 Mar. 1975 [Unp. AVdL 907]; IX, 23 Apr. 1975 [Unp. AVdL 908]; X, 7 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL 909]; XI, 28 May 1975 [Unp. AVdL 910]; XII, 4 June 1975 [Unp. AVdL 911]. Lezing, Vaals 1 May 1976 [Unp. AVdL 578]. Muziek en liturgie, Vaals 11 June 1976 [Unp. AVdL 579]. Prof. Tauber, Vaals 5 Oct. 1976 [Unp. AVdL 581]. TH Eindhoven, Eindhoven 4 Nov. 1976 [Unp. AVdL 582–583. This is the basis for the later article by HvdL, ‘Het menselijk verblijf; grootte, vorm, ruimte’, Plan 8 (1977, nr. 4) 41–46]. Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur, s.l. 28 Jan. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 587]. De beschildering van de Sint Lucaskerk te ’s-Hertogenbosch, s.l. Easter 1977 [Unp. AVdL 589–591]. Inwijding van het huis van Dr. Van der Eerden, Nieuwenhagen 26 June 1977 [Unp. AVdL 588]. Liturgische vormleer I–X, Vaals 1977–1978: I, 5 Oct. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 937]; II, 12 Oct. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 938]; III, 2 Nov. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 939]; IV, 23 Nov. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 940]; V, 7 Dec. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 941]; VI, 21 Dec. 1977 [Unp. AVdL 942]; VII, 22 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL 943–944]; VIII, 8 Mar. 1978 [Unp. AVdL 945]; IX 22 Mar. 1978 [Unp. AVdL 946]; X, 19 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL 947]; XI, 18 May 1978 [Unp. AVdL]; XII, 25 May 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. Groep Rijnland BNA, s.l. 10 Feb. 1978 [Unp. AVdL 595]. Muziekstudenten Utrecht, Vaals 27 Apr. 1978 [Unp. AVdL 596–598]. Het kerkgebouw, s.l. 3 May 1978 [Unp. AVdL 948]. Abdij Roosenberg, Waasmunster 15 June 1978 [Unp. AVdL]. Koormantel voor Roosenberg, s.l. 25 Apr. 1979 [Unp. AVdL 577]. Zeven dagen voorbereiding op de priesterwijding, Vaals 7–13 Sept. 1979 [Unp. AVdL 605–606]. Het liturgisch vormbeginsel, s.l. 8 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL 607]. Liturgische vormgeving I–X, Vaals Aug. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 966–976]. Huis Naalden, s.l. Dec. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 611]. Liturgische vormleer I–XVI, Vaals 1981: I, 16 Feb. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 954]; II, 23 Feb. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 955]; III, 9 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 956]; IV, 16 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 957]; V, 23 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 958]; VI, 30 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 959]; VII, 6 Apr. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 960]; XI, 18 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL 961]; XII, 25 May 1981 [Unp. AVdL 962]; XIII, n.d. [Unp. AVdL 963]; XIV, n.d. [Unp. AVdL 964]; XV, n.d. [Unp. AVdL 965]. Bonnefantenmuseum Maastricht, Maastricht 7 Apr. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 615. Published as: HvdL, ‘Toespraak’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982, 7–9]. Naar aanleiding van een bezoek aan het huis Naalden, s.l. 2 Dec. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 617]. Autobiografie, Vaals 22 Sept. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 620]. Beschouwing over de kerk van Vaals, Vaals 12 Dec. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 624]. Voor een groep heren rondom Dr. Van der Eerden, Vaals 19 Jan. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 625]. MTS Heerlen, groep onder leiding van de heer Wolters, s.l. 1 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL 626]. Academie voor Bouwkunde, Maastricht 28 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL 627]. De zeven architectonische betrekkingen, Vaals c. 1986 [Unp. AVdL. Published later as HvdL, ‘The Seven Relationships of Architectonic Space’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 78–79]. bibliography 513

Voor de tentoonstelling in Middelburg, Middelburg 20 Feb. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 629]. Voor een groep uit Brugge, Vaals 4 Apr. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 631a]. Het liturgisch kader van de Abdij van Vaals, Vaals 26 Mar. 1988 [Unp. AVdL 632. Most of this text occurs in HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319. Partly published as HvdL, ‘Il quadro liturgico dell’abbazia di Vaals. Un’autobiografia, 1988’, in: A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000, 31–44]. Notes for a telephone call to S.J. van Embden, Vaals 2 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. Toen in 1957, Vaals 7 Oct. 1988 [Unp. AVdL]. [Een architectuur] Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur, Vaals 7 Apr. 1989 [Unp. AVdL. Published as: HvdL, ‘Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur’, in: W. Graatsma–H. Tilmanns, ed., Ail- bertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989]. Het huis Naalden te Best, Vaals 12 Apr. 1989 [Unp. AVdL 643]. Dankwoord, s.l. 22 Sept. 1989 [Unp. AVdL 643. Later published as: HvdL, ‘Dank- woord’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp.].

Letters by Van der Laan The most important letters are those Van der Laan wrote to his religious sisters, his brother Nico, Dom Botte and Richard Padovan. Most of the correspondence to both sisters was in French, as was customary for their respective religious orders. After the death of Sr Gertrude van der Laan in 1991, her superiors returned the letters to Dom Van der Laan. However, the letters to Sr Lutgarde van der Laan from 1971 onwards were burned just after her death in 1979 (HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19830628). She had already burned some of them herself at an earlier stage in a rage of ‘self-imposed poverty’ (Letter to HvdL 19630702). The letters to Nico van der Laan are shorter and more succint than those to his sisters. It is clear that they met much more often. A vast amount of these letters directly concern their work on the theory of architecture and their different construction projects. It is interesting to note that these letters are less carefully written. Quite often they are undated, very brief, and range from postcards asking for a certain book to long epistles on a certain aspect of the theory. During the first twenty years, Van der Laan’s correspondence with Dom Xavier Botte mainly concerned articles for the liturgical magazine of which he was the editor, L’Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques (AAL), later renamed L’Art d’Eglise (AAL) in 1950. Later, Dom Botte helped with the translation of different books and articles by Van der Laan, who liked to meet Dom Botte from time to time, as he was one of the few friends with whom he could speak openly about his theory. The letters to Richard Padovan contain a review of the whole architectural theory, and in addition much biographical material written by Van der Laan in his last years. They mainly concern the theory of architecture, often worked out in fine detail. The earliest letters are written in English, some later ones are in French, but most letters are in Dutch.

Letter to P. Allary si: 22 Aug. 1956 [Unp. AVdL 457]. Letter to Mr Asberg [Unp.]: 26 May 1942. Letter to W. Baan [Unp.]: Nov. 1985. Letter to Br. K. den Biesen [Unp.]: Maundy Thursday 1991. Letters to A. Bodar [Unp.]: 4 Apr. 1988; 28 July 1988; 8 Aug. 1988; 21 Nov. 1988; 24 Feb. 1989; 26 Feb. 1989; 1 Mar. 1989; 3 Mar. 1989; 10 Mar. 1989; 13 Mar. 1989; 24 Dec. 1990. Letter to Dom N. Boer [Unp.]: 31 Mar. 1962. Letter to P. de Bont [Unp.]: 5 July 1984. Letter to B. Bremer [Unp.]: 11 June 1987. 514 bibliography

Letters to H. Bruins [Unp.]: 2 Aug. 1988; 9 Sept. 1988; 27 Sept. 1988. Letter to P. Buys: 14 Mar. 1969 [Published in: M. Steenhuis, Pieter Buys. Maken en laten. Tuin- en landschapsarchitect, Rotterdam 2008, 78]. Letter to C. Cornford [Unp.]: 18 July 1984. Letter to J. Dibbets [Unp.]: 9 Dec. 1985. Letter to J. van der Does de Willebois: 1968 [Unp. AVdL 539]. Letters to R. van der Does de Willebois [Unp.]: 26 Sept. 1968; 5 Jan 1978 [Unp. AVdL 594]; 4 Oct. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 616]. Letter to ‘Domitille’ [Unp.]: 1972. Letter to S.J. van Embden: 14 June 1980 [Unp. AVdL 609]. Letters to Sr R. Engels [Unp.]: 18 Jan. 1973; 27 Mar. 1973; 10 Apr. 1975 ; 21 Apr. 1975; 22 May 1975; 3 June 1975; 15 June 1975; 4 July 1975; 12 July 1975; 2 Aug. 1975; 4 Aug. 1975; 11 Sept. 1975; 8 Nov. 1975; 17 May 1976; 29 July 1977; 20 Sept. 1977; 2 Nov. 1977; 1st Sun. Advent 1977; 10 Jan. 1978; 31 Mar. 1978; 20 June 1978; 18 July 1978; 30 Apr. 1979; 9 May 1979; 15 May 1979; 15 June 1979; 27 June 1979; 7 Aug. 1979; 3 Sept. 1979; 10 Oct. 1979; 6 Nov. 1979; Advent 1979; 19 Dec. 1979; 5 Mar. 1980; 30 Mar. 1980; 3 June 1980; 9 July 1980; 2 Sept. 1980; 16 Nov. 1980; 28 May 1981; 12 Dec. 1981; 19 Apr. 1982; 22 Aug. 1982; 27 Oct. 1982; 28 Oct. 1982; 16 Jan. 1983; 18 Mar. 1983; 10 May 1983; 5 Apr. 1983; 19 Sept. 1983; 4 Oct. 1983; 17 Nov. 1983; 28 Dec. 1983; 12 Feb. 1984; 9 July 1984; 16 Nov. 1984; 27 Nov. 1984; 4 Jan. 1985; 6 Apr. 1985; 16 June 1985; 7 Aug. 1985; 3 Sept. 1985; 18 Sept. 1985; 12 Jan. 1986; 6 May 1986; 13 May 1986; 30 Oct. 1986; 11 Mar. 1988; 9 Nov. 1988. Letter to A. Evers [Unp.]: 13 Apr. 1986. Letter to A.D. Fokker: Dec. 1967 [Unp. AVdL 536]. Letter to J. Garreton [Unp.]: 13 Oct. 1980. Letter to C. Genders: 12 June 1984 [Unp. AVdL 623]. Letters to M.J. Granpré Molière [Unp.]: 20 May 1946; 19 Sept. 1946; 11 May 1953; 8 Oct. 1955; 12 Oct. 1958; 26 Sept. 1959; 28 Dec. 1964; 21 Jan 1965; 10 May 1968; 27 Mar. 1969 [Unp. AVdL 549]; 16 July 1969. Letter to P. Guilberto [Unp.]: c. 1945. Letter to K. de Haan [Unp.]: 3 May 1986. Letter to H. van Hartevelt [Unp.]: 27 June 1986. Letters to A. van Heck [Unp.]: 12 Dec. 1977; c. 1988. Letters to Fr H.M.A. van Helvoort [Unp.]: 23 Feb. 1946; 16 Mrt. 1946; 9 Apr. 1946; 23 Apr. 1947. Letter to Mgr W.M.J. Koenraadt [Unp.]: 14 June 1959. Letter to J.J. Kroon: 25 Jan. 1965 [Unp. AVdL 527]. Letter to Mrs. A.M.L. van der Laan-Stadhouder [Unp.]: 27 May 1929. Letters to Sr G. van der Laan [Unp.]: 11 Apr. 1937; 9 June 1937; May 1940; 30 Aug. 1940; 16 Jan. 1941; Feb. 1941; 24 Mar. 1941; 22 July 1941; 30 Oct. 1941; 28 Nov. 1941; 2 Feb. 1942; 22 Apr. 1942; 7 June 1942; 6 Aug. 1942; 13 Sept. 1942; 26 Oct. 1942; 15 Nov. 1942; 29 Dec. 1942; 31 Jan. 1943; 28 Mar. 1943; 23 May 1943; Aug. 1943; 19 Sept. 1943; 22 Oct. 1943; 30 Nov. 1943; 7 Jan. 1944; 5 Mar. 1944; 30 Apr. 1944; 23 June 1944; 28 Aug. 1943; Nov. 1944; 18 Dec. 1944; 26 Jan. 1945; In Albis 1945; 30 Apr. 1945; 15 July 1945; 8 Sept. 1945; 11 Nov. 1945; 27 Feb. 1946; 7 June 1946; 22 Aug. 1946; 19 Oct. 1946; 2 Apr. 1947; Christ King Oct. 1947; 15 Feb. 1948; 10 July 1948; 16 July 1948; 7 Sept. 1948; 15 Nov. 1948; 2 Jan. 1949; 6 Jan. 1949; 1 May 1949; 2 Nov. 1949; 15 Nov. 1949; 4 Jan. 1950; 13 Aug. 1950; Nov. 1950; 4 Feb. 1951; Mar. 1951; 6 Sept. 1951; Nov. 1951; Holy Saturday 1952; 25 Mar. 1953; 9 Aug. 1953; 6 Sept. 1953; 14 Oct. 1953; 25 Oct. 1953; 7 Mar. 1954; 16 Apr. 1954; 19 Apr. 1954; 14 Aug. 1955; c. 1956; 7 Aug. 1956; 8 Sept. 1956; c. 1957; 17 Jan. 1958; 2 May 1958; 19 May 1958; 29 June 1958; 1 Oct. 1958; Feb. 1959; 26 Apr. 1959; 8 Aug. 1959; 27 Sept. 1959; 10 Feb. 1960; 24 Aug. 1960; Oct. 1960; 1961; 6 Mar. 1962; 18 June 1962; 4 Sept. 1962; 4 Aug. 1963; 8 June 1964; 22 July 1964; 6 bibliography 515

Sept. 1964; 3 Apr. 1965; 16 Dec. 1965; 12 Mar. 1966; 6 June 1966; 27 Nov. 1966; 14 Mar. 1967; 27 Mar. 1967; 30 June 1967; 10 Oct. 1967; 10 Mar. 1968; 8 Aug. 1968; 18 Aug. 1968; 1 Nov. 1968; Christmas 1968; 16 Mar. 1969; 4 May 1969; 3 June 1969; 17 Sept. 1969; 16 Dec. 1969; 19 Mar. 1970; 12 July 1970; 14 Nov. 1970; 6 Jan. 1971; 22 Feb. 1971; 3 Apr. 1971; 4 May 1971; 9 June 1971; 19 July 1971; 30 Aug. 1971; 16 Nov. 1971; 7 Mar. 1972; 6 July 1972; 31 July 1972; 3 Sept. 1972; 8 Nov. 1972; 28 Dec. 1972; c. 1973; 27 Feb. 1973; 27 Mar. 1973; 4 June 1973; 14 Oct. 1973; 15 Nov. 1973; 21 Dec. 1973; 17 Feb. 1974; 10 Apr. 1974; 5 May 1974; 5 July 1974; 12 Oct. 1974 ; 14 Jan. 1975 ; 23 Mar. 1975; 3 Aug. 1975; 28 Sept. 1975; 22 Dec. 1975; 26 Mar. 1976; 25 Apr. 1976; 15 Nov. 1976; 13 Mar. 1977; 28 Mar. 1977; 8 Sept. 1977; 4 Nov. 1977; 18 Jan. 1978; 28 Mar. 1978; 12 Nov. 1978; c. Christmas 1978; 25 Feb. 1979; 27 Mar. 1979; 10 Apr. 1979; 20 May 1979; 3 July 1979; 13 July 1979; 14 Aug. 1979; 14 Nov. 1979; 21 Dec. 1979; 27 Mar. 1980; 2 Oct. 1980; 22 Nov. 1980; 24 Dec. 1980; 3 Feb. 1981; 28 Apr. 1981; 4 Aug. 1981; 21 Aug. 1981; 10 Nov. 1981; 22 Nov. 1981; 20 Dec. 1981; 25 Mar. 1982; 6 June 1982; 23 Oct. 1982; 26 Nov. 1982; 23 Feb. 1983; 16 Mar. 1983; 28 Mar. 1983; 28 Apr. 1983; 28 June 1983; 10 Aug. 1983; 12 Nov. 1983; 2 Feb. 1984; 5 Mar. 1984; 10 Apr. 1984; 30 Apr. 1984; 14 June 1984; 6 Sept. 1984; 5 Oct. 1984; 19 Oct. 1984; 16 Nov. 1984; 21 Jan. 1985; 18 Mar. 1985; 6 May 1985; 13 June 1985; 1 July 1985; 29 Oct. 1985; 15 Nov. 1985; 21 Dec. 1985; 29 Jan. 1986; 4 Apr. 1986; 22 May 1986; 18 June 1986; 16 July 1986; 21 Sept. 1986; 13 Nov. 1986; 15 Dec. 1986; 27 Jan. 1987; 26 Mar. 1987; 5 Apr. 1987; 12 May 1987; 23 July 1987; 18 Aug. 1987; 3 Sept. 1987; 24 Oct. 1987; 11 Nov. 1987; 19 Dec. 1987; 19 Mar. 1988; 3 July 1988; 18 Aug. 1988; 4 Oct. 1988; 16 Oct. 1988; 2 Apr. 1989; 20 May 1989; 15 June 1989; 18 July 1989. Letter to H. van der Laan-Tummers [Unp.]: 10 Feb. 1951. Letter to Miss J. van der Laan [Unp.]: 16 Apr. 1941. Letters to Mr J. van der Laan [Unp.]: 7 May 1928; 4 Aug. 1939; 14 Aug. 1939; 8 May 1940; 5 July 1941; 29 Sept. 1942; 25 Oct. 1942; 5 June 1944; 8 Mar. 1944; 3 May 1946; 7 Jan. 1952; 21 Feb. 1954; 2 June 1960; 22 Mar. 1966; 22 Apr. 1966. Letters to E. van der Laan-Claessens [Unp.]: 7 May 1958; 4 May 1968; c. June 1969; 13 May 1969. Letters to Sr L. van der Laan [Unp.]: 22 Sept. 1935; 23 Dec. 1935; 9 Feb. 1936; 21 Apr. 1936; 13 May 1936; 9 Aug. 1936; 30 May 1937; 21 Aug. 1937; 3 Jan. 1938; 27 Mar. 1938; 6 June 1938; 30 Dec. 1938; 9 July 1939; 10 Sept. 1939; 6 Dec. 1939; Before 26 Oct. 1942; 26 Oct. 1942; 30 Dec. 1942; 15 June 1943; 4 July 1943; 19 Dec. 1943; 20 Dec. 1943; 9 Aug. 1944; 15 Jan. 1945; 30 Apr. 1945; 13 May 1945; 10 July 1945; 4 Dec. 1945; 5 May 1946; 4 July 1946; 4 Aug. 1946; 17 Dec. 1946; 13 Apr. 1947; 28 Apr. 1947; 11 Mar. 1948; c. Apr. 1948; 31 July 1948; 18 July 1950; 29 Aug. 1950; 3 Sept. 1950; 1952; June 1952; 30 Mar. 1953; 13 Apr. 1953; 19 Sept. 1954; 14 July 1955; Pentecost 1956; 26 Aug. 1956; 13 Oct. 1957; 2 Mar. 1958; 19 May 1959; 20 Dec. 1959; 1 June 1961; 17 July 1961; 28 Feb. 1962; 3 June 1962; 7 Aug. 1963; 1964; 20 July 1964; 1 July 1965; 24 Dec. 1965; 12 Mar. 1966; 3 Aug. 1966; 24 Aug. 1966; 30 Dec. 1966; 23 Apr. 1967; 10 Mar. 1968; 14 May 1968; 24 Sept. 1968; 10 Nov. 1968; 16 Dec. 1968; 16 Dec. 1969; 25 Mar. 1970; 20 Dec. 1970; 17 Jan. 1971; 13 June 1971; 24 Dec. 1971. Letters to N. van der Laan [Unp.]: 11 Nov. 1928; June 1929; Aug. 1929; 11 July 1931; 1936; 22 Aug. 1936; Sept. 1936; 28 Oct. 1936; 7 Mar. 1937; 27 Apr. 1937; 1939; 3 Feb. 1939; Mar. 1939; 29 June 1939; 10 July 1939; 16 July 1939; 16 Aug. 1939; Sept. 1939; 1 Oct. 1939; 25 Oct. 1939; 6 Nov. 1939; c. Dec. 1939; 6 Dec. 1939; 10 Jan. 1940; 15 Jan. 1940; 5 Feb. 1940; 31 Mar. 1940; c. Apr. 1940; 21 Apr. 1940; End Apr. 1940; May 1940; 17 June 1940; 5 July 1940; 13 July 1940; 19 July 1940; 3 Aug. 1940; 10 Sept. 1940; 13 Nov. 1940; 11 Dec. 1940; 30 Jan. 1941; 26 Feb. 1941; 5 July 1941; 31 Aug. 1941; Sept. 1941; Oct. 1941; 24 Nov. 1941; 13 Jan. 1942; Feb. 1942; 19 Feb. 1942; 6 May 1942; 26 May 1942; 10 June 1942; 14 June 1942; 26 June 516 bibliography

1942; 28 June 1942; 10 Aug. 1942; 7 Sept. 1942; 5 Oct. 1942; 18 Oct. 1942; 23 Oct. 1942; 13 Nov. 1942; 16 Dec. 1942; 31 Dec. 1942; 17 Feb. 1943; 11 Mar. 1943; 7 May 1943; 6 June 1943; 16 June 1943; 23 Aug. 1943; 29 Aug. 1943; 8 Oct. 1943; Nov. 1943; 21 Nov. 1943; 6 Feb. 1944; 6 Mar. 1944; 23 Mar. 1944; 1 June 1944; 15 June 1944; c. Aug. 1944; 20 Aug. 1944; 1945; May 1945; 13 June 1945; 24 July 1945; Sept. 1945; 3 Nov. 1945; 13 Nov. 1945; Feb. 1946; Mar. 1946; 8 Mar. 1946; 8 Apr. 1946; 14 May 1946; 17 June 1946; 25 June 1946; 8 Aug. 1946; 5 Sept. 1946; 9 Sept. 1946; c. 17 Sept. 1946; c. 24 Sept. 1946; 25 Sept. 1946; 27 Sept. 1946; 20 Oct. 1946; 21 Oct. 1946; 2 Nov. 1946; 21 Nov. 1946; 9 Dec. 1946; 20 Dec. 1946; c. 1947; c. 1947; c. 1947; 6 Mar. 1947; 31 Mar. 1947; May 1947; 14 May 1947; 27 June 1947; 14 Aug. 1947; 31 Aug. 1947; 19 Sept. 1947; 9 Dec. 1947; 22 Dec. 1947; c. 1948; c. 1948; c. 1948; c. 1948; 27 Jan. 1948; 22 Feb. 1948; 5 Mar. 1948; 30 Apr. 1948; 10 May 1948; 11 May 1948; 29 May 1948; 2 June 1948; 12 June 1948; 14 July 1948; 10 Aug. 1948; 16 Sept. 1948; 4 Nov. 1948; 30 Nov. 1948; c. 1949; 12 Jan. 1949; 24 Mar. 1949; c. May 1949; 25 July 1949; 23 Aug. 1949; 28 Oct. 1949; Dec. 1949; 9 Dec. 1949; 1950; 17 Jan. 1950; 30 Apr. 1950; 18 June 1950; 26 Sept. 1950; 23 Oct. 1950; c. 1951; 10 Feb. 1951; 3 Mar. 1951; 11 Oct. 1951; 27 Oct. 1951; 25 Nov. 1951; 10 Dec. 1951; 21 Dec. 1951; 27 Dec. 1951; c. 1952; c. 1952; c. 1952; c. 1952; 16 Jan. 1952; 8 Feb. 1952; 22 Feb. 1952; 4 Mar. 1952; 10 Mar. 1952; 22 May 1952; 15 Nov. 1952; c. 1953; c. 1953; c. 1953; c. 1953; 15 Jan. 1953; 16 Jan. 1953; 18 Feb. 1953; 23 Feb. 1953; 26 Apr. 1953; 11 May 1953; 11 June 1953; 22 June 1953; 4 Aug. 1953; 8 Sept. 1953; 21 Sept. 1953; 26 Sept. 1953; 23 Oct. 1953; 24 Oct. 1953; 05 Nov. 1953; 12 Dec. 1953; c. 1954; c. 1954; c. 1954; c. 1954; 31 Mar. 1954; 4 Apr. 1954; 16 Apr. 1954; 19 Apr. 1954; 9 July 1954; 22 Sept. 1954; 17 Oct. 1954; 5 Nov. 1954; 6 Nov. 1954; 29 Nov. 1954; Dec. 1954; c. 1955; 1955; 29 Jan. 1955; 6 Feb. 1955; 18 May 1955; 23 May 1955; 26 June 1955; 17 Aug. 1955; 1 Jan. 1957; 12 Jan. 1958; 4 May 1958; c. 1959; 7 June 1959; 8 Feb. 1961; c. 1967; c. 1967; Pentecost 1968; 10 Jan. 1969; 1 July 1969; Oct. 1969; 11 Sept. 1970 [Unp. AVdL 286]; 25 Sept. 1970 [Unp. AVdL 286]; 5 Oct. 1971; c. 1972; c. 1972; 15 Feb. 1973; 26 Mar. 1973; 20 May 1973; 9 Nov. 1977; 14 Aug. 1980; 18 Sept. 1981; 14 Mar. 1983; 25 Nov. 1983; 11 Feb. 1984; 22 Mar. 1984; 13 May 1984; 12 Dec. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 624]; 1 Feb. 1985; 10 Oct. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 286]; 20 Dec. 1985; 16 July 1986; 29 Dec. 1986. Letter to C. Leufkens[Unp.]: 10 July 1984. Letters to W. Lockefeer [Unp.]: 6 Apr. 1983; 14 Apr 1983; 22 Apr 1983; 2 May 1983; 16 May 1983; 17 June 1983; 26 June 1983; 23 Apr. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 619]; 17 May 1990. Letters to T. Maas [Unp.]: 22 Mar. 1984; 6 Jan. 1986. Letter to brothers Malschaert [Unp.]: 1 Oct. 1990. Letters to Fr F. van der Meer [Unp.]: 23 Feb. 1958; 19 Dec. 1962 [Unp. AVdL 510a]. Letter to Dom P. van der Meer de Walcheren (Junior) [Unp.]: c. 1945. Letters to A. Mertens [Unp.]: 8 Nov. 1986; 5 Jan 1987. Letter to C. Montaigne: c. 1953 [Unp. AVdL 422]. Letters to J. Naalden [Unp.]: 19 Apr. 1979 [Unp. AVdL 604. Later published as: HvdL, ‘Brief van Dom van der Laan aan Jos Naalden’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 7–13]; 7 Sept. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 628]. Letters to Dom P. Nau [Unp.]: 18 Jan. 1944; 14 Feb. 1944; 3 Mar. 1944; 4 Apr. 1944; 3 May 1944; 9 June 1944; 27 July 1945; 7 Sept. 1945; 3 Oct. 1945; 4 Jan. 1946; 15 Mar. 1946; 28 Mar. 1946. Letter to T. Nix [Unp.]: 12 July 1991. Letter to Br. M. Notenboom [Unp.]: 21 Oct. 1960. Letters to R. Padovan: 4 Nov. 1979 [Unp. AVdL 647–648]; 29 Dec. 1979 [Unp. AVdL 650–651]; 4 May 1980 [Unp. AVdL 653–654]; 24 June 1980 [Unp. AVdL 657]; 26 Aug. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 661]; 1 Sept. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 662]; 27 Sept. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 664]; 23 Oct. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 666]; 30 Oct. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 667]; bibliography 517

17 Dec. 1980 [Unp. AVdL 668]; 5 Jan. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 670]; 22 Jan. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 672]; 29 Jan. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 674]; 18 Feb. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 676]; 20 Mar. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 678]; 5 June 1981 [Unp. AVdL 681]; 23 June 1981 [Unp. AVdL 683]; 26 June 1981 [Unp. AVdL 684]; 1 July 1981 [Unp. AVdL 686]; 22 July 1981 [Unp. AVdL 688]; 5 Aug. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 689]; 29 Aug. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 693–694]; 17 Sept. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 696]; 8 Oct. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 698]; 31 Oct. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 699]; 10 Nov. 1981 [Unp. AVdL 701]; 26 Jan. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 704–705]; 22 Mar. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 709]; 12 May 1982 [Unp. AVdL 712]; 1 June 1982 [Unp. AVdL 715–716]; 15 June 1982 [Unp. AVdL 718]; 13 Aug. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 719–720]; 9 Nov. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 723]; 12 Dec. 1982 [Unp. AVdL 725]; 7 Jan. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 726]; 16 Jan. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 728]; 31 Jan. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 730–731]; 22 Feb. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 733]; 7 Mar. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 734]; 12 Apr. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 736]; 1 May 1983 [Unp. AVdL 738]; 19 May 1983 [Unp. AVdL 739]; 10 July 1983 [Unp. AVdL 743]; 2 Aug. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 745–746]; 6 Aug. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 747–748]; 10 Aug. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 750–751]; 15 Aug. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 753–754]; 17 Aug. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 755–756]; 20 Aug. 1983 [Unp. AVdL]; 26 Oct. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 761]; 6 Nov. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 762]; 19 Dec. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 765]; 27 Dec. 1983 [Unp. AVdL 766]; 2 Jan. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 767]; 22 Jan. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 770]; 11 Feb. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 771]; 6 Apr. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 774]; 15 May 1984 [Unp. AVdL 775]; 29 May 1984 [Unp. AVdL 777]; 10 June 1984 [Unp. AVdL 780]; 29 June 1984 [Unp. AVdL 781]; 18 July 1984 [Unp. AVdL 782]; 28 Aug. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 785]; 29 Sept. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 787]; 10 Oct. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 788]; 19 Oct. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 790]; 22 Nov. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 793]; 13 Dec. 1984 [Unp. AVdL 794]; 24 Jan. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 795]; 12 Mar. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 797]; 7 May 1985 [Unp. AVdL 800]; 5 June 1985 [Unp. AVdL 802]; 10 July 1985 [Unp. AVdL 804]; 26 July 1985 [Unp. AVdL 806]; 2 Sept. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 811]; 7 Oct. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 813]; 20 Oct. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 814]; 22 Oct. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 815]; 25 Nov. 1985 [Unp. AVdL 818]; 2 Feb. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 821]; 11 Mar. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 824]; 5 Apr. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 825]; 28 Apr. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 827]; 21 July 1986 [Unp. AVdL 830]; 12 Aug. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 832]; 28 Aug. 1986 [Unp. AVdL 834]; 30 Jan. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 839]; 9 Mar. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 841]; 18 Mar. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 842]; 24 Mar. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 843]; 7 May 1987 [Unp. AVdL 845]; 9 July 1987 [Unp. AVdL 847]; 13 July 1987 [Unp. AVdL 848]; 24 Aug. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 850]; 12 Sept. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 852]; 30 Sept. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 854]; 31 Oct. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 856]; 5 Nov. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 857]; 18 Nov. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 858]; 10 Dec. 1987 [Unp. AVdL 860]; 25 Feb. 1988 [Unp. AVdL 864]; 12 Apr. 1988 [Unp. AVdL 865]; 18 July 1988 [Unp. AVdL 869]; 25 Aug. 1988 [Unp. AVdL 871]; 10 Sept. 1988 [Unp. AVdL 872]; 18 Jan. 1989 [Unp. AVdL 874]; 10 Apr. 1989 [Unp. AVdL 877]; 24 Apr. 1989 [Unp. AVdL 878]; 25 June 1989 [Unp. AVdL 881]; 1 Sept. 1990 [Unp. AVdL 890]; 5 Jan. 1991 [Unp. AVdL 893]; 15 Jan. 1991 [Unp. AVdL 894]; 14 May 1991 [Unp. AVdL 896]; 13 July 1991 [Unp. AVdL 898]. Letter to Mgr L.A. van Peteghem [Unp.]: 26 Aug. 1975. Letter to Dom J.T. de la Pintière [Unp.]: May 1946. Letter to Sr F. des Pirouillons [Unp.]: c. 1976. Letters to C. Pouderoyen [Unp.]: 29 Aug. 1941; 15 Oct. 1941; 14 Dec. 1941; 6 Feb. 1942; 20 Sept. 1946. Letters to P. B. de Poulpiqet du Halgoet [Unp.]: 10 Feb. 1969; 5 Apr. 1969. Letter to I. Prinsloo [Unp.]: 29 Oct. 1986. Letter to Dom J. Prou [Unp.]: 1960. Letter to E. Schruer [Unp.]: 14 Jan. 1988. Letters to F. Siebers [Unp.]: 30 Nov. 1942; 8 Mar. 1943; Apr. 1943; 31 May 1943. Letter to J. Simons [Unp.]: 29 June 1991. Letters to N. and E. Steenbergen [Unp.]: 26 Jan. 1982; 24 Oct. 1982. 518 bibliography

Letter to I. Tiemann [Unp.]: 27 Nov. 1985. Letter to W. van Tijen [Unp.]: 7 Mar. 1973. Letters to M. Tyra Antonia [Unp.]: 26 Mar. 1986; 31 May 1987; 10 Feb. 1988. Letters to Mr Wieder [Unp.]: 31 May 1976; 24 Nov. 1976. Letters to Dom N. de Wolf [Unp.]: 1 Jan. 1972; 6 Feb. 1977; 26 Sept. 1980; 23 Jan. 1986.

Archived texts by other authors Aristotle, Tekst van Aristoteles over het predicaat ‘habitus’, s.l. n.d. [Unp. AVdL]. Broek, Van den, Commentaar op de stellingen van Dom H. van der Laan o.s.b., s.l. Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. Bruyère, C., Conférence, s.l. 12 Oct. 1884 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Conférence sur Saint Denys, s.l. 9 Aug. 1887 [Unp. AVdL]. Cordonnier, G., Letter to H. Van der Laan, 13 June 1977 [Unp. AVdL]. Delatte, P., De l’union à Dieu, s.l. n.d. [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Prières de Dom Paul Delatte, s.l. n.d. [Unp. AVdL]. ——, La charte du Xristianisme, s.l. 19 & 26 Feb. 1911 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Epitre aux Hebreux, s.l. 1911 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Commentaire sur la Somme contre les gentils, Solesmes 1930 [Unp. AVdL]. Dillen, J. van, Notulen van de vergadering van het dagelijks bestuur van de cursus ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’, ’s-Hertogenbosch 17 Mar. 1954 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Letter to M.J. Granpré Molière, 17 Mar. 1954 [Unp. AVdL]. Debuyst, F., Letter to A. Geux, 24 Feb. 2008 [Unp. AVdL]. Granpré Molière, M.J., Critiek ‘systeem van der Laan’ tegenover Gulden Snede, c. 1950 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Letter to N. van der Laan, 21 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Letter to N. van der Laan, 31 Jan. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Letter to H. van der Laan, 15 Jan. 1965 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Na de consecratie van de abdijkerk, Vaals 4 May 1968 [Unp. AVdL]. Laan, Sr L. van der, Letter to H. van der Laan, 2 July 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. Laan, N. van der, Doel en eerste beginselen der architectuur, s.l. 1941 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Over een verwaarloosd aspect van de architectuur, Oegstgeest 26 July 1943 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Letter to H. van der Laan, Spring 1953 [Unp. AVdL]. Leeuwen, E. van, Letter to abbot Dom M. Mähler, 5 July 1945 [Unp. AVdL]. Meer de Walcheren (Junior), P. van der, Carnet des notes, Oosterhout 1919–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Traité sur la vie spirituelle & la vie d’oraison, Oosterhout 1925 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Lettres au P. Rahder, 1929–1931 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Lettres au P. B. de Poulpiqet du Halgouet, 1931 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Lettres au P. J. Hessing, 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Lettres à ses parents, 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Prières & traités, Oosterhout 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Agnès, Oosterhout Mar. 1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, La Samaritaine, Oosterhout 1933 [Unp. AVdL]. Meer, F. van der, Letter to H. van der Laan, 4 Oct. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Letter to H. van der Laan, 26 Feb. 1958 [Unp. AVdL]. n.n., Notulen vergadering studiegroep ‘Katholiek leven’. Rede van Dom van der Laan o.s.b., s.l. 11 May 1970 [Unp. AVdL]. n.n., Photo book of Oosterhout, offered to H. van der Laan on the occasion of the golden jubilee of his profession by the monks of Oosterhout, Oosterhout 26 May 1979 [Unp. AVdL]. n.n., Verslag van het forumgesprek, Delft 20 Nov. 1957 [Unp. AVdL B107]. n.n., Verslag van het forum-gesprek over architectuur, Delft 4 Dec. 1957 [Unp. AVdL]. bibliography 519

Padovan, R., Letter to H. van der Laan 6 June 1984 [Unp. AVdL]. Peteghem, L.A. van, Letter to M. Fernandine of Waasmunster 17 July 1975 [Unp. AVdL]. Pirenne, L., Letter to H. van der Laan, 22 Sept. 1971 [Unp. AVdL]. Pirouillons, Sr F. des, Letter to H. van der Laan, 3 Apr. 1976 [Unp. AVdL]. Poulpiqet du Halgouet, B. de, Père Pieterke, s.l. 14 Apr. 1944 [Unp. AVdL]. Puniet de Parry, J. de, Conférences sur le chap. lii: l’Oratoire du monastère, La prière, Notre Dame, Oosterhout 1923 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, De reverentia orationis. Douze conférences sur l’oraison, Oosterhout 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Lettres, Haarlem 1931–1932 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Conférences, Oosterhout 31 Jan. 1931, 4 Jan. 1933, 8 Feb. 1933, 13 Mar. 1933, 14 Feb. 1934, 7 Nov. 1934, 30 Jan. 1935, 20 May 1938, 13 Aug 1941 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Retraite pour l’ordination des premiers ordres mineurs, Oosterhout 16–18 Sept. 1931 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Quelques souvenirs touchant la vie & la mort prématurée de notre Père Pierre van der Meer de Walcheren, Oosterhout 27 Oct. 1933 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, La première conférence au chapitre d’Egmond, Egmond St. Luke 1935 [Unp. AVdL]. Roelen, Sr R., Letter to Br. Lambertus, 29 Nov. 1997 [Unp. AVdL]. Roose, P., Homilie op het 50 jarig professiefeest van Pater Hans van der Laan, Vaals 26 May 1979 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Preek bijzetting Nico van der Laan, Vaals 25 Sept. 1986 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Preek uitvaart P. Hans van der Laan, Vaals 22 Aug. 1991 [Unp. AVdL]. Sr Hermana, Letter to Br. Lambertus, 24 Oct. 1997 [Unp. AVdL]. Talma, P., Maatschappij, kunst, godsdienst, s.l. 16 Feb. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Twee fragmenten: onze intellectie–de zichtbare wereld, s.l. 27 Apr. 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, De sociale beteekenis van het kunstenaarschap, s.l. 25 May 1963 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Cultuur en beschaving, s.l. Nov. 1963–Jan. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, De taak van de kunstenaar bij den opbouw van de maatschappij, s.l. Mar.–Apr. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Het einde der middeleeuwen, s.l. May 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Inspiratie en rede, s.l. Sept. 1964 [Unp. AVdL]. ——, Het uitgangspunt van de schilderkunst, s.l. Mar. 1965 [Unp. AVdL].

Other primary sources

Publications by Hans van der Laan osb ‘Open brief’, Roomsch Studentenblad 17 (28 June 1927) 305–306. ‘Kleding’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 98–104. ‘Errata’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 130. ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Actio Catholica 9 (1946) 352–357. ‘Over de invloed van natuur en bovennatuur op de vorm van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948) 16–18. ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 17 (1948) 265–296. ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 7. ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1948) 55–56. ‘Dom Bellot’, KB 17 (1950) 198–199. ‘Le surplis’, AAL—supplément OL 5 (1949, nr. 2–3) 17–20. ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1949) 101–102. ‘L’aube’, AAL—supplément OL 6 (1949, nr. 4) 21–24. ‘Brieven uit Oosterhout’, KB 16 (1949) 190–191. ‘Over de zin der Liturgische Gewaden’, TvL 34 (1950) 261–265. 520 bibliography

‘La chasuble. Notes préliminaires’, AE—supplément OL 8 (1950, nr. 2–3) 39–42. ‘Composition de la chasuble et de ses accessoires’, AE—supplément OL 9 (1950, nr. 4) 43–46. ‘L’aube. Description technique’, AE—supplément OL 7 (1950, nr. 1) 25–28. ‘C. Holzmeister, Kirchenbau ewig neu, Insbruck 1951’, Roeping 27 (1950–1951) 558. [– N. van der Laan], ‘Kapel te Helmond’, BW 69 (1951) 319–321. ‘Ter inleiding’, in: J. Naalden, De refter der St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout. Arch. Dom Paul Bellot O.S.B., Tilburg 1951. ‘La chasuble pliée ou «plicata»’, AE—supplément OL 12 (1951–1952, nr. 3) 55–58. ‘La dalmatique’, AE—supplément OL 13 (1951–1952, nr. 4) 59–62. ‘Kerkelijke bouwkunst’, in: J.E. de Quay, ed., Het nieuwe Brabant, t. I, ’s-Hertogen- bosch 1952, 283–314. Het domein van de kunst, Antwerpen 1952 [Mgr. van Heukelumstichting. Kerkelijke architectuur I]. Muziek en architectuur, Antwerpen 1952 [Mgr. van Heukelumstichting. Kerkelijke architectuur III]. ‘La chape’, AE—supplément OL 14 (1953, nr. 1) 63–66. ‘Les linges d’autel’, AE—supplément OL 17 (1953, nr. 4) 79–82 [HvdL, ‘The Altar Cloths’, tr. E.J. Sutfin, Liturgical Arts 24 (Nov. 1953) 7–8]. ‘Le surplis’, AE—supplément OL 17 (1953, nr. 4) n.pp. ‘L’amict’, AE—supplément OL 20 (1954, nr. 3) 91–94. ‘La confection de l’aube’, AE—supplément OL 21 (1954, nr. 4) 95–98. ‘Comment se pose le problème de l’art d’Église IV. Principes élémentaires d’architecture religieuse’, AE 22 (1954) 301–304. ‘Comment se pose le problème de l’art d’Église V. Déterminations naturelles ou surnaturelles pour la forme de l’église’, AE 23 (1955) 1–4. ‘Les accessoires de la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 29 (1956, nr. 4) 123–126. ‘Composition, coupe et exécution de la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 26–27 (1956, nr. 2) 115–118. ‘Kerk en kunst’, Vindicamus (Apr. 1956) 46–47. ‘La tunique et la dalmatique, composition, mesures, coupe et exécution’, AE—supplé- ment OL 32 (1957, nr. 3) 135–138. ‘Vernieuwingen in kerkenbouw te Ronchamp en Syracuse. Architectonische ordonnantie en plastische verhoudingen’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 9. ‘Het kazuifel’, TvL 42 (1958) 208–213. ‘Aube de chantre ou d’acolyte’, AE—supplément OL 112 (1960) n.pp. ‘Le surplis’, AE—supplément OL 113 (1960) n.pp. ‘Kerkelijke architectuur’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 65–68. Le nombre plastique. Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique, tr. X. Botte, Leiden 1960; Het plastische getal. XV lessen over de grondslagen van de architectonische ordonnantie, Leiden 1967; trad. Italiano, Il numero plastico. Quindici lezioni sull’ordine architettonico, tr. L. Filipetto, Milano 2002. ‘Het heiligdom der christenen en de moderne architectuur’, BW 78 (1960) 486–498. ‘Liturgische gewaden’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 998–1012. ‘Liturgische voorwerpen’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ’s-Gravenhage 19612, 1014–1021. ‘Openbare les over liturgie en Architectuur gehouden op 5 oktober 1963 door Dom van der Laan’, KB 30 (1963) 500–504. ‘Bouwen en bidden’, Mededelingen voor de Vrienden van de Abdij St. Benedictusberg, Mamelis 1966, 11–25. ‘Théodore Strawinsky aux Pays-Bas’, La liberté (1 Apr. 1967) [Fribourg]. ‘De architect over zijn werk’, in: n.n., De nieuwe abdykerk van Mamelis, Vaals 1968, 15–17. bibliography 521

‘R.-k. St. Willibrorduskerk te Almelo. Architect: Jan de Jong’, BW 86 (1968) 343– 348. De liturgie, Utrecht 1969 [Geschriften van de vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie]. [Also published as: HvdL, ‘De liturgie’ in: B. Böcker, ed., Nova et vetera. 25 jaar vereniging voor latijnse liturgie, Kampen 1992, 97–106]. ‘Over de Institutie van het Romeinse Missaal’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 14–26 [Geschriften van de vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie]. ‘Beschouwingen over het huis’, Plan 3 (1972, nr. 6) 54–59. Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974. Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 1975, 20082. De Architectonische Ruimte. Vijftien lessen over de dispositie van het menselijk verblijf, Leiden 1977, 19832 (revised), 19923 (revised), 19974; English trans., Architectonic Space. Fifteen lessons on the Disposition of the Human Habitat, tr. R. Padovan, Leiden 1983; trad. Français, L’espace architectonique. Quinze leçons sur la disposition de la demeure humaine, tr. X. Botte, Leiden 1989; Deutsche Üb., Der architektonische Raum. Fünfzehn Lektionen über die Disposition der menschlichen Behausung, tr. U. Hahn, et al, Leiden 1992; trad. Italiano, Lo spazio architettonico, tr. MVM Milano (dal tedesco), Milano 2002; trad. Español, El espacio arquitectónico, tr. W. Beekhof, Madrid 2010. ‘Het menselijk verblijf; grootte, vorm, ruimte’, Plan 8 (1977, nr. 4) 41–46. ‘Muziek en liturgie’, Kerkoraal 3–4 (1978) 7–13, 24–31. ‘Liturgie en Architectuur’, Communio 3 (1978) 470–480 [Also published as: HvdL, ‘Liturgia e architettura’, Casabella (1996–1997, nr. 640–641) 83–85 (partial translation); ‘Liturgia e architettura. Delle forme in generale’, A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000, 189–193]. ‘Toespraak’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982, 7–9. [—S. Graatsma—M. Beemer], Letters in steen gehouwen, Eindhoven 1983. [Vormenspel] Het vormenspel der liturgie, Leiden 1985; English trans., The Play of Forms. Nature, Culture and Liturgy, tr. R. Padovan, Leiden 2005; trad. Italiano, La forma. Natura, cultura e liturgia nella vita umana, tr. K. den Biesen, Milano 2000. ‘Toelichting bij de tentoonstelling van Dom Hans van der Laan. Februari 1986’, in: n.n., Dom Hans Van der Laan. Architektuurtentoonstelling, Antwerpen 1986, 9–12 [Exhibition catalogue De Singel]. ‘Il quadro liturgico dell’abbazia di Vaals. Un’autobiografia, 1988’, in: A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000, 31–44 [For the original: HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19880319]. ‘Dankwoord’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. [Also published in: L.J.M. Tummers– J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Bloemendaal 2005, 49]. Het Liturgisch kader van Vaals, Vaals 1989 [Abdij St. Benedictusberg]. ‘Levensloop’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. [Also published as: HvdL, ‘Levensloop’ / ‘A life history’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 98–113; ‘Levensloop’, in: L.J.M. Tummers–J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Bloemendaal 2005, 5–6]. ‘Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur’, in: W. Graatsma– H. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 522 bibliography

1989, n.pp. [Also published as: HvdL, ‘Een architectuur op basis van het ruimtelijk gegeven van de natuur’ / ‘Instruments of Order’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpat- rick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 48–79; ‘Instruments of Order’, tr. R. Padovan, in: B. Farmer–H. Louw, ed., Companion to Contemporary Architec- tural Thought, London-New York 1993, 284–288; ‘Strumenti di ordine’, Casa- bella (Apr. 1996, nr. 633) 70–77; ‘Instruments of Order’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, nature and mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 12–27; ‘Strumenti di ordine’, in: A. Ferlenga–P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000, 194–197]. ‘On a Scottish tartan’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals- Edinburgh 2000, 12–25. Alfabet in steen, W. Graatsma, ed., Nuth 2001. ‘The Seven Relationships of Architectonic Space’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 78–79. Grondbeginselen der architectuur, t. I–III, Purmerend 2001 [André Dam]. Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Verslag van een reis naar Rome tijdens de vasten in 1955. Naar Rome met Jan, Els en Jeanne Daisy, Amsterdam 2004, 20082 [Van der Laanstichting]. Den Bosch, Kruithuis 13 en 14 april 1956. Over de doorbraak naar de Sint-Pieter te Rome. Nabeschouwing op de lezing van ir. Van Ravensteyn, in: Dom H. van der Laan, Monnik-architect. Verslag van een reis naar Rome tijdens de vasten in 1955. Naar Rome met Jan, Els en Jeanne Daisy, Amsterdam 2004, 20082 [Van der Laan- stichting]. ‘Brief van Dom van der Laan aan Jos Naalden’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 7–13.

Ancient authors Amalarius Symphosius, Liber officialis III, 9, in: J.M. Hanssens, ed., Amalarii episcopi opera liturgica omnia, t. II, Città del Vaticano 1948. Aristotle, Metaphysica, ed.: W.D. Ross, t. II, Oxford 1924. ——, Ethica Nicomachea, ed.: I. Bywater, Oxonii 195913. ——, Physica, ed.: W.D. Ross, Oxford 19623. Duns Scotus, J., Lectura III D.1 q.1, in: Ioannis Duns Scoti Opera Omnia, t. XX, Roma 2003. Durandus de Mende, G., Rationale divinorum officiorum, in: A. Davril–T.M. Thi- bodeau, ed., Guillelmi Duranti Rationale divinorum officiorum, CC CXL-CXLa– CXLb, Turnhout 1995–1998–2000. Horatius Flaccus, Carmina, in: Horace, t. I, Odes et épodes, F. Villeneuve, ed., Paris 1964. Petrus Venerabilis, Epistolarum Lib. VI, Ep. IV, in: PL CLXXXIX, 386–388. Plato, Meno, in: A. Croiset–L. Bodin, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. III, Paris 1955. ——, Timaeus, in: A. Rivaud, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. X, Paris 1956. ——, Theaitetos, in: E. Chambry, ed., Platon. Oeuvres complètes, t. III, Paris 1938. Plotinus, Enneads, in: E. Bréhier, ed., Plotin. Ennéades, t. V., Paris 1956. Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, Oeuvres de Saint-Denys l’Aréopagite, tr. G. Dar- boy, Paris 1845. ——, De coelesti hierarchia, in: PG III, 115–370; SC 58, Paris 1958. ——, De divinis nominibus, in: PG III, 585–996. ——, De ecclesiastica hierarchia, in: PG III, 369–584. ——, De mystica theologia, in: PG III, 997–1064. S. Ambrosius, Explanatio psalmi I, in: CSEL LXIV, Wien-Leipzig 1919. bibliography 523

S. Augustinus, Confessiones, in: PL XXXII, 659–867; CCL XXVII. ——, De Ordine II, in: PL XXXII, 994–1020. ——, Epistola CV, in: CSEL XXXIV, 595–610. ——, In 1am Epistolam Joannis, tr. X, in: P. Agaësse, ed., Paris 1984 [SC 75]. ——, In Iohannis evangelium, tr. CXXIV, in: CCL XXXVI, 1–688. ——, Libri duo de Ordine, in: CCL XXIX, 89–136. ——, Regula ad servos Dei, in: PL XXXII, 1377–1385. ——, Sermo XLIII, in: CCL XLI, 508–512. ——, Sermo CCCXXXVI, in: PL XXXVIII/XXXIX, 1472. S. Benedictus Nursinus, Regula, ed: R. Hanslik, CSEL LXXV, Wien 1960. S. Caesarius Arelatensis, Sermones de Scriptura, Paris 1937. S. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, Catecheses, 18,23–25, in: PG XXXIII, 1043–1047. S. Ephraem Syrus, Hymnes sur la nativité, Paris 2001 [SC 459]. S. Gregorius magnus, Dialogorum liber II, in: PL LXVI, 125–204; SC 260, 126–249. ——, Homiliae in Evangelium, in: PL LXXVI, 1075–1312. S. Gregorius Nyssenus, Apologia in Hexaemeron, in: PG XLIV, 62–124. ——, De anima et resurrectione, in: PG XLVI, 11–162. ——, De Virginitate, in: PG XLVI, 318–416. ——, De vita Sanctae Macrinae, in: PG XLVI, 949–1000. ——, In Canticum Canticorum, in: PG XLIV, 755–1120. S. Thomas de Aquino, De potentia, in: Quaestiones disputatae, t. II, P. Bazzi, et al, ed., Taurini-Romae 1965. ——, De Veritate, in: Quaestiones disputatae, t. I, R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini-Romae, 1953. ——, Expositio in libros Posteriorum Analyticorum, in: R.M. Spiazza, ed., Taurini- Romae 1964. ——, Expositio in VIII libros Politicorum Aristotelis, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. XLVIII, Paris 1971. ——, In Aristotelis Librum de Anima Commentarium, in: A. M. Pirotta, ed., Taurini 1948. ——, In Aristotelis libros Physicorum, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. II, Romae 1884. ——, In duodecim libros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis expositio, in: M.R. Cathala– R.M. Spiazzi, ed., Taurini-Romae 1964. ——, In librum Beati Dionysii De divinis nominibus expositio, in: C. Pera, ed.– P. Caramello–C. Mazzantini, Taurini-Romae, 1950. ——, Scriptum super Sententiis magistri Petri Lombardi, lib. I, in: P.F. Mandonnet, ed., t. I, Parisiis, 1929. ——, Scriptum super Sententiis magistri Petri Lombardi, lib. IV, in: M.F. Moos, ed., t. IV, Parisiis, 1947. ——, Summa contra Gentiles, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. XIII–XV, Romae 1918– 1930. ——, Summa theologica I, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. IV–V, Romae 1888–1889. ——, Summa theologica Iª–IIae, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. VI–VII, Romae 1891– 1892. ——, Super Boetium De Trinitate, in: Opera omnia ed. Leonina, t. L, Roma-Paris 1992. ——, Super primam Epistolam ad Corinthios lectura, in: Super Epistolas S. Pauli lectura, t. I, R. Cai, ed., Taurini-Romae, 1953. Vitruvius Pollio, M., De architectura libri X, ed.: F. Krohn, Lipsiae 1912; Id., De architectura libri decem, ed.: C. Fensterbusch, Darmstadt 1991. Walahfridus Strabo, De exordiis, in: A. Harting-Correa, ed., Walahfrid Strabo’s Libellus de exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus ecclesiasticis rerum, Leiden 1996. 524 bibliography

Magisterium Benedictus PP. xvi, Litt. Ap. motu proprio Summorum Pontificium, 2 juli 2007, in: AAS 99 (2007) 777–781. [BR 1961] Breviarium Romanum, ex decreto SS. Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Sum- morum Pontificium cura recognitum, cum textu psalmorum e versione Pii Papae XII Auctoritate edita, t. I–II, Ratisbonae 1961 [ed. juxta tipicam]. [CE 1600] Caeremoniale Episcoporum, Clementis VIII., Innocentii X. et Benedicti XIII., jussu editum, Benedicti XIV. et Leonis XIII. auctoritate recognitum, Ratisbona 1886 [Ed. Typica]. [CE 1984] Caeremoniale Episcoporum ex decreto Sancrosancti Êcumenici Concilii Vati- cani II instauratum auctoritate Ioannis Pauli PP. II promulgatum, 14 Sept. 1984. [CIC 1917] Codex Iuris Canonici Pii X Pontificis Maximi iussu digestus Benedicti Papae XV auctoritate promulgatus, 27 May 1917. Conc. Tridentinum, Sessio VI, 13 Jan. 1547, Decretum de iustificatione, c. 7, in: SGTr 5, 791–799 (DH 1528–1531). ——, Sessio XXII, 17 Sept. 1562, c. 5, in: SGTr 8, 959–962 (DH 1746). Conc. Vaticanum II, Const. Sacrosanctum Concilium, Roma 1963, in: AAS 56 (1964) 97–138. S. Congregatio Rituum, Instructio Musicam Sacram, 5 Mar. 1967, in: AAS 59 (1967) 300–320. S. Congregatio Studiorum, Decretum, 27 July 1914, in: AAS 6 (1914) 384–386. [GR] Graduale Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, De tempore et de Sanctis, SS. D. N. Pii X Pontificis Maximi, iussu restitutum et editum ad exemplar editionis tipicae concinnatum et rhytmicis signis a Solesmensibus monachis diligenter ornatum, Pariis- Tornaci-Romae-Neo Eboraci 1961. [IGMR 1969] Institutio Generalis Missalis Romani, in: Missale Romanum ex Decreto Sacrosancti Oecumenici Concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. VI promulgatum, Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis 1969. Ioannes Paulus PP. ii, Litt. Encycl. Redemptoris Mater, 25 Mar. 1987, in: AAS 79 (1987) 361–433. ——, Chirografo per il centenario del motu proprio ‘Tra le sollecitudini’ sulla musica sacra, 22 Nov. 2003, in: AAS 96 (2004) 256–265. Katechismus of Christelijke leer, Haarlem 1910. Leo PP. xiii, Litt. Encycl. Aeterni Patris, 4 Aug. 1879, in: AAS 12 (1879–1880) 97–115. [LH] Officium Divinum ex decreto Sacrosancti Oecumenici Concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. VI promulgatum, Liturgia Horarum iuxta Ritum Romanum, t. III–IV, Typis polyglotis Vaticanis 1975 [Editio typica]. [MR 1570] Missale Romanum, ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, S. Pii V Pontificis Maximi, jussu editum, aliorum Pontificium cura recognitum a Pio X reformatum et Benedicti XV auctoritate vulgatum, Ratisbonae 1941 [Ed. XXIV juxta typicam Vaticanam]. [MR 1969] Missale Romanum ex Decreto Sacrosancti Oecumenici Concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. VI promulgatum, Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis 1969. Ordo ad recipiendum novitium ad professionem sub Regula ss. p. n. Benedicti, in: Cére- monies de la vêture et de la profession monastiques, Solesmes 1883, 1–87. Paulus PP. vi, Ep. apost. Pacis Nuntius, 24 Oct. 1964, in: AAS 56 (1964) 965–967. ——, Litt. encycl. Humanae vitae, 25 July 1968, in: AAS 60 (1968) 481–503. Pius PP. x, Motu proprio Tra le sollecitudini, 22 Nov. 1903, in: ASS 36 (1903) 329– 339. ——, Litt. Encycl. Pascendi Dominici gregis, 8 Sept. 1907, in: AAS 40 (1907) 593–650. Pius PP. xi, Litt. Encycl. Studiorum ducem, 29 June 1923, in: AAS 15 (1923) 309–326. ——, Const. Ap. Divini Cultus, 20 Dec. 1928, in: AAS 21(1929) 33–41. ——, Litt. Encycl. Quadragesimo Anno, 15 May 1931, in: AAS 23 (1931) 177–228. bibliography 525

Pius PP. xii, Litt. Encycl. Mystici Corporis, 29 June 1943, in: AAS 35 (1943) 193– 249. ——, Litt. Encycl. Mediator Dei, 20 Nov. 1947, in: AAS 39 (1947) 521–595. ——, ‘Dilecti Filii Nostri’, 18 Oct. 1949, AAS 41 (1949) 595–597. ——, ‘Il Sommo Pontefice agli Artisti cattolici’,L’Osservatore Romano, 6 Sept. 1950, 1. ——, Discours en conclusion du 1er congrès international de liturgie pastorale, Assisi 22 Sept. 1956, in: AAS 48 (1956) 711–725. [PR] Pontificale Romanum summorum pontificium, jusu editum, et a Benedicto XIV Pont. Max. Recognitum et castigatum, t. I–III, Mechlinia 1873. [RR 1614] Rituale Romanum, Pauli V Pontificis Maximi, jussu editum, aliorumque pontificum cura recognitum atque auctoritate Ssmi D.N. Pii Papae XI ad normam Codicus Juris Canonici accommodatum, Ratisbonae 1925 [Ed. I juxta typicam Vati- canam]. [RR 1984 De Ben.] Rituale Romanum ex decreto Sancrosancti Êcumenici Concilii Vati- cani II instauratum auctoritate Ioannis Pauli PP. II promulgatum, De benedictionibus, 31 May 1984. [RR 1974 De Comm.] Rituale Romanum, De sacra communione et de cultu mysterii eucharistici extra Missam, Typis polyglotis Vaticanis 1974 [Editio typica].

Electronic sources

Armstrong, P.J., ‘Architectural Issues for Concrete Design and Construction’, CTBUH review 1 (2001, nr. 3) 1–11, http://parspbl.com/downloads/ebooks/concrete/ Architectural%20Issues%20for%20Concrete%20Design%20and%20Construction .pdf (access 20100522). Bibleworks 4.0, 1998. Bodar, A., ed., TV-documentary Markant, broadcast 24 Dec. 1988. Boertjes, A.–D. Kramer, ‘Monnikenwerk’, Archined (16 Nov. 2000), http://www .archined.nl/nieuws/monnikenwerk (access 20100522). ——, ‘De erfenis van dom. Hans van der Laan (1904–1991)’, Archined (8 Nov. 2001), http://www.archined.nl/nieuws/de-erfenis-van-dom-hans-van-der-laan-1904–1991 (access 20100522). Douangmanivanh, A., ‘Hans Van der Laan architecte, la demeure humaine’, aRoots aRchitecture (2003), http://www.aroots.org/notebook/article123.html (access 20100522). Dürsteler, J.C., ‘El número plástico y la divina proporción’, Inf@vis! (10 May 2004, mess. 145), http://www.infovis.net/printMag.php?num=145&lang=1 (access 20100522). Helmond, H. van, ‘Bossche School ook buiten de eigen parochie?’, Archined (7 Mar. 2007) http://www.archined.nl/nieuws/bossche-school-ook-buiten-de-eigen-parochie (access 20100522). Hitchcock, H.H., ‘Cry Sanctuary! Will Renovated Churches Have Room for Jesus?’, Adoremus Bulletin, Online edition 2 (1996, nr. 3), http://www.adoremus.org/5–6- _96CrySanc.html (access 20100522). n.n., ‘Benedictijnse feestkledij’ (Mar. 2008), http://www.religieuserfgoed.nl/maand .aspx?ID=50 (access 20100522). n.n., ‘Zestien kerken op lijst nieuwe rijksmonumenten’, RKK (15 Oct. 2007), http:// www.katholieknederland.nl/actualiteit/2007/detail_objectID614104_FJaar2007 .html (access 20100522). Scheffer, F., ed., TV-documentary De natuurlijke ruimte, NOS broadcasted 3 Mar. 1993. Smith, T.G., ‘An Architecture to Honor the Church’s Vision’, Adoremus Bulletin, Online edition 3 (1997, nr. 8), http://www.adoremus.org/1197–Smith.html (access 20100522). 526 bibliography

——, ‘Church Architecture and ‘Full and Active Participation’’, Adoremus Bulletin, Online edition 10 (2004, nr. 2–3), http://www.adoremus.org/0404ArchitectureWorship. html (access 20100522). Steenhuis, M., Deining in Delft. Countouren van het architectuur- en stedenbouwonderwijs 1900–1970, http://issuu.com/steenhuis/docs/deiningindelft (access 20100522).

Secondary literature

Unpublished secondary sources Bont, P. de, Het buiten in de ban van het binnen. Over Hans van der Laan, zijn theorie, zijn werk en zijn waarde, Delft 1984 [Unp. Essay]. Broeck, L. van den, Dom Hans van der Laan. L’espace architectonique et la crise de la forme, Bruxelles 1990 [Unp. Essay]. Burggraaf, B., Ideale verhoudingen. Een beknopt overzicht van de gulden snede en het plastisch getal, s.l. 2001 [Unp. Essay]. Butler, H., Le nombre plastique. Présentation didactique des principes d’ordonnance architectonique de Dom H. van der Laan, Boulogne 1985 [Unp. Essay]. Choo, S.Y., Study on Computer-Aided Design. Support of Traditional Architectural Theories, München 2003 [Unp. Doctoral thesis]. Cordonnier, G., Au delà du nombre d’or: le nombre radiant, s.l. 1958 [Unp.]. Dieteren, G., Ruimte voor liturgie, Heerlen 1981 [Unp. Essay]. Hermsen, C.J.M., Confrontaties tussen Dom Hans van der Laan en de architecten van de nieuwe zakelijkheid na de Tweede Wereldoorlog, Nijmegen 1993 [Unp. Essay]. Heusden, H. van, Bossche School versus Delftsche School. Een inventarisatie van twee traditionele architektuurstromingen, Eindhoven n.d. [Unp. Essay]. Huvaere, E., Dom Hans van der Laan. De architectonische ruimte, Gent 1989 [Unp. Essay]. Janssen, R., 1,324718, Delft 2001 [Unp. Essay]. Karels, H., De Architectuurtheorie van Dom van der Laan aan de praktijk getoetst, Amsterdam 1998 [Unp. Essay]. Knuttel, E., De Bossche School. Een persoonlijke reflektie op een architektonisch gebeuren, s.l. 1977 [Unp. Essay]. Koch, D., Tectonische eerlijkheid, Tilburg 2002 [Unp. Essay]. Kruhm, K.E., Four Houses. A Language of Transition from Earth to Sky, s.l. 1995 [Unp. Essay]. Kruijtzer, G.–A. Dam, Het ontstaan van het plastische getal, Voorburg 2005 [Unp.]. Labat, L.–P. Hasselt, Dom H. van der Laan. Situering en theorie, s.l. 1985 [Unp. Essay]. Lenglet, A., Tentoonstelling NAi, Maastricht 23 Feb. 2008 [Unp.]. Leufkens, C., Naar een architectonische ruimte, Delft 1984 [Unp. Essay]. Lips, H., Architektuur, s.l. 1984 [Unp. Essay]. Maas, T., De eigen wetgeving der architectuur. Woorden en werken van Dom H. van der Laan en de Bossche School, Delft 1988 [Unp. Essay]. Malschaert, J.F.–T.J. Malschaert, Architectuur. Spel van ruimte en massa, Dord- recht n.d. [Unp.]. Millan Klusse, I., Las Relaciones plásticas en el monasterio románico de Sant Pau del Camp. Una aplicación del pensamiento del Padre Van der Laan, Barcelona 1985 [Unp. Doctoral Thesis]. n.n., Architecten Van der Laan en Van Hal. Documentatie ’80. Een keuze uit het werk van 1946 tot nu toe, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1980 [Unp.]. Piacenza, M., ‘Gli aspetti liturgici che incidono sull’arte’, intervento in occasione della Giornata di studio sul tema ‘Maestà e bellezza nel Suo santuario. L’arte a servizio della liturgia’, Vaticano 1 Dec. 2007 [Unp.]. bibliography 527

Robbertz, R., Zoeken naar essenties. Een vergelijking tussen Aldo Rossi’s San Cataldo en Dom Hans van der Laans St. Benedictusberg, Utrecht 2005 [Unp. Essay]. Smits, A., Het volledig menselijk verblijf, Tilburg 1985 [Unp. Essay]. Theunissen, B., tan(abacus), Eindhoven 2007 [Unp. Essay]. Thomas, J., Ima Summis. Een onderzoek naar de filosofische en theologische bronnen van de architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan, Leuven 2006 [Unp. Essay].

Secondary literature on Van der Laan Aarts, J.–R. Fokkink–G. Kruijtzer, ‘Morphic Numbers’, Nieuws Archief voor Wiskunde 1 (2001) 56–58. Akerboom, J., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Monnik en architect’, Monumenten 12 (2000) 4–5. Allies, B., ‘Proportion: Science, Philosophy, Architecture’, ARQ 3 (2000) 284. Ambaum, J., ‘Laan, Johannes van der: Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Theologische Revue 83 (1987) 497–498. Amiëns, P. van, ‘Studiebijeenkomst Kerkelijke Architectuur’, KB 21 (1953) 67–69. Arets, D., ‘Op zoek naar de stoelen en tafel van opa en oma. Design Europese designbeurs Undesignable’, De Pers (16 May 2008) 17. Arets, W.–W. van den Berg, ‘Architectuur zonder meer’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. [Also published as: Id., ‘Architectuur zonder meer’ / ‘Architecture that goes without saying’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 82–95; Id., ‘Architettura senza commento. Dom Hans van der Laan’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 46–49]. ——, ‘Life-Building’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 86–96. Arve, W. ten, ed., Gids voor de kunstnijverheid, Maastricht 2008. ——, ed., Gids voor de tijd, Maastricht 2008. ——, ed., Gids voor het verblijf, Maastricht 2008. Assenmacher, G., ‘Freuden und Sorgen’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1991, 48–52. ——, ‘Zu besuch auf Österlen’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1994, 42–47. ——, ‘In Tomelilla’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1994, 81–83. ——, ‘Besuch eröffnete neue Horizonte. Erste Reise Kardinal Meisners in die nordische Diaspora’, Kirchenzeitung Köln (8 Sept. 1995) 32. Baan, W., ‘Van natuur tot liturgie?’, ELK 17 (Nov. 1985) 10–11. Bak, C.G.M., ‘De nieuwe kleding’, in: C.M.G. Bak, ed., Dankbaarheid is het geheugen des Harten. Zusters Franciscanessen van Veghel SFIC 1844–1994, Veghel 1994, 87–93. Balen, H.J. van, ‘De bedevaartkerk van Syracuse’, KB 24 (1956–1957) 385–390. ——, ‘Een tegenstelling’, KB 24 (1957) 337–345. ——, ‘Een machtsgreep op de ruimte’, KB 25 (1958) 289–293. Balthasar, H.U. von, Herrlichkeit. Eine theologische Ästhetik, t. II, Fächer der Stile, Einsiedeln 1962. Barbieri, S.–L. van Duin, ed., Honderd jaar Nederlandse architectuur, 1901–2000. Tendensen, hoogtepunten, Nijmegen 1999. Barendse, B.A.M., ‘Over de graden in het zijn’, Tijdschrift voor Philosophie 11 (1949) 155–202. [Also published as: Id, Zich door het leven heendenken, Kampen 1982, 42–75]. ——, ‘Gedachten over de Bossche Cursus’, KB 30 (1962–1963) 485–486. Barrie, T., The Sacred In-Between. The Mediating Roles of Architecture, London-New York 2010. Beaujean, A., ‘Weihnachten in Mamelis’, Aachener Volkszeitung (29 Dec. 1973). Beijer, W., ‘Sammie mag niet zitten’, De Limburger (16 Dec. 1999) D4. 528 bibliography

——, ‘De architectuurwetten van dom Van der Laan’, De Limburger (2 Nov. 2000) C4. Bekaert, G., ‘In heilige gewaden’, Streven 15 (1961) 45–52. ——, ‘Het eigen alfabet’, in: n.n., Dom Hans Van der Laan. Architektuurtentoon- stelling, Antwerpen 1986, 2–4 [Exhibition catalogue De Singel]. ——, ‘Een beginsel van altijd en overal. Abdijkerk Roosenberg, Waasmunster’, in: n.n., Landschap van Kerken. 10 eeuwen bouwen in Vlaanderen, Leuven 1987, 279–287. [Also published as: Id., ‘Een beginsel van altijd en overal’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp.]. ——, ‘In memoriam Dom Hans van der Laan (1905–1991)’, Archis (Sept. 1991) 9. ——, ‘In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991’, in: W. Graatsma– J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 32–44. Berends, G., ‘De harmonische ruimte’, De Waarheid (21 Oct. 1982) 9. Berge Henegouwen, E. van, ‘Bossche school: Architectuur op muziek’, Het Stads- gewest (12 Apr. 1989) 13. Bergeijk, H. van, ‘Theorie en praktijk van Dom van der Laan’ De Architect (May 1995) 120. Bertrand, C., ‘Fraai boek over Benedictijn Van der Laan’, Vaalser Weekblad (11 Jan. 2002) 22. ——, ‘Alfabet in steen’, Keerpunt 5 (29 Jan. 2002) 1. Biesen, K. den, ‘Vorwort’, in: HvdL, Der architektonische Raum. Fünfzehn Lektionen über die Disposition der menschlichen Behausung, tr. Prof. Hahn, et al, Leiden 1992, v–vi. ——, ‘Preface’, in: HvdL, The Play of Forms. Nature, Culture and Liturgy, tr. R. Pado- van, Leiden 2005, vii-xiii. [Also published as: Id., ‘Voorwoord’, Thematismos (Feb. 2006, nr. 5) 17–20]. Bik, J., ‘Twee architecten fraai geportretteerd’, De Gelderlander (7 May 1993). Biraghi, M., ‘Il mattone e la vita spirituale’, Costruire in laterizio (2001, nr. 81) 36–40. Blauwe, F. de, ‘Het heiligdom te Syracuse. De menselijke maat in de moderne architectuur. Individu en massa’, De Tijd (19 Aug. 1957) 3. Böcker, B.F.N., ‘Kerkelijke architectuur. De rationalisatie van een voorkeur’, St. Adel- bert 8 (1960) 91. Bodar, A., ‘Vitruvius in de Nederlanden’, in: Bouwen in Nederland, vijfentwintig opstellen over Nederlandse architectuur opgedragen aan prof. ir. J.J. Terwen, Delft 1984, 55–104 [Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 3]. ——, ‘In memoriam Dom H. van der Laan O.S.B.’, Communio 17 (1992) 314–319 [Also published in: Lier en boog 8 (Nov. 1991) 78–86]. ——, ‘Het geheim van de liturgie’, Communio 20 (1995) 87–95 [Also published in: Geschriften van de vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie 9 (1993) 15–20]. ——, ‘Lompheid is lelijk, voorkomendheid mooi’, NRC (6 May 1994) 8. ——, Geheim van het geloof, Tielt 1996. ——, Nochtans zal ik juichen, Amsterdam 1999. ——, Gezellin van de stilte, Amsterdam 2002. ——, ‘Dopend uit de stoere vont’, Brabants Dagblad (25 Aug. 2004) 6. Boelen, J.F.M., Het bouwkundig contrapunt. Ontwikkeling van een instrument voor harmonisch bouwen met behulp van de visualisatie van muziek, Eindhoven 2006. Boer, C. de, ‘Het ontwerp als maatspel. Maat en maatsystemen en hun praktische rol in het architectonisch ontwerp’, De Architect Thema (May 1986, nr. 23) 18–25. Boer, N., ‘Gewijde kunst’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 133–138 [The lecture was delivered by Dom Boer, but written by HvdL, Liturgie en architectuur, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946]. bibliography 529

——, ‘Kerkmuziek en architectuur’, KB 14 (1946–1947) 219–222, 243–249, 284–286. ——, ‘Kerk en kerkbouw’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 16–19 [The lecture was delivered by Dom Boer, but written by HvdL,Kerk en kerkgebouw, ’s-Hertogenbosch 23–24 Mar. 1946]. ——, ‘L’atelier de l’abbaye d’Oosterhout’, AAL 17—supplément OL 3 (1948, nr. 4) 9–12. Bonsink, A., ‘Wonen rondom hofje in Best’, Eindhovens Dagblad (29 May 1982) 41. Boom, O., ‘2010. Een goed jaar voor John Körmeling’, Chepos (Mar. 2007, nr. 9) 25–27. Bornewasser, J.A., Vijftig jaar Katholieke Leergangen. 1912–1962, Tilburg 1963. Bosch, P. van den–I. Kleijn, Van Cuypers tot Dibbets, Maastricht 2002. Botte, X., ‘Avant-propos’, in: HvdL, L’espace architectonique. Quinze leçons sur la disposition de la demeure humaine, tr. X. Botte, Leiden 1989, v–vii. ——, ‘Die Form des liturgischen Gewandes’, Das Munster 6 (1953) 322–326; 331–339. ——, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Quelques réflexions sur la nature et la forme des vêtements sacrés’, AE 26 (1959) 268–271. Boven, M. van, Niel Steenbergen. Veertig jaar beeldhouwer, 15 dec. 1978–5 febr. 1979, Noordbrabants Museum, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1978. Brabant, G., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Une oeuvre prophétique pour notre temps’, Le chemin . . . La bonne nouvelle (1983, nr. 2) 1–4. Brabant, R. van, ‘Liturgie en kerkbouw’, KB 26 (1959) 408–411. Bradley, P., ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000 [From a conference in consideration of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan, Edinburgh 4 Mar. 2000]. ——, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000 [From a conference in consideration of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 17–18 Nov. 2000]. ——, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001 [From a conference in consideration of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan, Heerlen 26 Oct. 2001]. Brinkgreve, G., ‘Vooruit of achteruit?’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 346–347. ——, ‘Herinneringen aan een reis naar Rome’, Thematismos (2003, nr. 2) 12–14. Broeck, L. van den, ‘De architectonische ruimte. Meer dan een halve eeuw architectuuronderzoek / L’espace architectural. Plus d’un demi-siècle de recherches architecturales’, A+ Architektuur (1992, nr. 115) 60–64. Broekhuijsen, G., ‘Niel Steenbergen, beeldhouwer’, TvL 79 (1995) 303–311. Brüggemann, G., ‘Parkeergarage? Plots toont de priorij haar verborgen pracht’, The- matismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 18–19. —— ed., et al., Jesu Moder Marias Convent at Mariavall as a research field for the correlation between theory and practice in the later stages of the work of Dom Hans van der Laan: contributions to the symposium in Tomelilla, Sweden, 26 June 2009, Leuth 2010 [Van der Laanstichting]. Bruin, R. de, ‘Jesu Moder Marias kloster, Mariavall, Tomelilla’, Arkitektur 10 (1991) 24–27. ——, –K.-E. Löfqvist, Ett klosterbygge i tiden, Höganäs 1994. Bruins, S., ‘Maat en getal in het werk van Dom van der Laan en John Körmeling’, in: J. de Jong–V. Schmidt–R. Vos, ed., Opstellen voor Hans Locher, Groningen 1990, 133–139. Bruins, S., ‘Van der Laan, Johannes Theodorus Maria (Dom Hans)’, C. Olmo, ed., Dizionario dell’architettura del XX secolo, t. VI, Torino-London 2001, 379–380. Brun, S., ‘Expositie over architectuur 20e eeuw gaat zwerven’, Limburgs Dagblad (6 Sept. 1986) 16. Brussee, E., ‘50 Jaar Mamelis. God zoeken en God alleen’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (6 Sept. 2001) 22–23. 530 bibliography

Buch, J., Een eeuw Nederlandse architectuur 1880–1990, tr. J.G. Roding, et al, Rot- terdam 1993. Burg, J. van der, ‘Wat architecten moeten doen’, Het Parool (28 Apr. 1993) 6. Christou, P.–N. Golzari, ‘The plastic number’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 5) 4–5. ——, ‘Good Measure. Notes on the Seminar’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 5) 4–5. Clements, W., ‘Over geestrijk musiceren’, Tijdschrift voor gregoriaans (1984, nr. 4) 150–154. Coopmans, L., ‘Eén en één is drie’, De Limburger (5 Feb. 1993). Cornford, C., ‘From the Ground Up. Architectonic Space’, The Architectural Review (Mar. 1984) 56. ——, ‘A Fresh Frame of Reference’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 7) 8–9. Dal Co, F., ‘Mostra Lo spazio sacro nel ‘900. Basilica Palladiana. Vicenza 15 aprile-23 luglio 2000’, Casabella (July–Aug 2000, nr. 680) 80–85. ——, ‘L’essenzialità architettonica di Hans van der Laan’, in: V. Sanson, Lo spazio sacro. Architettura e liturgia, Padova 2002, 117–124 [Quaderni di Rivista Liturgica 4]. Dam, A., ‘De theorie van het plastisch getal’, Thematismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 16–17. Dawson, J., ‘’t Moest vanzelfsprekend en betaalbaar zijn’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 14–24. ——, ‘Bouwen om thuis te komen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 4–11. Debuyst, F., ‘Le problème actuel de l’art sacré’, AE 26 (1958, nr. 105) 113–141. [Also published as: Id., ‘Het huidige probleem van de gewijde kunst’, Katholiek Archief 14 (1959) 489–502]. Deijs, H.P., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan en zijn niet gebouwde basilica in Rhenen’, The- matismos (May 2004, nr. 3) 6–10. Dekkers, J., ‘Het mooiste gebouw van Limburg is . . .’, Woonpunt (Summer 2001) 22–23. Delrue, M., ‘Waar de kunst een kniebuiging maakt’, TvL 79 (1995) 251–265. Dettingmeijer, R., ‘De kerk uit het midden: van godshuis tot ‘een of ander huis’. Het belang van de kerken in de Wederopbouw’, Bulletin KNOB 1 (2002) 1–15. Diderich, P., et al., Broeders te wezen, Zundert 2000 [Abdij Maria Toevlucht]. Diels, L., ‘Geen kind van zijn tijd’, Zuiderlucht (Mar. 2008) 14–15. Dijk, H. van, Architectuur in Nederland in de twintigste eeuw, Rotterdam 1999, 100– 113. Dijkema, P., Innen und Aussen, Hilversum 1960. ——, ‘Denktucht of denkschraalheid’, KB 30 (1962–1963) 586. ——, ‘De nieuwe vleugel van het Stadhuis’, in: G.Th.M. Lemmens, ed., Het stadhuis van Nijmegen, Nijmegen 1982, 90. ——, –N. Liesker, Binnen en buiten bij een. Een denkweg tot een meer dichterlijk wonen, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2009. Dijkstra, T., ‘S.J. van Embden: bouwen aan veelzijdigheid’, Plan 14 (Apr. 1983) 21–24. Dinjens, P., ‘Het getal’, Bouw 46 (18 Nov. 1967) 1649–1696. Doelman, J., ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Prisma-Lectuurvoorlichting (1986, nr. 468). Does de Willebois, J.A. van der, ‘Liturgie en beschaving’, Bulletin Vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie (Mar. 1985, nr. 35) 8–10. ——, ‘Boekbespreking. Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Bulletin Vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie (Nov. 1985, nr. 36) 29–33. ——, ‘In Memoriam Dom H. van der Laan (1904–1991)’, Bulletin Vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie (Nov. 1991, nr. 49) 27–30. Doevendans, K.–G. van der Harst, ed., Het kerkgebouw in het postindustriële landschap / The church in the post-industrial landscape, Zoetermeer 2004. Dominicus, M., ‘De natuurlijke ruimte. Een subtiele Eisenstein’, Skrien (1993, nr. 189) 21. bibliography 531

Driessen, L., ‘Negen opstellen over kerkelijke zilversmeedkunst’, Katholiek Nieuws- blad (12 June 1992) 5. Dubois, M., ‘Het kerkgebouw op het einde van het millennium. De sacraliteit van het licht’, Vlaanderen (Mar.–Apr. 1997) 87–90. ——, ‘De rijkdom van de stilte’, Focox Krate (20 Dec. 2000) 93. ——, ‘De sacraliteit van het licht’, TvL 85 (2001) 22–28. ——, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan bouwde meer dan kerken’, De Architect (June 2000) 12. ——, ‘Het werk van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Vlaanderen (2000) 290. ——, ‘Spirituele ruimte’, Focus Knack (5 July 2000) 43. ——, ‘Spirituele ruimte’, De Architect (Mar. 2003) 83. Ebenau, P., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, in: U. Schröder, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen- Berlin 20072, 100–102. Ebner, J., ‘Ausstellung. Dom Hans van der laan in Edinburgh. Die ‘Plastische Zahl’’, Deutsche Bauzeitung 2 (2000) 26. Eerenbeemt, H.F.J.M. van den, Geschiedenis van Noord-Brabant, t. III, Dynamiek en expansie, Amsterdam 1997. Egdom, W. H. van, ‘De top van Limburg is protestants’, Reformatorisch Dagblad (28 Aug. 2008) 2. Egbers, H., ‘De bedachte ruimten van dom Hans van der Laan’, De Stem Gids (10 Oct. 1982) T3. Einarsson, T., ‘Det Rätta Måttet’, Trots Allt 4–5 (2002) 40–47. Embden, S.J. van, ‘Granpré Molière. Jubileum van een stedebouwer’, De Linie (21 Oct. 1949) 5. ——, ‘Preface’, in: Architectonic Space. Fifteen lessons on the Disposition of the Human Habitat, tr. R. Padovan, Leiden 1983, v-ix. ——, ‘Ordening en eenvoud. Herinneringen aan Dom van der Laan’, Architectuur/ Bouwen (1991, nr. 9) 12–13. Engelman, J., ‘Bouwwoede als te Beauvais. Een wedergeboorte der bouwkunst? Verandering bij kerkelijke authoriteiten’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 10 [also published in: Schets 10 (1957, nr. 3) 94–96]. Epen, J.H. Van, ‘De geschiedenis van de Kring’, Jaarboek BSK, 1930, 3–11. Erftemeijer, A., ‘Een huis van God, waarin het geestelijk leven kan gedijen’, Katho- liek Nieuwsblad (5 Feb. 1985) 6. Evers, A., ‘L’orfèvre Jan Noyons’, AE (1956) 125–128. ——, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Plaidoyer pour les linges sacrés’, AE 26 (1959) 236–240. ——, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Quelques remarques sur l’étole’, AE 27 (1960) 332–334. ——, –H. Fortmann, ‘De vorm van het kazuifel’, Nederlandse Katholieke Stemmen 54 (1958) 217–219. [Also published as: Id., ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. La forme de la chasuble’, AE 26 (1958) 99–106]. ——, ‘In memoriam. Architect ir. Nico van der Laan’, Mededelingenblad BNA (1986) 122. ——, ‘Ter gedachtenis aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Vuur en water 11 (1991, nr. 4), 20–21. Exley, R., ‘Exhibition. Game theory’, Blueprint 167 (Dec. 1999) 64. Faber, E., ‘De mode van Pater v.d. Laan’, De Limburger (31 July 1984). Falkenburg, R., ‘Bij de tentoonstelling Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: n.n., Dom Hans van der Laan. Kunst en architectuur, Middelburg 1986, n.pp. [Exhibition catalogue Middelburg]. Fanelli, G., Moderne architectuur in Nederland 1900–1940, ’s-Gravenhage 1981. Fijen, L.–E. Galle–P. Pronk, Wandelen met God rond abdijen, Leuven-Kampen 2005. Feijs, L., ‘In search of a golden ratio for the aesthetics of movement’, in: L. Feijs– S. Kyffin–B. Young, Design and semantics of form and movement, Eindhoven 2006, 34–41. 532 bibliography

Ferlenga, A., ‘L’architetto Dom Hans van der Laan’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 52–55. ——, –P. Verde, Dom Hans van der Laan. Le opere, gli scritti, Milano 2000 [English trans.: Id., Dom Hans van der Laan. Works and words, Amsterdam 2001]. Fink, J., ed., Benediktinerabtei St. Benediktusberg, Regensburg 1991, 19982 [Schnell 1886]. Also published as Id., Abdij S. Benedictusberg Vaals, Regensburg 1992, 19992; Id., Abbaye bénédictine S. Benedictusberg, Munich 1992. Flagge, I., ‘Stonehenge in Vaals’, Frankfurter Algemeine Zeitung (21 Aug. 1999) 44. Frampton, K.–J. Cava, ed. Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture, Cambridge-London 1995. Geest, J. van, S.J. van Embden, Rotterdam 1996. Geipel, K., ‘Holz, Nägel und ein Konzept. Das Mobiliar in den Klöstern von Hans van der Laan’, Bauwelt 88 (Feb. 1997) 365–367. Gelder, H.E. van, et al, Kunstgeschiedenis der Nederlanden, t. IX, Negentiende en twintigste eeuw, Zeist 1965, 1698. Genders, C., ‘Bekroning van theorie en praktijk’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architec- tuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. ——, ‘De architectonische ruimte van Dom van der Laan’, De Architect 20 (May 1989) 64–69. ——, ‘Hans van der Laan: monnik en architect’, Cobouw Week/uit (22 Sept. 1989) 11. ——, ‘Brits essay over de architect Van der Laan’, Cobouw (29 Jan. 1990) 3. ——, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan (1904–1991). Ein Benediktiner als Architekt’, Saison (May 1992) 32–34. Geneste, D.–A. Gielen–R. Wassenaar, L. van der Laan (1864–1942). J.A. van der Laan (1896–1966). Een katholieke architectenfamilie—rechtzinnig, maar veelzijdig en pragmatisch, Rotterdam 2002. Geraets, F., Boven het maaiveld. 100 Portretten van markante Limburgers uit de 20e eeuw, Weert 1999, 211–214. Gerritsen, A., ‘Een grote naam achter een eenvoudige kerk. Dom van der Laan en de Kerk van Sint Benedictus te Rijswijk’, in: W. van der Ende, Historische Vereniging Rijswijk. Jaarboek 2000, Rijswijk 2000, 92–111. Gerritsen, G., ‘Nieuwe hommage aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, De Limburger (30 Nov. 2001) 4. Geux, A., ‘En het woord werd beeld’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 11–13 [Pub- lished under the name A. Abonnier]. ——, ‘De kunst van overeenstemming. De vormgeving van het koorboek van Mame- lis’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 16–20. ——, Wie er op steunt zal niet wankelen, Tilburg 2010. [Partly published as Id., ‘Wie er op steunt zal niet wankelen: de Wijnbergkerk te Wevelgem’, Thematismos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 1–11]. Ghering, F., ‘Jan Noyons. Ontwerper en edelsmid’, Catharijnebrief (Sept. 2006, nr. 95) 12–15. Gil, E., ‘Selected biography’, Liturgical Arts 24 (1956) 99–104. Gladbaard, J., ‘Internationale belangstelling voor de Bossche School blijft groeien’, Het Stadsblad (13 June 2001). Glancey, J., ‘Eternal values’, RIBA Journal (Jan. 1986) 28–31. Goddijn, W., ed.–J. Jacobs–G. van Tillo, Tot vrijheid geroepen. Katholieken in Nederland: 1946–2000, Baarn 1999. Goossens, A., ‘Vieren in schoonheid. Waarheen? Slotbeschouwingen bij het concres’, TvL 85 (2001) 68–75. Graas, T., ed., Verborgen Kerkschatten 1400–2000. Katholieke kunst uit Zuid-Holland, Den Haag 1996 [Jaarboeken van de Stichting Kerkelijk Kunstbezit, t. III]. bibliography 533

Graatsma, W.–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maastricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989. ——, ‘In Memoriam’, in: W. Graatsma–J. Kirkpatrick, Ter ere van Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991 / In honour of Dom Hans van der Laan, 1904–1991, Nuth 1992, 14–15. ——, –J. Naalden, Architectuur modellen en meubels. Een tentoonstelling ontworpen door Hans van der Laan, Lemiers 1982. Grafe, C., et al., Architectuur volgens Cees Dam, Hilversum 1999. Granpré Molière, M.J., ‘Gewijde kunst. Rede bij de opening van de cursus ‘Kerke- lijke Architectuur’ van de R.K. Leergangen, gehouden te ’s-Hertogenbosch, Maart 1946’, in: M.J. Granpré Molière, Woorden en werken van prof. ir. Granpré Molière. Bijeengebracht door zijn vrienden en leerlingen, Heemstede 1949, 87–93. ——, ‘XXVI’, in: N.G.M. van Doornik, ed., Gij zijt niet langer pilgrims . . . Ervaringen van bekeerlingen binnen de Kerk, Utrecht-Brussel 1950, 275–284. ——, ‘De mythe der ‘reine’ architectuur’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 10. ——, ‘Het teken van Jonas’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 257–259. ——, ‘Het aandeel van de Delftse School, KB 20 (1952–1953) 321–329. ——, ‘Plannen voor het heiligdom van de Moeder der Tranen te Siracuse’, Katholiek Archief 12 (21 June 1957) 649–658 [also published in: Schets 10 (1957, nr. 3) 82–91]. ——, ‘Een brief over Ronchamp’, Schets 10 (1957, nr. 3) 77–82. ——, ‘Ook Le Corbusier onder de profeten. Ronchamp, produkt tussen het nieuwe zoeken en het oude weten’, De Tijd (28 Sept. 1957) 9. ——, ‘Ook Le Corbusier onder de profeten. Naar aanleiding van de kapel van Ron- champ’, BW 75 (1957) 490–492. ——, ‘Ook Le Corbusier onder de profeten’, Bouw 12 (1957, nr. 44) 1094–1096. Grasso, G., ‘Le vesti e le mode nella Chiesa’, Chiesa Oggi (2002, nr. 2) 14–15. Groenendijk, P.–P. Vollaard, Gids voor moderne architectuur in Nederland / Guide to modern architecture in The Netherlands, Rotterdam 1987. ——, ‘Architecten van deze eeuw. Dom Hans van der Laan met de Abdij Mamelis in Lemiers (1956–1986)’, Cobouw (20 Dec. 1999). ——, Gids voor hedendaagse architectuur in Nederland / Guide to contemporary architecture in The Netherlands, Rotterdam 2004. ——, Architectuurgids Nederland (1900–2000) / Architectural Guide to the Nether- lands, Rotterdam 2006. ——, ‘Architecten koplopers in design’, Architectuur/Bouwen 7 (1991, nr. 5) 24–33. Groothuis, A.H., ‘Nederlandse kerkbouw op een keerpunt’, KB 28 (1961) 112–115. Haan, H. de, –I. Haagsma, ‘Zoeken naar het ware menselijk verblijf ’, in: Id., ed., Wie is er bang voor nieuwbouw . . . confrontatie met Nederlandse architecten, Amsterdam 1981, 171–182. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Dom H. van der Laan: speuren naar de grondbeginselen van architectuur’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 1–13. [Also published as: Id., ‘Zoe- ken naar het ware menselijk verblijf’, in: Id., ed., Wie is er bang voor nieuwbouw . . . confrontatie met nederlandse architecten, Amsterdam 1981, 171–182]. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Een proeve van architectonische ruimte’, Intermediair 7 (13 Feb. 1981) 9. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘De theorie van Van der Laan tentoongesteld. ‘Architectuur met zonder niks’’, De Architekt 13 (1982, nr. 4) 36–39. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Bossche School’, in: Een onderwerp van voortdurende zorg. Het na-oorlogse bouwen in Nederland, Utrecht 1983, 80–83. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Monnik van der Laan componeert kloosters zoals muziek. De kern van de architectuur is het matenstelsel’, De Volkskrant (27 Sept. 1989) 13. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Dom van der Laan ontdekte de architectonische ruimte’, De Volkskrant (21 Aug. 1991) 15. 534 bibliography

——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Boek en tentoonstelling over de sobere ontwerpen van monnik- architect Dom van der Laan. Père Hans onthult geheimen vanuit hiernamaals’, De Volkskrant (6 Dec. 1994) 14. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘De meubels in de architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Antiek 6 (Jan. 1995) 25–33. ——, –I. Haagsma, Plastisch Lexicon, Haarlem 1996. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Een klooster dat nooit verveelt’, De Volkskrant (16 Aug. 1996) 21. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Proportionen für ein Kloster in Tomelilla’, Bauwelt 88 (Feb. 1997) 360–364. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Een afwerende bunker die een hemelse ruimte omsluit’, De Volks- krant (13 Dec. 1997) 21. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Van der Laan’s theorie in perspectief. De Architectonische Ordening Anno Nu’, Architext SCahier 13 (1999, nr. 68) 3–13. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’, Art-nl 1 (2000, nr. 3) 24–27. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Door het licht tot leven gewekt. Zinsbegoochelend expositiegebouw voor de Heilige Maagd’ De Volkskrant (7 Dec. 2000) 26. ——, –I. Haagsma, Wim van Hooff, vakman en polychromeur. Kleur en architectuur, Amsterdam 2001. ——, –I. Haagsma, ‘Meubels voltooien ruimtes. Dom Hans van der Laan en Josef Engelberts’, Het houtblad 14 (Dec. 2002) 38–41. ——, ‘Architectonische harmonieleer ging vóór babymelk’, De Volkskrant (6 Febr. 2003) 11. ——, ‘Twee kerken van Jan de Jong met sloop bedreigd’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 14. ——, ‘De levende erfenis van Dom Hans van der Laan’, BladNA (Dec. 2004) 10–13. ——, ‘‘Een woonhuis als embryonale stad’. Jos Naalden, opdrachtgever en eerste bewoner’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 3–6. ——, ‘Zwaarmoedigheid ontbreekt volledig’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 34–39. ——, ‘Levende erfenis: Uitbreiding woonhuis door Miel Wijnen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 21–24. ——, ‘De ontdekking van het herbouwde kloostercomplex in de Kerkstraat te Waas- munster’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 28–37. ——, –I. Haagsma, Gebouwen van het Plastische Getal. Een lexicon van de ‘Bossche School’, Haarlem 2010. Haarsma, H., ‘Silenthotel. In de stad zonder prikkels’, Trouw (4 Jan. 2002) 12. Habets, M.J.R. et al, Architektuur uit de 20e eeuw in Limburg. 1900–1985, Heerlen 1985. Hackelsberger, C., ‘Die Arche Noah. Gedanken zur ‘Exempla 77’ und ihrer Thema- tik ‘Handwerk und Kirche’ ’, Süddeutsche Zeitung (29 Mar. 1977) 27. Hageman, M., De Nederlandse architectuur, 1000–2007, Bussum 20072. Hagemans, W., ‘Architectuurvisie ontwikkeld in ‘vrienden-club’. Bossche School leeft nog steeds’, Brabants Dagblad (13 Jan. 1992) 7. Hanssens, D., ‘De alchemie van het voorbeeldig bouwmeesterschap’, De Kovel 2 (June 2009, nr. 8), 44–51. Haverkate, H., ‘Pleisterplaats’, in: H. Haverkate, Vespertied. Over Twente en de Twentenaren, t. IV, Hengelo 1993, 89–97 [Earlier published as: Id., ‘Venite Adoremus. Pelgrim tussen Twente en Limburg’, Twentsche Courant (21 Dec. 1991) 23]. Heer, J., ‘De Delftsche school en de katholieke architektuur tussen 1945 en 1955’, in: H. Meijer, ed., ‘Rooms bouwen’, Eltheto 64 (1981) 21–105. Heiden, C. van der, ‘Rendering van de schetsen voor een kerk in Bellefontaine, Mar- tinique (1962)’, Thematismos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 12–21. Heijningen, H. van, ‘Limburgse architectuurprijs voor benedictijnse monnik’, Katho- liek Nieuwsblad (26 Sept. 1989) 4. bibliography 535

Hellebrand, A.–D. Lumey, ‘Architect van de stilte. Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: Zwervend genieten van het land zonder grenzen, Gulpen 1991, 46–47. Helvoort, H. van, ‘De nieuwe kapel van het Groot-Seminarie te Haaren’, De Maas- bode (22 May 1939) 2. ——, ‘De situatie van de kerkenbouw in Nederland na de oorlog’, Katholiek Archief 7 (1952) 1017–1026. Hendricks, J.H., ‘Naklank bij het 25–jarig Hoogleeraarsjubileum te Delft van Profes- sor Ir. M.J. Granpré Molière’, GB 32 (1950) 6–11. Herberghs, L., ‘’t Avontuur van de orde en de regelmaat’, Limburgsch Dagblad (3 Apr. 1963) 3. Herkens, A., ‘Von der Allgemeingültigkeit des Einfachen’, Aachener Volkszeitung (16 Sept. 1989) W2. Herraets, J., ‘Prijs voor monnik-architect van der Laan’, NRC (22 Sept. 1989) 6. Heugten, W. van, ‘De mens en zijn ruimte’, Levensvenster (Feb. 1983, nr. 279) 7. Heuvel, D. van den–M. Steigenga–J. van Triest, ed., Lessen: Tupker/Risselada: dubbelportret van het Nederlands architectuuronderwijs 1953–2003 / Lessons: Tupker/Risselada: a double portrait of Dutch architectural education 1953–2003, Amsterdam 2003. Heuvel, W. van, ‘De architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Cobouw (24 Jan. 1995) 5. Heyningen, H. van, ‘De Bossche School beschreven’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (15 Nov. 1996) 23. Hijmersma, H., ‘De architectuur van Dom H. van der Laan’, Het financieele dagblad (1 Oct. 1982) 15. Hoff, A., et al., Dominikus Böhm. Leben und Werk, München-Zürich 1962. Hoffmann, G., ‘Benediktiner und Baumeister’, Stuttgarter Zeitung (17 Apr. 2001). Hogenbirk, K., ‘De natuurlijke ruimte. Bouwers voor God en de Nieuwe Mens’, Film- krant (May 1993, nr. 134) 25. Hollman, E., “Beter passen op cultureel erfgoed”, De Limburger (5 July 2005), 17. Holtmann, J.F., ed., De Willibrordkerk Almelo. Het erfgoed van Dom Hans van der Laan, Jan de Jong en Théodore Strawinsky/ The Willibrordkerk Almelo. The legacy of Dom Hans van der Laan, Jan de Jong and Théodore Strawinsky, Almelo 2004. ——, ed., De Willibrordkerk. Bossche School in Almelo, Almelo n.d. Hoof, G. van–A. Mertens, ‘Wederdoper der architektuur bouwde in Vaals abdijkerk’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971) 17. ——, ‘Laatste kolom. Grondslagen van de architektuur. Waasmunsters wonderbare Roosenberg’, De Standaard (24 Aug. 1991) 24. Hooff, A. van, ‘Kloster Everöd in Schweden’, Erbe und Auftrag 68 (1992) 156–158. ——, ‘Tres faciunt collegium’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1992, 77–80. ——, ‘Benedictijns leven in Zweden’, Benedictijns Tijdschrift55 (1994) 69–81. ——, ‘Brief van de benedictijnse kommuniteit in Zweden’, Monastieke Informatie 25 (Mar. 1994, nr. 152) 56–60. Hooff, D. van, et al., Langs moderne architectuur (1945–heden). Architectuurroutes in Nederland en België, Utrecht-Antwerpen 1994. Hoogbergen, T., ‘Beroemde Bosschenaren (III). Aandacht voor meer persoonlijkheden’, Bossche Bladen 5 (2003, nr. 1) 22–23. Hoogstraten, D. van, Villa’s in Nederland. Onder architectuur gebouwde huizen 1900–2000, Rijswijk 2002, 15–17, 82–83, 87. Houben, J., ‘Hijskranen kijken neer op abdij’, Limburgs Dagblad (23 Feb. 2002). Houwink, P., ‘Jan Stuyt (1868–1934) en de vernieuwing van de kerkelijke bouwkunst’, Jaarboek KDC 8 (1978) 25–62. Hsu, M., ‘A short introduction to the design of the abbey church’, AIII Times (1985, nr. 7) 9. Huisman, J., Lelijk gebouwd Nederland. De grootste 50 missers, Den Haag 1991. 536 bibliography

——, ‘Jo Coenen (2000–2004). ‘Een deftige maar eenzame functie’’, Smaak 6 (June 2006) 42–43. ——, “Er gaat meer kapot dan je lief is, als de kerk verdwijnt”, Belvedere Nieuws 12 (Jan. 2008) 1–2, 6. Huiting, F., ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’, Speculator 2 (Sept. 1953) 68–69. ——, ‘Beschaving en kunst’, Speculator 4 (Sept. 1955) 68–70. ——, ‘Dom H. van der Laan, Le Nombre plastique, Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique’, Speculator 9 (July 1960, nr. 2) 43–44. ——, ‘Introduction’, in: HvdL, Le nombre plastique. Quinze leçons sur l’ordonnance architectonique, Leiden 1960, xi-xiv. ——, ‘Voorwoord’, in: HvdL, Het plastische getal. XV lessen over de grondslagen van de architectonische ordonnantie, Leiden 1967, vii-x. ——, ‘Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Benedictijns tijdschrift 46 (1985) 75–77. ——, ‘Herinneringen aan Dom Hans van der Laan’, Thematismos (2007, nr. 8) 5–15. ——, ‘De alchemie der verzoening. Architectuur en spititualiteit bij Dom Hans van der Laan’, Kovel 2 (June 2009, nr. 8) 20–31. Hultin, O., ed., Arkitektur i Sverige 1990–1994 / Architecture in Sweden 1990–1994, Stockholm 1994. Ibelings, H., ed., Architecten in Nederland. Van Cuypers tot Koolhaas, Amsterdam 2005. Jacobs, J.Y.H.A., ed., Gaandeweg aaneengesmeed. Geschiedenis van het bisdom Breda, Nijmegen 2003. Jacobs, P.M.J., ‘Laan, Dom (Hans) van der’, in: Beeldend Nederland. Biografisch handboek L-Z, Tilburg 1993, 6. Jansen, B., ‘Muurschildering van zoon componist betiteld als ‘meesterwerk’’, De Gelderlander (29 Aug. 2007). Jansen, D., ‘God als getal. In de voetsporen van een gewijde architect’, Pantheon// 9 (Oct. 2005) 8–11. ——, ‘De Architectonische ruimte—Vijftien lessen over de dispositie van het menselijk verblijf’, Pantheon// 9 (Oct. 2005) 40. Jansen, K., ‘In het klooster is zingen de ‘core business’’, NRC (24 Dec. 2001) 8. Janssens, P., ‘Moderne kerkenbouw in Nederland en België’, TvL 39 (1955) 351–363. ——, ‘Liturgie en eigentijdse sacrale kunst’, TvL 38 (1954) 189–202. Jensenius, J.H., ‘Hvor ble det av proporsjonsbegrepet i arkitekturen?’, Nordisk Arki- tekturforskning 19 (2006, nr. 2) 81–93. Johannesma, W., ‘Dom van der Laan gebruikte elke dag het spel van de ruimte’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (23 Aug. 1991) 6. Johansson, R., ‘Sakral Arkitektur’, Cementa 17 (1991, nr. 4) 12–15. Jong, J. de–N. van der Laan, ‘R.k. kerk Sint Lukas te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, BW 82 (1964, nr. 16) 192–195. ——, ‘Klooster in Maarssen’, BW 85 (1967, nr. 2) 24–29. Jong, T. de, ‘Met mate. De beginselen van het meten en maatsystemen’, De Architect Thema (May 1986, nr. 23) 5–11. Jonge, S. de–P. Post, ‘Hemelse wielen: Aldo van Eycks Pastoor van Ars-kerk te Den Haag’, Jaarboek voor liturgie-onderzoek 15 (1999) 55–73. ——, Kerkarchitectuur na 2000. Het ontwikkelen van grensverleggende typologieën tussen literatuur, architectuur en duurzame ontwikkeling, Eindhoven 2002. Jonker, G., ‘Engelen van Dom Van der Laan. De Architectonische ruimte’, Bouw 33 (7 Jan. 1978) 36. Jönsson, S., ‘Solig fest när Mariavall invigdes’, Kristianstadsbladet (16 Sept. 1991) 23. Kaiser, F.-W., ‘The Quest for the Real: Religion, Science and Art’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 46–64. Kam, W.A.J. van der, Niel Steenbergen. Schepping in beelden, Breda 1999. bibliography 537

Karels, H., ‘Kloosters in de 12e en de 20e eeuw, laboratoria voor fundamenteel architectuuronderzoek’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 7. Karstkarel, P., ‘Architectuurtheorie in drie dimensies’, Trouw (3 May 1982) 4. Kegge, B., ‘De complete samenhang van architectuur’, Platvorm 45 (Apr. 2002) n.pp. Kempen, A.F.J. van, Dertig jaar Katholieke Leergangen. 1962–1992, Tilburg 1992. Kies, M., ‘Expositie over monnik-architect in Weert. Ruimte en rust centraal bij Dom v.d. Laan’, Eindhovens Dagblad (3 May 1986) 45. ——, ‘In het huis van Jos Naalden’, Eindhovens Dagblad (3 May 1986) 45. Kleigrewe, S., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, in: U. Schrö- der, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen- Berlin 20072, 92–95. Klijn, O., ‘Wie schrijft die blijft’, De Architect 31 (Jan. 2001) 15–16. Klinger, R., ‘Att lova Vägen sitt liv’, Katolskt Magasin (20 Sept. 2002) 1,8–9. Kloos, J.P., Architectuur, een gewetenszaak, ’s-Gravenhage 1985, 82–85. Kohnen, R., Mens. Monnik. Mamelis, Nuth 2008. Koldewey, B., ‘De komende kerken van gewapend beton?’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 81–83, 116–120, 148–151, 177–181, 225–228, 289–291. ——, ‘Explosies in het Kruithuis’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 282–283. Kominiak, B., Loci ubi Deus Quaeritur. Die Benediktinerabteien auf der ganzen Welt, St. Ottillien 1981. Koster, E., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’s Arcadian Architecture’, Architectura & Natura Quarterly 1 (1992) 32–48. Kozyreff, B., ‘Dom Hans Van der Laan, architecte: du sensible à l’arithmétique’, in: T. Paquot–C. Younès, Géométrie, mesure du monde. Philosophie, architecture, urbain, Paris 2005, 147–158. Kraan, A., Beelden in Noord-Brabant. Ontwikkeling van de beeldhouwkunst na 1945, Oirschot 1990. Kranendonk, A. van, ‘Bij een kapel te Helmond’, KB 15 (1947–1948) 152–154. ——, ‘Weleerwaarde Pater’, KB 16 (1948–1949) 6. ——, ‘Kritische kanttekening’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 197–183. ——, ‘Twee bekroonde eindprojecten van de cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur’, KB 19 (1952) 177–183. ——, Rede gehouden bij de opening van de afdeling der Bouwkunde van de Technische Hogeschool te Delft op 24 september 1962, Delft 1962. Kroon, H., ‘‘De natuurlijke ruimte’. Zotte verhalen van twee bevlogen architecten’, Trouw (29 Apr. 1993) 5. Kroon, J.J., ‘Architectuurwetenschap’, De Ingenieur (27 Nov. 1964) A729–736. Kropholler, A.J., ‘Kerkbouw quo vadis?’, TvL 36 (1952) 43. ——, ‘Over hedendaagse bouwkunde met betrekking tot de Kerkenbouw’, TvL 36 (1952) 152–155. Krüger J., ‘Berghoef: een architect met schippersbloed’, Plan 14 (Apr. 1983) 9–13. Kruijtzer, G., Ruimte en getal. Het Plastische getal en Het Gulden-snedegetal, Amster- dam 1998, Delft 20102. ——, ‘Drie-eenheid bij Dom Van der Laan’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 14–17. ——, Taal en Tal bij Spinoza, Mannoury, Beth, Delft 2003. Kuiper, J.A., Visueel & dynamisch. De stedebouw van Granpré Molière & Verhagen 1915–1950, Delft 1991. Kuipers, M., Toonbeelden van de wederopbouw. Architectuur, stedenbouw en landinrichting van herrijzend Nederland, Zeist 2002. Kusters, S., ‘Modellen en meubels van Dom Hans van der Laan in Bonnefanten’, De Limburger (7 Apr. 1982). ——, ‘De weldaad van een eenvoudig leven’, De Limburger (29 May 1982). ——, ‘Letters als monumenten en de betekenis van woorden’, De Limburger (28 June 1983) 4. 538 bibliography

Laan (Junior), H. van der, ‘Brabant bouwt in baksteen. Bossche School, leer, stijl en middelen’, Brabantia (June 1993) 3–5. ——, ‘Kloosters in de 12e en de 20e eeuw. Laboratoria voor fundamenteel architectuuronderzoek’, in: M. Ackermans–T. Hoogbergen, ed., Kloosters en religieus leven. Historie met toekomst, Den Bosch 2002, 88–99. ——, ‘In memoriam Koos de Haan (1933–2009)’, Thematismos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 26–27. ——, –B. Backs, Bureau Van der Laan, opvattingen, ontwerpen en uitgevoerde projecten, ’s-Hertogenbosch 2009. Laan, N. van der, ‘Over drijfwerk’, Het Bouwblad 12 (1940–1941) 118–119. ——, ‘Flor Vekelmans †’, KB 14 (1946) 25–28. ——, ‘Over twee kerken’, KB 14 (1946) 49–52. ——, ‘Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, KB 15 (1947–1948) 11. ——, ‘Liturgie en kerkbouw’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 37–41. ——, ‘Cursus ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’ te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, KB 16 (1948) 84. ——, ‘Cursus ‘Kerkelijke Architectuur’ ’s-Hertogenbosch’, KB 18 (1950) 12. ——, ‘Naar een nieuwe richting in de kerkelijke architectuur van Nederland’, TvL 35 (1951) 296–300. ——, ‘De Sinte Catharinakerk te Heusden’, KB 18 (1951) 225–230. ——, ‘Kerk van O.L. Vrouw ten Hemelopneming te Bakkum N.H.’, KB 19 (1952) 57–58. ——, ‘H. Hart kerk te Bergen op Zoom’, KB 21 (1953) 17–19. ——, ‘Een koepelkerk in Philippine’, KB 21 (1954) 401. ——, ‘Beantwoording aan de consequenties van de kenmerken van de Kerk in haar eigentijdse viering van de eredienst vanuit de architectuur’, TvL 43 (1959) 254– 261. Lammers, F., Achter de kloostermuren, ’s-Gravenhage 1977. ——, ‘Eén grote symfonie’, Trouw (21 Dec. 1988) 19. ——, ‘Bouwen en leven als één grote symfonie van sobere lijnen’, Trouw (21 Aug. 1991) 2. Lange, H. de, ‘‘In concepten kun je niet wonen’’, Trouw (25 May 2007) 5. Langerwerf, G., ‘In memoriam Dom Emmanuel Schuurmans’, Monastieke Infor- matie 26 (1996, nr. 162) 84. ——, –P.A. Steffen, ‘Broeder Jeroen Witkamp 30 jaar abt in Zundert. 1967–1997’, Monastieke informatie 28 (1997, nr. 168) 54–60. Lantman, R., ‘Onderstroom’, Ingebed 39 (23 Sept. 1991) 1–2. Leenknegt, J., ‘Monnikenwerk? De Wijnbergkerk en dom Hans van der Laan o.s.b.’, Wibilinga 22 (2009, nr. 1) 2–26. Lenglet, A., ‘Opening Address’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 12–19. ——, ‘Lectori salutem’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 5–6. Lenzen, L., ‘Die Versuchung der Abtei St. Benedictusberg’, Das Gespräch–Eucharistie und Leben (Mar.–Apr. 1972) 16–18. Leur, T. de, ‘Wennen aan stilte van abdij Roosenberg’, Nieuwsblad Streeknieuws Waas (29–30 July 1995) 13. Leydecker, K., ‘Er zog sich von der Welt zurück. Dom Hans van der Laan reinigte die Baukunst im Geist der Klosterbesenkammer’, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (20 Apr. 2001) 47. Lieshout, J. van, ‘Monnik van Mamelis bouwt abdij in Zweden’, Limburgs Dagblad (5 June 1993) 23. Linazasoro, J.I., ‘El tiempo detenido. Dom van der Laan, una arquitectura de esencias’, Arquitectura Viva (Jan.–Feb. 1998) 65–67. Linden, F. van der, ‘Bossche School’, Monumenten 27 (Jan. 2007) 18–19. bibliography 539

Linden, M.P. van der, ‘Het plastische getal’, BW 86 (1968) 350–352. Lockefeer, W., ‘Theorie en kader’, in: n.n., Dom Hans Van der Laan. Architektuur- tentoonstelling, Antwerpen 1986, 13–16 [Exhibition catalogue De Singel]. ——, ‘De schrijnwerker zonder zijns gelijke: Josef Engelberts (1915–2009)’, Thematis- mos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 22–25. Lommers, C., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: monnik en ‘meubelmaker’’, Limburgs Dag- blad (8 Apr. 1982) 21. López, C., ‘Una nueva ruta en la arquitectura de las iglesias. Una arquitectura en busca del orden’, Liturgia 12 (May–June 1957) 156–160. Louw, H. van de, ‘Ruimtelijkheid intiem maken. Architectuur, modellen en meubels van Dom H. van der Laan’, De Nieuwe Linie (26 May 1982) 16. Lukken, G.M, ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Tijdschrift voor theologie 26 (1986, nr. 1) 98. Maas, T., ‘Visie op Bossche school van architect v.d. Laan’, NRC (1 Apr. 1982) A12. ——, ‘Van der Laan zet puntjes op de i van de moderne architectuur’, De Architect 15 (Mar. 1984) 55–57. ——, ‘Het geometrische spel van Hoogstad’, NRC (29 Mar. 1984) WO3. ——, ‘Het bouwen van de ‘Bossche School’’, De Architect 15 (Apr. 1984) 64–69. ——, ‘Boek en expositie over vormgeving van liturgische objecten en eminente bouwkunst. De theorie en praktijk van een pater-architect’, NRC (22 Apr. 1986) 7. ——, ‘De Bossche School. Een kameleontische stijl’, Brabantia (May 1988) 3–6. ——, ‘Dom H. van der Laan’, in: J. Brand–H. Janselijn, Architecture and imagination / Architectuur en verbeelding, Zwolle 1989, 154–157. ——, ‘Bevrijd van symboliek en nut. Van der Laans weg naar ‘de eigen wetgeving der natuur’’, Architectuur/Bouwen 5 (Sept. 1989) 36–41. ——, ‘Vormen die nooit nieuw zijn geweest’, Cobouw, Weekuit (20 Oct. 1995, nr. 198) 13. ——, ‘Some personal reflections on the reception of Van der Laan’s work in Dutch architecture’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 26–45. Magnago Lampugnani, V., ed., Dizionario Skira dell’architettura del Novecento, Milano-Genève 2000. [Also published as: Id., ed., Lexikon der Architektur des 20. Jahrhunderts, Ostfildern-Ruit 1998; Id., ed., Lexicon van de twintigste eeuw, Amster- dam 2006]. Mähler, M., De Sint Paulusabdij van Oosterhout onder het bestuur van haar eerste abt dom de Puniet 1907–1941, Tilburg 1991. Malschaert, T., ‘The house and the human’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Living and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 74–85. Marzin, W., ‘Sonderschau Exempla ’77 ‘Handwerk und Kirche’ auf der 29. Interna- tionalen Handwerksmesse 1977’, Süddeutsche Zeitung (29 Mar. 1977) 27. Masiero, R., Estetica dell’architettura, Bologna 1999. Mead, A., ‘Instruments of order’, The Architect’s Journal (18 Nov. 1999) 55. Meer, F. van der, ‘Historische gegevens betreffende de wezenlijke elementen van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (1948–1949) 15. ——, ‘Facie ad populum’, Streven 16 (Dec. 1962) 201–216. ——, ‘Bezoek aan de Benedictusberg’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971). ——, Open Brief over Geloof en Eredienst, Tielt-Utrecht 1973. ——, ‘Indrukken van professor F. van der Meer na een bezoek aan het voltooide klooster Roosenberg op 30 juli 1975’, in: HvdL, Gesprek van de architect met de zusters van Waasmunster over het in aanbouw zijnde klooster Roosenberg, May 1974, 30–36. Meeuwesse, K., “Het nieuwe Brabant”, Elseviers weekblad (21 Mar. 1953) 27. Meijel, L. van, Cees Pouderoyen (1912–1993). Architect en stedebouwkundige in dienst van de wederopbouw, Nijmegen 2009. 540 bibliography

Meijer, H., ed., ‘Rooms bouwen’, Eltheto 64 (1981) 7–19. Mertens, P.A.M.–A. Peters, ‘Bouwkunst van 1839 tot 1989’, in: J.C.G.M. Jansen, ed., Kunst en cultuur in Limburg, t. II, Maastricht 1989, 135–187. Metz, T., ‘Film over twee profeten van de holistische architectuur’, NRC (28 Apr. 1993) 11. Meulenkamp, W.G.J., ‘De Utrechtse edelsmid Jan Noyons (1918–1982)’, in: P. le Blanc, ed., Kerkelijk zilver. Negen opstellen over kerkelijke zilversmeedkunst, Den Haag 1992, 149–162. Mezger, M., ‘Die Theorie im Dunkeln sieht man nicht’, Eßlinger Zeitung (10 Apr. 2001). Michels, J., ed., Brabant bouwt in Baksteen. Na-oorlogse architectuur in Noord- Brabant 1945–1970, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1993, 11–18. Middendorp, J., Dutch type, Rotterdam 2004. Minnema, L., Bespiegelingen aan het venster. Anthropologische bouwstenen voor een vergelijkend godsdienstwetenschappelijke verheldering van interreligieuze dialoog. Naar aanleiding van K. Nishitani’s boeddhistische en K. Rahners christelijke godsdienstwijsbegeerte, Kampen 1990. Molenaar, N., ‘Om het gouden kalf’, KB 15 (1948) 187–190. ——, ‘R.K. Kerk en klooster ‘De Carmel’’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 273–283. Montaner, J.M., ‘Wiel Arets: Arquitectura Europea después del Postmodernismo / Wiel Arets: European Architecture After Modernism’, El Croquis (1997, nr. 85) 26–31. Moonen, L., Pater Hans van der Laan O.S.B.: zijn werk als monnik van de St. Paulus- abdij te Oosterhout, Vaals 1998. ——, ‘Abdij St. Benedictusberg 1951–2001’, Monastieke informatie 32 (July 2001, nr. 194) 170–191. ——, ‘Abdij St. Benedictusberg’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 2004, Valkenburg aan de Geul 2004, 251–345. ——, ‘Ora et labora. De monniken van de abdij St. Benedictusberg, 1951–2005’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 2005, Valkenburg aan de Geul 2005, 137–304. ——, ‘Das Kloster St. Benediktusberg in Vaals–die Leere des Raums füllen’, in: G. Bayer-Ortmanns–D. M. Meijering, ed., Braucht Glaube Kunst?, Aachen 2006, 86–97. Moors, P., ‘Homilie uitgesproken door zijne hoogwaardige excellentie mgr. Petrus Moors, bisschop van Roermond, tijdens de plechtige consecratie van de Abdijkerk van St. Benedictusberg te Vaals op 4 mei 1968’, Confrontatie (July 1968, nr. 36) 6–9. Moravánszky, A.–K.M. Gyöngy, Architekturtheorie im 20. Jahrhundert. Eine kritische Anthologie, Wien 2003. Müllejans, P., ‘Ein Baudenkmal für Entdecker’, Rheinische Heimatpflege 37 (2000) 299–300. Muller, W., Vormgeven. Ordening en betekenisgeving, Utrecht 1997. Neckritz, A., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, in: U. Schröder, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen-Berlin 20072, 88–91. n.n., ‘Abdij Mamelis krijgt nieuwe koorboeken’, Limburgs Dagblad (28 Jan. 1989) 9. n.n., ‘Abdij Mamelis wordt uitgebreid. Groeiende interesse voor kloosterleven’, Lim- burgs Dagblad (5 Dec. 1984) 13. n.n., ‘Abdij te Mamelis heeft eindelijk een echte kerk’, De Limburger (3 May 1968). n.n., ‘Abdijkerk Mamelis alleen bestemd voor de eredienst’, Limburgs Dagblad (3 May 1968) 27. n.n., ‘Abdijkerk Mamelis geconsacreerd’, De Limburger (6 May 1968). bibliography 541 n.n., ‘Abdijkerk op Benedictusberg wordt imposant bouwwerk’, De Nieuwe Limburger (7 June 1967) 5. n.n., Annuarium Sanctus Virgilius 1926, Delft 1926. n.n., Annuarium Sanctus Virgilius 1927, Delft 1927. n.n., ‘Architect Dom H. van der Laan overleden’, Dagblad voor Noord Limburg (21 Aug. 1991) 13. n.n., ‘Architect/Benedictijn Dom van der Laan (86) in Mamelis overleden’, Limburgs Dagblad (21 Aug. 1991) 17. n.n., ‘‘Architectuur’ in Bonnefantenmuseum: levenswerk Dom van der Laan tot en met 27 juni te bezichtigen’, De Trompetter (19 May 1982). n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 voor Dom Hans vd Laan’, De Limburger (22 Dec. 1988) 3. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs Limburg voor Dom van der Laan’, Dagblad voor Noord Lim- burg (21 Sept. 1989) 26. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs Limburg. Dom Hans van der Laan: eenvoud als stijl’, De Lim- burger (20 Sept. 1989) 2. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs uitgereikt aan Dom van der Laan’, Limburgs Dagblad (23 Sept. 1989) 15. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs voor ‘brouwerij’ Dom Van der Laan’, De Limburger (23 Sept. 1989) 5. n.n., ‘Architectuurprijs voor GAB Valkenburg’, Limburgs Dagblad (9 May 1987). n.n., ‘Architectuurprijzen in Limburg. Stichting bekroont werk pater Van der Laan’, Cobouw 131 (24 Apr. 1987) 5. n.n., ‘Authenticity, not Archeology—Tradition and Today’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) n.p. n.n., ‘Beeldrapportage klooster Roosenberg te Waasmunster’, De Architekt 12 (1981) 117–122 [Archiphoto]. n.n., ‘Benedictijner monnik met architectuurprijs geëerd’, De Volkskrant (22 Sept. 1989) 9. n.n., ‘Benediktinerkloster Mamelis Vaals’, EuriArtes (Apr. 2008) 10–13. n.n., ‘Benediktinisches Leben in Schweden’, Erbe und Auftrag 72 (1996) 256. n.n., ‘Boekennieuws. De architectonische ruimte’, Heemschut (July–Aug. 1978) 145. n.n., ‘Bossche Studiebijeenkomst hedendaagse kerkenbouw. Is kapel te Ronchamp architectuur?’, De Tijd (5 July 1957) 3. n.n., ‘Bouwkunde 15 jaar. Architectuur, modellen en meubels van Dom Hans van der Laan’, th-berichten 25 (10 Dec. 1982) 7. n.n., ‘Cinq manières d’être (ou de ne pas être) moderne’, L’architecture aujourd’hui (Dec. 1999, nr. 325) 42–43. n.n., ‘Collectie-Vander Laan gaat naar museum in Vaals’, De Limburger (23 Mar. 1995) 9. n.n., ‘Commissione per le nuove chiese e le strutture religiose del territorio’, Ambro- sius 81 (2005) 277–281. n.n., ‘Cursus voor kerkelijke bouwkunst. Instelling van de R.K. Leergangen’, De Tijd (14 Dec. 1945) 5. n.n., Abdij Sint Benedictusberg Mamelis Vaals, Maastricht 1980 [Abdij St. Benedic- tusberg]. n.n., ‘De architect als hoeder van de slaap’, De Limburger (30 June 2008) 8. n.n., ‘De Bossche school’, Nov. 2004, in: Handboek metselwerk, Den Haag n.d., 1261- 13–1261-20. n.n., ‘De Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur in ’s-Hertogenbosch’, GB 32 (1950) 83–84. n.n., (P.S.), ‘De refter van de St Paulus-Abdij te Oosterhout’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 407–409. n.n., ‘De tentoonstelling ‘Nederlands Nieuwe Kerken’, Forum (1948) 147. n.n., ‘De wederopbouw van onze kerken’, Bouw, (15 June 1946) 560–561. 542 bibliography n.n., ‘Discussie over kerkelijke architectuur’, Katholiek Archief 15 (1960) 1106–1108. n.n., ‘Dom H. van der Laan (1905)’, in: n.n., Dutch Arts. Architecture in the Nether- lands, Rijswijk 1991, 51–53 [Ministry of Cultural Affairs]. n.n., ‘Dom H. van der Laan’, Telegraaf (9 Apr. 1982) 21. n.n., Dom Hans van der Laan. Architektuurtentoonstelling, Antwerpen 1986. n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in de Singel’, Gazet van Antwerpen (25 Oct. 1986) W17. n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan overleden’, De Limburger (19 Aug. 1991). n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in Mamelis overleden’, De Limburger (21 Aug. 1991) 5. n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan in Waasmunster’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 1–3. n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan overleden’, De Standaard (23 Aug. 1991). n.n., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Harmonie met de natuur’, Telegraaf (7 Mar. 1986) T16. n.n., ‘Dom Van der Laan +’, Bisdomblad ’s-Hertogenbosch 35–36 (30 Aug. 1991). n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan in de Tiendschuur’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (18 Apr. 1986) 5. n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan krijgt architectuurprijs’, Bouw 44 (1989) 4. n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan voor hele oeuvre onderscheiden’, De Trompetter (6 May 1987) 29. n.n., ‘Dom van der Laan’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (8 Feb. 2002) 25. n.n., ‘Drukken koorboeken monnikenwerk’, Limburgs Dagblad (30 Jan. 1989) 5. n.n., (H.S.), ‘Een fraaie tegenstelling in architectuuropvattingen’, De Volkskrant (29 Apr. 1993) 17. n.n., ‘Een Nederlands plan voor Syracuse. Kerk geen gigantische toren maar grote basiliek’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 10. n.n., ‘Eerste schets gereed voor bouw van crypte. Begraafplaats voor stichters’, Lim- burgsch Dagblad (14 Nov. 1957) 2. n.n., ‘Eigen kerk voor abdij Maemelis’, De Tijd (4 May 1968) 6. n.n., ‘Ein historisches Ereignis’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1988, 61–65. n.n., ‘Eine abtei wird zu klein’, Stadt Gottes (12 Dec. 1984) 17. n.n., Ensemble. ‘De kunstcollectie van de Technische Universiteit Eindhoven’ / Ensem- ble. ‘The artcollection of the Eindhoven University of Technology’, Eindhoven 2001 [Kunstcommissie TU/e]. n.n., ‘Expositie over architectuur van Dom v.d. Laan’, NRC (13 Sept. 1982) 6. n.n., ‘Expositie over Benediktijner monnik-architect in Weert. ‘Van der Laan-huis’ ademt rust en ruimte’, Brabants Dagblad (10 May 1986) W2. n.n., ‘Expositie Vaalser monnik in Weert’, Limburgs Dagblad (11 Apr. 1986). n.n., ‘Expositie Van der Laan verlengd’, De Limburger (15 Apr. 2008) 18. n.n., ‘Face-lift abdij. Herstel kerk Mamelis kost twee ton’, Limburgs Dagblad (25 Sept. 1992). n.n., (O.D.W.), ‘Geen ronde vormen in kerk Wijnberg’, Het Volk (29 Oct. 1999). n.n., ‘Gemeente Vaals informatief. Bekendmaking’, Vaalser weekblad (8 June 1984) 1. n.n., (L.v.W.), ‘H. van der Laan, Der architektonische Raum’, Benedictijns Tijdschrift 55 (1994) 88. n.n., ‘H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Praktische theologie (1987) 79. n.n., ‘Hans van der Laan overleden’, De Standaard (22 Aug. 1991) 6. n.n., ‘Heiligdom voor Syracuse. Het doodgewone huis. Klooster een structuurfout’, De Tijd (30 Aug. 1957) 6. n.n., ‘Het afscheid van Prof. Ir. M.J. Granpré Molière aan de Technische Hogeschool’, GB 35 (1953) 71–74. n.n., ‘Het begrijpelijk maken van de ruimte’, Het Landelijk Dagblad 1 (2001) 24–26. n.n., ‘‘Het getal dat levend maakt’ in architectuur van Hans van der Laan’, De Lim- burger (23 Aug. 1991) 9. n.n., ‘Het plastisch getal’, De Volkskrant (12 Oct. 2000) 34. n.n., ‘Hjördlich ödmjuknet hos nunnorna’, Ystads Allehanda (16 Sept. 1991) 10. bibliography 543 n.n., ‘In het Bouwkundig Weekblad’, Katholiek Archief 16 (1961) 589–590. n.n., ‘Internationaal symposium Hans van der Laan in stadhuis Heerlen’, De Trompet- ter (10 Oct. 2001). n.n., ‘Juryrapport’, in: W. Graatsma–H.J.M. Tilmanns, ed., Ailbertusstichting Maas- tricht ter gelegenheid van de toekenning van de Architectuurprijs Limburg 1989 aan Dom Hans van der Laan, Maastricht 1989, n.pp. n.n., ‘Kerk van de maand november’, Kerk en leven (3 Nov. 1999). n.n., (L.T.), ‘Kentering sedert 1956. Kerken van deze tijd. Tentoonstelling in bisschoppelijk museum te Haarlem’, De Tijd-Maasbode (12 Dec. 1959) 3. n.n., ‘Kleine geschiedenis uit de abdij van Mamelis. Bouw van crypte in nabije toekomst’, Limburgsch Dagblad (28 Dec. 1960) 11. n.n., ‘Klooster van Mamelis: Grote toeloop noopt paters tot uitbreiding’, De Limburger (8 May 1984) 7. n.n., ‘Klooster van Mamelis’, Confrontatie (June 1984, nr. 227) 267. n.n., ‘Kroniek mei 1968. Godsdienstig leven’, Maasland 15 (June 1968) 333. n.n., ‘Lezing over Dom v/d Laan’, De Limburger (25 Apr. 1986). n.n., ‘Limburgse abdij wil uitbreiding’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (4 Dec. 1984) 7. n.n., ‘Limburgse monnik bouwt in Zweden een abdij’, De Sleutel 21 (Apr. 1993, nr. 8) 26. n.n., ‘Maquette nieuwbouw Mamelis’, Limburgs Dagblad (6 Dec. 1984). n.n., ‘‘Mariavall’ erste Klostergründung der Benediktinerinnen in Schweden’, Kirchen- zeitung für das Bistum Aachen 20 (1990) 13. n.n., ‘Mededeling’, KB 21 (1953) 42. n.n., (A.B.), ‘‘Mode’ in het nonnenkleed’, De Tijd (30 June 1956) 11. n.n., ‘Moderne kerkbouw’, Kunst en religie 41 (1959) 34. n.n., ‘Monk and master-builder’, Limburg International Magazine 3 (July–Aug. 1982) 16–17, 30–31. n.n., (E.), ‘Monnikenwerk in Beek en Mamelis’, Maas- en Geleenbode (8 Feb. 1989) 10. n.n., ‘Monstrans voor de nieuwe priorij der Benedictijnen te Egmond’, De Maasbode (30 Oct. 1935) 5. n.n., ‘NAi Maastricht toont in ‘Het Menselijk Verblijf’ werk van architect-monnik Dom van der Laan’, Rkkerk.nl 6 (2008) 169. n.n., ‘Nära men ändå så långt ifrån’, Torsdagen (31 Jan. 1991) 8. n.n., ‘Nederland op de Handwerksmesse-Exempla ’77’, Scheppend ambacht 28 (Apr. 1977) 55. n.n., ‘Nieuwe expositie in Gruitpoort. Werk van Dom Hans centraal’, De Gelderlander (5 Sept. 1986). n.n., ‘Nieuwe koorboeken voor abdij Mamelis’, De Limburger (30 Jan. 1989) 5. n.n., ‘Obituary–Dom Hans van der Laan’, Architecture South Africa (Nov.–Dec. 1991) 10. n.n., ‘Onze vernieuwing’, Ter-Liefde Gods 12 (Apr. 1956) 100–104. n.n., ‘Oosterhout’, Studien O.S.B. 48 (1930) 33–34. n.n., ‘Op 4 mei komt Mgr. Moors naar Mamelis. Consecratie van Abdijkerk wordt gedenkwaardige dag voor Zuid-Oost-Hoek’, De Zuid-Oost hoek 5 (May 1968) 1–2. n.n., ‘Oppositie Vaals wil niet betalen voor onderhoud kerken’, De Limburger (29 Sept. 1992) 7. n.n., ‘Paters benediktijnen maken tijdloos drukwerk’, MoDoVanGelder Magazine (Dec. 1988, nr. 5) 4. n.n., ‘Plan voor uitbreiding van de abdij St. Benedictusberg. Eerst crypte, later nieuwe abdijkerk’, Limburgsch Dagblad (2 Oct. 1958) 2. n.n., ‘Prijs voor bouwerij’ Dom Van der Laan’, De Limburger (23 Sept. 1989). n.n., ‘Prijsvraag voor Basiliek te Syracuse’, KB 23 (1955–1956) 282. n.n., ‘Rudolf Schwarz e Hans van der Laan: mostra alla basilica Palladiana di Vicenza: 15 aprile–23 luglio 2000’, Casabella (Apr. 2000, nr. 677) 4. 544 bibliography n.n., (J.K.), ‘Schwedische Benediktiner’, Erbe und Auftrag 70 (1994) 157. n.n., ‘Sombere klanken in het Bossche Kruithuis. Fundamentele en actuele aspecten van de hedendaagse kerkbouw’, De Maasbode (15 July 1957) 3. n.n., ‘‘Spatie’ geeft prijzen en plussen voor architectuur’, De Limburger (28 Apr. 1987) 5. n.n., ‘St. Antipas te Mamelis in altaar ingemetseld’, Limburgs Dagblad (6 May 1968) 5. n.n., ‘Subsidie voor herstel abdijkerk Mamelis’, De Limburger (19 Sept. 1992) 7. n.n., ‘Subsidie voor restauratie abdijkerk’, Vaalser Weekblad (2 Oct. 1992) 2. n.n., ‘The chapel with belltower. Architecture and furniture design by Dom Hans van der Laan’, Himalaya (1982) 6. n.n., The House Book, New York 2001. [Also published as: Id., Het huizenboek, Zwolle 2004] n.n., ‘Toeristische informatie. De abdij Mamelis op de Benedictusberg’, De Zuid- Limburger (10 July 1980). n.n., ‘Twintig mille voor herstel abdijkerk’, Limburgs Dagblad (30 Sept. 1992). n.n., “U hebt een meesterwerk in huis”, De Limburger (30 Aug. 2007) 13. n.n., “U kunt nu een kruisteken maken als u dat wilt”, De Limburger (7 Apr. 2008) 13. n.n., ‘Une etude italienne sur le vêtement sacré’, AE 20 (1951–1952) 154–155. n.n., ‘Vaals denkt aan museum rond werk architect Mamelis’, Limburgs Dagblad (28 Mar. 1995) 13. n.n., ‘Vaals laat plan voor Van der Laan museum los’, Limburgs Dagblad (7 June 1996). n.n., ‘Vaals maakt zich sterk voor collectie Dom van der Laan’, De Limburger (12 Apr. 1995) 7. n.n., ‘Vaals staat nog achter Van der Laan-instituut’, Limburgs Dagblad (25 June 1997) 19. n.n., ‘Van der Laans spirituele architectuur’, De Limburger (1 Mar. 2008) 38. n.n., ‘Verantwoording’, Kunst en religie 39 (1957, nr. 1) 1–2. n.n., ‘Vertraging in wijziging van Kath. kerkbouw. Gebrek aan levend verlangen en religieuze uitdrukkingskracht’, Brabants Dagblad (22 Dec. 1959) 7. n.n., ‘Vient de paraitre: Le nombre plastique’, AE 28 (1960, nr. 112) D. n.n., ‘Vom Benediktshaus zum Benediktskloster’, St. Ansgar, Köln 2009, 71–79. n.n., (S.W.), ‘Vorstin op bezoek in abdij Roosenberg’, De Nieuwe Gids (25 Mar. 1977). n.n., ‘‘Weet u wel dat u een meesterwerk in huis heeft?’’, De Limburger (28 Aug. 2007) 11. n.n., ‘Wenn ein Plan nicht gelingt . . . Benediktinermönche verlassen Östra Sönnerslöv’, St. Ansgar, Köln 1996, 89–91. n.n., ‘Werk Dom van der Laan bekroond’, Limburgs Dagblad (23 Apr. 1977) 15. n.n., ‘Werk van benedictijner monnik op THE’, th-berichten 25 (10 Dec. 1982) 1. n.n., ‘Zingende paters’, Elseviers Magazine (24 Apr. 1982) 159. Nelissen, N.J.M., Strijd om Architectuur in Europa. Een kleine ‘mars’ door de geschiedenis, Nijmegen 2003. Nix, T., ‘Kerkelijke architectuur, prekepraat en lekepraat’, St. Adelbert 8 (1960) 101– 102. ——, ‘Eigen wijsheid’, KB 30 (1963) 586–587. Noyons, W., ed. et al, Jan Noyons. Edelsmid, Rotterdam 2006. Nys, R, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Abbazia a Vaals/Olanda’, Domus (Feb. 1992, nr. 735) 40–49. ——, ‘Benediktinerabtei Vaals, Holland. Hans van der Laan, Architekt und Mönch’, Bauwelt 83 (1992) 586–587. ——, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Pezzi d’arredo e oggetti / Furniture items and objects’, Domus (Jan. 1996, nr. 778) 63–73. O’Donnell, R., ‘Book Reviews’, Architectural Association Files (1994, nr. 36) 74–78. O’Seery, F., ‘De meubels van de monnik’, De morgen (4 Dec. 1999) 82–83. Oirschot, A. van, ‘De Bossche School: geen na-bouw, wel nieuw-bouw’, Monu- menten 7 (1986, nr. 1) 16–17. bibliography 545

Oldenburger, J., ‘De liefde bouwt een woning. Gesprek met Theo Malschaert’,The- matismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 16–18. ——, ‘Bij een beeldje van Niel Steenbergen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 19–21. ——, ‘In memoriam Wim van Hooff (1918–2002). Kleur en architectuur’, Thematis- mos (2003, nr. 2) 10–11. ——, ‘Periode Oosterhout 1927–1968’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 8–9. ——, ‘In memoriam. Hanny van der Laan-Tummers. 1916–2005’, Thematismos (Feb. 2006, nr. 5) 24. ——, ‘De maatverhoudingen geanalyseerd’, Thematismos (Apr. 2007, nr. 6–7) 25–33. Oliemuller, T., ‘Dom Hans v.d. Laan leerde in Leiden architectonisch zien’, Het Binnenhof (23 Dec. 1988) 17. Opmeer, P., ‘Het werk van monnik-architect Dom Hans van der Laan’, Elle wonen 56 (Dec. 2000) 17–22. Oud, H.E., J.J.P. Oud. Architekt 1890–1963, feiten en herinneringen gerangschikt, ’s-Gravenhage 1984. Padovan, R., ‘Laugier to van der Laan’, Architectural Design 49 (1979, nr. 12) 324– 326. ——, ‘H. van der Laan’, AIII Times (1984, nr. 4) 8–9. ——, ‘The Rational Architecture of Hans van der Laan’,Transactions (1984, nr. 5) 28–38. ——, ‘Machines à méditer’, in: R. Achilles–C. Myhrum, ed., Mies van der Rohe: Architect as Educator, Chicago 1986. ——, ‘A Necessary Instrument?’, The Architect (Apr. 1986) 54–57. ——, ‘Measuring and Counting’, The Architect (May 1986) 54–58. ——, ‘Theory and Practice’, The Architect (June 1986) 54–58. ——, Dom Hans van der Laan, architecture and the necessity of limits / Dom Hans van der Laan: architectuur en de noodzaak van begrenzingen, Maastricht 1989. ——, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Nature, art and architecture’, Media Development 3 (1990) 14–17. ——, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan’, The Independent (1 Oct. 1991) 27. ——, ‘Obituary’, The Architectural Review (Oct. 1991) 9. ——, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994. ——, Proportion. Science, philosophy, architecture, London 1999. —— ‘Vitruvius and Dom Hans van der Laan’, in: R. Rolf, ed., Vitruviuscongres, Heer- len 1997. ——, ‘The Plastic Number’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals- Edinburgh 2000, 28–44. ——, ‘After Van der Laan’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 42–76. ——, ‘Reflections on Het vormenspel: Art, Liturgy and Life’, in: P. Bradley, ed.,Liv- ing and correspondences, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 46–73. [Also published as: Id., ‘Het vormenspel: kunst, liturgie en leven’, tr. J. Oldenburger, in: Thematismos (Feb. 2006, nr. 5) 3–16]. ——, Towards universality. Le Corbusier, Mies and De Stijl, London 2002. ——, ‘Dom Hans Van Der Laan and the Plastic Number’, in: K. Williams, ed.–J.F. Rodrigues, Nexus IV: Architecture and Mathematics, Fucecchio 2002, 181–193. Palm, J., Kloosters in Nederland. Plaatsen voor bezinning en inspiratie, Baarn 1991. Panza, P., ‘Tandem Vicenza: Schwarz e Van der Laan alla Basilica Palladiana. Reli- giosi questi architetti’, Corriere della Sera (19 June 2000) 29. Peeters, C.J., ‘Kerkelijke kunst en religieuze kunst’, in: Religieuze kunst vandaag, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1987, 28. Petermeijer, J.P.A., ‘Laan, Dom Hans van der (1904–1991). Architect’, in: J. van Oudheusden, ed., et al., Brabantse biografieën. Levensbeschrijvingen van bekende en onbekende Noordbrabanders, t. III, Meppel-Amsterdam 1995, 72–75. 546 bibliography

Peterse, K., Noorderhof, Amsterdam 1999. Petzolt, S., ‘Vaals (St. Benedictusberg Mamelis-V.)’, in: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche X, Freiburg 2001, 506. Pirenne, L., ‘Initiatief tot bewaarplaats. Studiecentrum ‘Bossche School’ in rijksarchief ?’, Brabantia (May 1988) 7–9. Ploeg-Lowsen, S. van der, ‘Liturgische gewaden’, Weven 11 (Nov. 2000) 27. Post, P., ‘Sacrament van ruimte: notities over het kerkgebouw als sacrament en als ruimte voor liturgie’. Rond de tafel 38 (May 1983) 74–81. ——, ‘Kenterend tij? Een plaatsbepaling van twee kerkontwerpprojecten’, TvL 81 (1997) 199–215. ——, ed., Een ander huis. Kerkarchitectuur na 2000, Baarn 1997. ——, ‘Church Architecture and Liturgy: Current Perspectives for Liturgical Incultura- tion’, in: N. Schreurs–T. Plastow, ed., Juxtaposing contexts. Doing contextual theology in South Africa and in the Netherlands, Pietermaritzburg 2003, 162–187. ——, ‘Raum für Liturgie zwischen dynamischem Ideal und statischer Wirklichkeit. Eine Untersuchung aus der Perspektive des ‘materiellen Christentums’’, LJ 54 (2004) 104–118. Pouderoyen, B.J.M.M., ‘Architectuur en Muziek’, Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans, 21 (1996, nr. 3), 101–112. ——, ‘Architectuur en Muziek’, Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans, 22 (1997, nr. 2) 42–47. Pouderoyen, C., ‘Christelijke bouwkunst’, KB 14 (1947) 121–125. ——, ‘Over schaal’, KB (1947) 195–196. ——, ‘Een onvriendelijk Sinterklaasvers’, KB 16 (1948) 48. ——, ‘Kenmerkende vormen van de elementen van de kerkbouw’, KB 16 (1948–1949) 21–23. ——, ‘Moderne kerkelijke architectuur’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 309–311. ——, ‘Liturgie, theologie en kerkbouw’, Roeping 34 (1958, nr. 6) 309–314. Pouderoyen, D., ‘Inwendige en uitwendige factoren bij het bouwen’, Futura 15 (1980, nr. 6) 5–12. ——, ‘Verkenning van de stedelijke ruimte’, Futura 16 (1981, nr. 6) 2–10. ——, ‘Nature and Architecture: A Vision on Green Urban Development’, in: P. Brad- ley, ed., Art, Nature and Mathematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 66–90. ——, ‘Van der Laan in a Dutch Context’, in: P. Bradley, ed., The Line under the Spell of its Measure, Vaals-Edinburgh 2001, 20–41. ——, ‘Rationele en poëtische maatstaven’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 8–10. ——, ‘Over matenstelsels’, Thematismos (Dec. 2003, nr. 2) 6–9. ——, ‘Over matenstelsels II’, Thematismos (May 2004, nr. 3) 18–21. ——, ‘Van der Laan en het Nieuwe Bouwen’, Thematismos (Dec. 2004, nr. 4) 3–7. ——, ‘De windwijzer’, Thematismos (Feb. 2006, nr. 5) 22–23. ——, ‘Een theorie van het maken’, Thematismos (Dec. 2007, nr. 8) 1–4. ——, ‘De binnenhof van de abdij Roosenberg als stadsplein: sporen van een stedenbouwkundige theorie in ontwikkeling’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 12–17. Pouls, J., Ware schoonheid of louter praal. De Bisschoppelijke Bouwcommissie van Roermond en de kerkelijke kunst van Limburg in de twintigste eeuw, Maastricht 2002. ——, ‘Bossche School’, in: G. Harinck, Christelijke Encyclopedie, t. I, Kampen 2005, 236–237. ——, ‘Laan, Hans van der’, in: G. Harinck, ed., Christelijke Encyclopedie, t. II, Kampen 2005, 1078–1079. Prinsloo, I., ‘Homage to Genius and Wisdom: Le Corbusier and Dom Hans van der Laan. Towards a comparative study of La Tourette and St Benedictusberg’, Archi- tecture South Africa (Jan.–Feb. 1988) 31–39. Pronk, P., Bodar. De binnenzijde van een omstreden priester, Kampen 2004. Putte, A. van de, ‘H. Van der Laan, De Architectonische Ruimte’, Tijdschrift voor Filosofie 40 (1978) 541. bibliography 547

Rademaker, C.S.M.–A. Verdaasdonk, Een kleine kerkgeschiedenis. Sint Willibrords- kerk in Zierikzee, Zierikzee 1995. Raemdonck, H., ‘Architectuur en levensbeschouwing’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 38–47. ——, Roosenbergabdij Waasmunster. Getuige van trouw aan traditie en vernieuwing, Antwerpen 2008. Ravesteyn, S. van, ‘De doorbraak naar de St. Pieter te Rome (Via della Concilia- zione)’, Forum 7 (Mar. 1952, nr. 3) 76–111. Rees, E., ‘Geometry in Art and Nature’, in: P. Bradley, ed., Art, Nature and Math- ematics, Vaals-Edinburgh 2000, 92–102. Régamey, P.R., Art sacré au XXe siècle?, Paris 1952. Reijgersberg, J.N., (P. Constantinus), ‘Terug naar de Romantiek’, TvL 36 (1952) 40–43. ——, ‘Basilicale Romantiek: in de twintigste eeuw!’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (29 Mar. 1952) 7. ——, ‘Romantiek in de moderne Kerkbouw’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (14 June 1952) 7. ——, ‘Drie richtingen in de moderne Nederlandse kerkbouw. Huiver voor het gebruik van beton’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (24 Dec. 1952) 9. ——, ‘Een kleine opheldering’, TvL 37 (1953) 44–45. ——, ‘Richtingen in de naoorlogse katholieke kerkbouw in Nederland’, Katholiek archief 8 (1953) 994–1004. ——, ‘Moderne Nederlandse kerkbouw’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (10 Jan. 1953) 7–8. ——, ‘Talrijke kerken, talrijke stijlen. Honderd jaar kerkelijke architectuur’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (9 May 1953) 11. ——, ‘Geef ons kerktorens! Beter een halve toren dan helemaal géén . . .’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (11 Apr. 1953) 8. ——, ‘Hedendaagse kerkbouw in Nederland. De basiliekbouw van de ‘Bossche richting’ getuigt van een eenzijdige kijk op kunst en leven’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (24 Dec. 1953) 11. ——, ‘Het compositieprobleem in de kerkelijke architectuur’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (23 Jan. 1954) 8. ——, ‘Nieuwe stromingen bij kerkbouw en kerkinrichting (Theologische en Liturgi- sche verantwoording)’, GB 36 (1954) 35–42. ——, ‘Kerkelijke bouwkunst’, in: A.M. Heidt, Catholica. Geïllustreerd encyclopedisch vademecum voor het katholieke leven, ‘s-Gravenhage 1955, 557–566. ——, ‘De Bossche richting en Syracuse. De Basiliekstijl is zijn eigen weg gegaan’, De Tijd (31 July 1957) 5. ——, ‘Prof. F. van der Meer over Kerkbouw’, De Stem (20 Nov. 1957) 5. ——, Kunst in dienst van de Kerk, Helmond 1958. ——, Eigentijdse liturgische kunst, Rotterdam 1961. Reinshagen, P., ‘Gulden snede en het plastische getal’, Delft Integraal 15 (1999, nr. 6) 19–21. Reissner, H., ‘Nur Eines ist notwendig. Die Abtei St. Benedictusberg bei Vaals’, Grosser Ruf (Oct. 1980) 130–131. Remery, M.P., ‘Inleiding’, in: HvdL, Negen brieven van de architect over de bouw van het klooster Roosenberg, Vaals 20082, 1–2. ——, ‘Celebratie ad orientem of versus populum? Frits van der Meer en Hans van der Laan over de oriëntatie van het kerkgebouw’, TvL 94 (2010, nr. 6) 324–337. ——, ‘The influence of Solesmes on the theory of Dom Hans van der Laan osb on liturgy and architecture’, Jaarboek voor liturgie-onderzoek 26 (2010) [in preparation]. Remoortere, J. van, ‘Abdij Roosenberg. Waasmunster’, in: Abdijengids voor België, Tielt 1995. Rhowbotham, K., ‘Argumentation by numbers’, Building Design (18 Nov. 1983, nr. 666) 26. ——, ‘Richard Padovan lectured on Van der Laan at the RIBA. Rational thinking’, Building Design (18 Nov. 1983, nr. 666) 2. 548 bibliography

Rietveld, G., ‘Boekbespreking’, BW 78 (2 Sept. 1960) 403. Robbertz, R., ‘St. Benedictusberg. Architectuur voor feilbare wezens’, Desipientia 13 (Sept. 2006) 40–43. Roefs, J., ‘Tektonische duizeligheid. Essay architectuur: filosofie en kritiek’, Chepos (June 2006, nr. 6) 24–27. Romijn, C., ‘Meubels van Limburgs dubbeltalent’, Limburgs Dagblad (4 Mar. 2000) 35. Roodnat, J., ‘Luchtige, wonderschone film over attractieve koperblazers’,NRC (29 Jan. 1993) kunst 7. Rooij, A.J.J. van, ‘Het Mariaheiligdom voor Syracuse. Een prijsvraag die problemen oproept’, De Maasbode (20 July 1957) W1. ——, ‘Discussies rond de kerkelijke architectuur. Orthodox werk uit de Bossche School’, KB 27 (1960) 301–316. ——, ‘Kerk. Baken langs de weg der mensheid’, De Stem (17 Feb. 1962) 9. ——, ‘Realiteitszin en kerkelijke architectuur’, De Stem (17 Mar. 1962) 9. ——, ‘Redeneren en creativiteit in kerkelijke architectuur’, De Stem (13 Apr. 1962) 9. ——, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur in het Bredase bisdom’, De Stem (18 May 1962) 2. Rooij, H. van, ‘Bossche School van benedictijner monnik krijgt internationaal meer belangstelling’, Bisdomblad (29 July 1988) 8. Roos, R., ‘Luxemburger Rob Krier zet trend: gezellig bouwen’, Trouw (18 Jan. 2000) 15. Rooy, J. van, Nederlandse kerkbouw op een keerpunt, Haarlem 1960. Rooy, M. van, ‘De parabel van de sandaal’, NRC (7 May 1982) CS 1–2 [Also published as: Id., Het verhaal van de architectuur, Amsterdam-Rotterdam 2007, 21–28]. ——, ‘Volmaakte kapitalen’, NRC (27 May 1983) CS 2. ——, ‘Dom van der Laan 1904–1991. Het ware menselijke verblijf’, NRC (20 Aug. 1991) 8. ——, Het verhaal van de architectuur, Amsterdam-Rotterdam 2007. Rosenberg, H.P., De 19 e eeuwse kerkelijke bouwkunst in Nederland, ’s-Gravenhage 1972. Rothmann, K., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Der Architektonische Raum’, in: U. Schrö- der, ed., RaumTheorie TheorieRaum. Der Architektonische Raum, t. I–II, Tübingen- Berlin 20072, 96–97. Roy van Zuydewijn, N. de, MonumentenReisboek van Nederland. Deel: Zeeland, Noord-Brabant en Limburg, Den Haag 1991, 250–251. Ruler, D.A. van, ‘Het abc van de architectuur’, Plan 12 (Jan. 1981) 5. Ryan, R., ‘Plastic arts—Academy of the Arts building in Maastricht, Netherlands’, The Architectural Review (Sept. 1995) 48–52. Sainz Gutierrez, V., ‘El retorno a los origines. Raices de la arquitectura de Hans van der Laan’, Revista de filosofía(2007, nr. 38) 132–148. Salden, J.J.E., ‘Gedanken von Dom H. van der Laan O.S.B. zum Thema ‘Handwerk und Kirche’, Exempla ’77, 25–27, 81–81 [Catalogue]. Sangiorgi, M., ‘Il tema architettonico dell’edificio religioso centro dell’arte del costruire’, L’Osservatore Romano (28 May 2000) 3. Sarlemijn, G.J.M., ‘De plastische en ruimtelijke elementen van het kerkgebouw’, KB 16 (30 Oct. 1948) 13–15. ——, ‘De vernieuwing der kerkelijke architectuur na de oorlog’, KB 20 (1952–1953) 339–348. ——, ‘Une voie nouvelle pour l’architecture des églises, AE (1956) 117–124. Schacher, M. von, ‘Spröde Klötze und Einblicke’, Stuttgarter Nachrichten (20 Apr. 2001). Schaik, T. van, ‘Stempel van de ‘sacristie’ op benedictijnen in Vaals’, Trouw (14 Nov. 2001) 14. ——, Gebouwd op geloof. Monumenten van religie, Amsterdam 2005. Schmid, P., ‘Dom Van der Laan in memoriam’, Gezond Bouwen & Wonen 5 (4 Oct. 1991) 19. bibliography 549

Schmidt, P., ‘Geloof en kunst’, TvL 85 (2001) 4–13. Schnell, H., ‘Der internationale Wetteberwerb in Syrakus für den Bauern Wall- fahrtskirche der ‘Weinenden Madonna’’, Das Münster 10 (1957) 188. Schoot, A. van der, ‘Rationality and irrationality in architecture’, in: F. van Peper- straten, ed., Jaarboek voor esthetica, Tilburg 2001, 200–211. Schouten, P., ‘Design uit het klooster’, BN/De Stem (12 Feb. 2000) 696. Schouw, T., Muzikaal, kleurrijk en vol taal. Fragmenten uit het leven van de Katho- lieke Leergangen, Tilburg 1997. Schreurs, J., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan bouwt zich een wereld’, De Standaard (25 Nov. 1986) 7. Schwartz, R., ‘Architecten als pelgrims. Mariaheiligdom voor Syracuse. Bekroond ontwerp ontstaan uit de beste tradities der Franse architectuur’, De Tijd (13 July 1957) 9–10. Severus, E. von, ‘H. van der Laan. Het vormenspel der liturgie’, Archiv für Liturgie- wissenschaft 29 (1987) 114–115. Shannon, K., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive’, Domus (Jan. 1996, nr. 778) 114–115. Siebers, A., ‘Nieuwe stromingen in de kerkbouw’, KB 17 (1950) 277–279. ——, ‘Kerkenbouw is te vondeling gelegd. Wat te denken van de nieuwe architectuur?’, De Stem (3 Mar. 1962) 9. ——, ‘Antwoord aan mr. A.J.J. van Rooy. Bouwkunst kan niet alles en nog wat uitdrukken’, De Stem (4 Apr. 1962) 11. ——, ‘Kerkelijke architectuur in het Bisdom Breda’, De Stem (8 May 1962) 7. —— –W.M. van Dael, ‘Uitbreiding van het klein seminarie Ypelaar te Breda’, BW 81 (28 June 1963) 209–212. Slingerland, M., Word toch katholiek. Praktische handreiking bij een innerlijk proces, Baarn 2003. Slootmans, C., ‘‘Het nieuwe Brabant’. Veelbelovend eerste deel van belangrijk standaardwerk’, De Nieuwe Eeuw (7 Mar. 1953). Smeets, A., ‘Pleidooi voor de ‘liturgische’ kerk’, Vlaanderen (Sept.–Oct. 1971) 278, 295 [Contains a selection from the interview by G. van Hoof–A. Mertens, ‘Wederdoper der architektuur bouwde in Vaals abdijkerk’, Standaard der letteren (9 Apr. 1971)]. Smit, G., ‘Kerkelijke bouwkunst of bouwkunde?’, Roeping 28 (1951–1952) 263–267 [Also published in: KB 19 (1951–1952) 348]. Soemers, P., ‘In memoriam Dom Hans van der Laan’, Monastieke informatie 22 (Nov. 1991) 249–252. Spapens, W.M.M., Bredase kerken door de eeuwen heen, Breda 2008. Spits, P.L., ‘Beton in Beeld’, Cement 35 (1983) 733–742. Staal, C., ‘Aanwinsten uit de Sint-Paulusabdij’, Catharijnebrief 25 (Sept. 2006) 8–9. Stamps, A.E., ‘Architectural detail. Van der Laan septaves and pixel counts’, Design Studies 20 (Jan. 1999) 83–97. Steenhuis, M., Pieter Buys. Maken en laten. Tuin- en landschapsarchitect, Rotterdam 2008. Stegers, R., Sacred Buildings. A Design Manual, Basel-Boston-Berlin 2008 [also published as Id., Entwurfsatlas Sakralbau, Basel-Boston-Berlin 2008]. Stijfs, J., ‘‘Manutius’ maakt werk van bibliofiele reeks’,De Limburger (25 May 1989) 2. ——, ‘Expositie over Limburg en boekdrukkunst. Van bloedend perehout, boeken en betontegels’, De Limburger (22 Oct. 1991) 9. Stock, W.J., ed., Europäischer Kirchenbau 1950–2000 / European Church Architecture, Munich-Berlin-London-New York 2002. ——, Architekturführer: christliche Sakralbauten in Europa seit 1950 / Architectural guide: Christian sacred buildings in Europe since 1950, München 2004. Stouw, D. van der, ‘Van architectuur naar liturgie’, Nederlands Dagblad (20 Nov. 1991) 9, 11. 550 bibliography

Strauven, F., Aldo van Eyck. Relativiteit en verbeelding, Amsterdam 1994. Struyker Boudier, C.E.M., Wijsgerig leven in Nederland, België en Luxemburg 1880– 1980, t. IV, Een zwerm getuigen, Nijmegen-Baarn 1988. Suso Frank, K., ‘Laan, Hans van der’, in: LThK, t. XI, Freiburg 2001, 167. Sutfin, E.J., ‘The Chasuble in the Roman Rite’, Liturgical arts 24 (1956) 76–99. ——, ‘How to Make a Chasuble’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 66–74, 79–80. ——, ‘A Footnote on How to Wear the Chasuble’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 80–82. ——, ‘Some Travel Notes’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 82–85. ——, ‘To the Editor of Liturgical Arts’, Liturgical arts 25 (1957) 86–88. Svensson, T., ‘1500 ar gamla regler gäller för munkarna’, Kristlands Bladet (7 Apr. 1993). Swiers, J., ‘Dom Hans van der Laan. Het plastische getal’, in: Tien jaar papierdruk, ’s-Gravenhage 2007 [Althaea Pers]. Swinkels, N., ‘Inspirator Bossche school op 86–jarige leeftijd overleden. Architect Dom van der Laan een gedreven onderzoeker’, Brabants Dagblad (21 Aug. 1991) 9. Synghel, K. van, ‘Architektuur als een monnikspij’, De Standaard Magazine 3 (3 Mar. 1995) 16–18. Szénassy, I., ed., Kunst in het Bonnefantenmuseum, Maastricht 1984. Takens, D.C., ‘De bouwgeschiedenis van de abdij St. Benedictusberg in Mamelis’, in: Fr.G.H.M. Crutzen, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 1997, Valkenburg aan de Geul 1997, 78–140. ——, ‘Architectuur- en cultuurhistorische achtergronden van abdij St. Benedictus- berg’, in: R.P.W.J.M. Van der Heijden, ed., Historische en Heemkundige Studies in en rond het Geuldal. Jaarboek 1998, Valkenburg aan de Geul 1998, 47–100. Tavella, P., ‘Hans van der Lann [sic], La forma. Natura, cultura e liturgia nella vita umana’, EO 18 (2001) 106–107. Thunnissen, H., ‘Nieuwe stromingen in de Rooms-Katholieke kerkbouw in Neder- land’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 47–53. ——, ‘De Kerkelijke Kunst in Nederland tijdens de Eeuw van de herstelde Hiërarchie’, GB 35 (1953) 1–10. ——, ‘De academie voor kerkelijke kunst te ’s-Hertogenbosch’, GB 35 (1953) 75–76. Tietz, J., Was ist Gute Architektur? 21 Antworten, München 2006. Tijen, W. van, ‘De vier uren van de moderne architectuur’, Plan 1 (1970, nr. 9) 531–552. ——, ‘Prof. ir. M.J. Granpré Molière’, Plan 3 (1972, nr. 6) 21–24. ——, ‘Discussie over de betekenis van Granpré Molière’, Plan 3 (1972, nr. 6) 24–37. Tillema, J.A.C., ‘Repliek’, KB 17 (24 May 1952) 260–263. ——, ‘Vragen’, KB 19 (1951–1952) 312–314. Toolen, A. van der, ‘De strenge schoonheid van dom Hans van der Laan’, Lim- burgsch Dagblad (20 Apr. 2002). Trappeniers, M., ‘Aanwinst. Maquette ‘Huis Naalden’ in Best, gebouwd naar ontwerp van Dom Hans van der Laan o.s.b., in 1982’, Noordbrabants Museum Nieuws 2 (Dec. 1986) 3–4. Triest, G., ‘Abdij Roosenberg (Waasmunster)’, Hemaco info / Schakels (July 1991) 63–64. Tromp, T., ‘Dom van der Laan over liturgie’, Tijdschrift voor Gregoriaans11 (June 1986) 22–25. Tuinstra, W.–H. Petermeijer, 50 jaar architectuuronderwijs. De geschiedenis van de architectenopleiding in Tilburg, Tilburg 1987. Tummers, L.J.M., ‘Van der Laan-studiedag in Delft’, Thematismos (Mar. 2003, nr. 1) 11–13. —— –J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, Het land in de stad. De stedebouw van de grote agglomeratie, Bussum 1997. —— –J.M. Tummers-Zuurmond, ed., Abdijkerk te Vaals, Leuth 2005. bibliography 551

Tyra, A., ‘Der Traum von einem Kloster’, Informationen zur Katholischen Kirche in den nordischen Ländern, Ansgar-werk des Bistums Munster (1988, nr. 1). Vaart, F.J. van der, ‘Hoe een Bossche School kon ontstaan en aanleiding was tot heftige discussie’, Boschboombladeren (1991, nr. 39) 1–56. ——, Bedelordekloosters. ’s-Hertogenbosch en de Bossche School: studies over architectuur en stedenbouw, Nijmegen 1999. Valentijn, D., ed., et al., De Wederopbouw. Haagse gids voor architectuur en stedebouw in de periode 1945–1965, Den Haag 2002. Vastrick, W., ‘Van der Laan en De Bossche School’, Brabants Dagblad (28 Sept. 1982) 13. ——, ‘Ideeën Dom Van der Laan grondslag Bossche School’, Eindhovens Dagblad (20 Oct. 1982) 11. ——, ‘De natuur doorgezet in de bouw’, Het nieuwsblad van het zuiden (23 Oct. 1982) 17. Velzen, Th. van, ‘De Kerkelijke Kunst in Nederland tijdens de Eeuw der herstelde Hiërarchie’, GB 35 (1953) 27–39. Verde, P., ‘Ampliamento dell’abbazia di San Benedetto a Vaals (Olanda)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 50–54. ——, ‘Convento per le suore francescane a Waasmunster-Roosenberg (Belgio)’, Casa- bella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 56–59. ——, ‘Casa Naalden a Best (Olanda)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 60–61. ——, ‘Abbazia benedettina a Tomelilla (Svezia)’, Casabella (Apr. 1996, nr. 634) 62–67. Verdonk, J., ‘De weloverwogen, kunstzinnige verhoudingen in de architectuur van Dom Hans’, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (24 Mar. 1995) 9. Verheul, A., ‘Een nieuw priesterlijk ambtsgewaad’, TvL 51 (1967) 192–193. ——, ‘Dom H. van der Laan, Het vormenspel der liturgie’, TvL 70 (1986) 351. Vermeulen, A.H.J.M., ‘R.-k. kerk te Heelsum’, BW 80 (30 Nov. 1962) 489–493. Verwiel, H., ‘Handwerksmesse Muenchen 1977. Exempla-prijs voor Nederlandse edelsmid Jan Noyons’, Scheppend ambacht 28 (June 1977) 64–65. Voet, C., ‘Huizen voor de geest. Expressieve architectuur van Dom Hans van der Laan’, Tertio (16 May 2007, nr. 379) 12. ——, ‘Abdij Roosenberg IV: een huis voor de geest’, Thematismos (Dec. 2008, nr. 9–10) 18–27. ——, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan en zijn publicaties der kerkelijke architectuur in L’Art d’Eglise’, in: D. Bauer–M. Bauer, ed., Cum tanta sit in amicizia vera perfectio. Liber amicorum Raoul Bauer, Kapellen 2009, 102–133. Votolato, G., ‘The Sacred Art of a new Dutch Humanist’,The Independent (14 Feb. 1990) 20. Vriend, J.J., Nieuwere Architectuur. Beknopt overzicht van de ontwikkeling der architectuur van 1800 tot heden, Bussum 1957. ——, ‘Netherlands’, in: G. Hatje–W. Pehnt, ed., Encyclopaedia of modern architecture, London 1963, 209–213. ——, Links bouwen, rechts bouwen. Aantekeningen over architectuur en politiek, Amsterdam 1974. Vries, M. de, ‘De stille kracht van Dom van der Laan’, Het Parool (26 Nov. 1993) 19. Vyvere, P. vande, ‘Lode van den Broeck. ‘De noodzaak van architectuur voor meer menselijkheid’’, Kerk en leven (11 June 1997) 3. Wagenaar, A., ‘Edele eenvoud in de hof van de Dom’, Haagsche Courant (21 Jan. 1989) 48. Wagenaar, C., Tussen grandezza en schavot. De ontwerpen van Granpré Molière voor de wederopbouw van Groningen, Groningen 1991. Wallis de Vries, G.–H. Vekemans, ‘Dominikus Böhm en Martin Weber, Dom Hans van der Laan. Abdij St. Benedictusberg’, in: H.E.M. Berens–D.L. Camp, ed., Baksteen in Nederland, Den Haag 1991, 173–188. 552 bibliography

Waterkamp, J.M.J., ‘Uit Boek en Tijdschrift’, GB 34 (1952, nr. 3) 52–55. Wesseling, J., ‘Een klooster als Gesamtkunstwerk. Ontwerpen van Donald Judd en dom Van der Laan’, NRC (10 Dec. 1993) CS4. Wetten, H. van, ed., Herbouw gedachteniskapel St. Jozef Helmond, Helmond 1995. Wijnen, K., ‘Jan de Jong. Vurig aanhanger van Bossche School’, Brabants Dagblad (3 Aug. 2001) 15. Willems, J., ‘Monnik-architect Dom H. van der Laan: Ik heb al m’n wijsheid uit de sacristiela getrokken’, Bisdomblad ’s-Hertogenbosch ed. West 60 (22 Oct. 1982) 6–7. Winterhager, U., ‘Maastricht. Dom Hans van der Laan’, Bauwelt 92 (12 Jan. 2001) 4. Witman, B., ‘Alle zintuigen tintelen tegelijk’, Volkskrant (26 Oct. 2000) 26. Wolf, W. de, ‘Kazuifel’, in: L. Brinkhoff, ed., et al., Liturgisch Woordenboek, t. I, Roermond 1968, 1248–1249. Wylde, D., ‘Hans van der Laan’, Building Design (27 Sept. 1991) 10. Zaal, R., ‘Hotspot Holland. ‘Indrukwekkend in al zijn absoluutheid’’, Metro (14 Jan. 2010) 18. Zeijl, G. van, ed., Architectuur in zuidoost Brabant, s.l. 1987, 156–157. Zielhorst, A., ‘Gregoriaans en liturgie. Een studieweek op Queekhoven’, Mens en melodie (1976) 274–279. Zijlmans, B., ‘Geertruidenberg verliest opnieuw een oud geslacht’, De Dongebode (4 Dec. 1978) 75–104 [Oudheidkundige Kring ‘Geertruydenberghe’].

Secondary literature in general Abruzzini, E., ‘Architettura’, in: D. Sartore–A.M. Triacca, ed, Nuovo dizionario di liturgia, Roma 1984. Acken, J. van, Christozentrische Kirchekunst. Ein Entwurf zum liturgischen Gesamt- kunstwerk, Gladbeck 1922. Adam, G., ‘Kirchenpädagogik. Zu Ansatz und Perspektive eines gemeindepädago- gischen Neuaufbruchs’, BL 74 (2001) 91–101. Ael, J. van–G. Aerden, ‘Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. God die afdaalt om de mensen te verheffen’, Monastieke informatie 38 (Mar. 2007) 54–63. Alberdingk Thijm, J.A., De heilige linie. Proeve over de Oostwaardsche richting van kerk en altaar als hoofdbeginsel der kerkelijke bouwkunst, Amsterdam 1858. ——, Geen kerkelijke bouwkunst zonder oriëntatie: een woord tot allen die belang stellen in onzen hedendaagschen kerkbouw, Amsterdam 1859. Alberti, L.B., De Re Aedificatoria, ed: On the Art of Building in Ten Books, J. Rykwert ed., et al, London 1988. Aldazabal, J., ‘El espacio de la iglesia y su pedagogia mistagogica’, Phase 33 (1993, nr. 193) 53–68. Andia, Y. de, ‘Pseudo-Denys’, in: J.-Y.Lacoste, Dictionnaire critique de théologie, Paris 2002. Andriesen, P., ‘De derde dag verrezen uit de doden’, De Tijd (2 Apr. 1969) 12. Arnau-García, R., ‘Leyendo al Cardenal Ratzinger. Nota sobre ‘El espíritu de la liturgia. Una introducción’’, Anales Valentinos 27 (2001) 399–407. Bank, J. Th., ‘Les églises chrétiennes aux Pays-Bas’, in: J.-M. Mayeur, et al., Histoire du Christianisme des origines à nos jours, t. XII, Guerres mondiales et totalitarismes (1914–1958), Paris 1990, 523–537. Bassi, C., ‘Tre capitoli per una meditazione sull’architettura della chiesa’, Humanitas 44 (1989) 477–485. Bauer, O., ‘Lettre ouverte à propos de L’esprit de la liturgie, ouvrage du cardinal Joseph Ratzinger’, RTP (2003, nr. 135) 241–251. Bauer, R.F., ‘Vernieuwing in de religieuze architectuur en de prijsvraag van Syracuse’, BW 75 (1957) 485–489. Beauduin, L., La pieté de l’Église. Principes et faits, Louvain 1914. Beekman, A., De oud-christelijke basiliek, Oosterhout 1930. bibliography 553

Bekink, C.H., ‘Bespreking eindproject cursus voor kerkelijke architectuur’, KB 30 (1963) 505–508. Bellot, P., Propos d’un batisseur du Bon Dieu, Montréal 1948. Berends, J., ‘Vijftig jaar Benedictijns leven in de Slangenburg 1945–1995’, Tijdschrift van de oudheidkundige kring ‘Deutekom’ en de oudheidkundige verenigingen ‘Sale- hem’ en ‘Gander’ 19 (1995) 57–84. Berens, H.E.M., ed., et al., P.J.H. Cuypers (1827–1921). Het complete werk, Rotterdam 2007. Berlage, H.P., Schoonheid in samenleving, Rotterdam 1919. Berman, R.A., ‘Dubois at Eisenach, Adams at Chartres, Stanford in Florence’, RTF 8 (1997) 349–362. Besemer, J., Opdat de ruimt meeviert. Werkboek (her)inrichting liturgische ruimten, Rotterdam 2006. Beukering, F.C., De Mis, Amsterdam 1939. ——, In de kerk, Amsterdam 1940. Biffi, I., ‘Lo spazio sacro: luogo e simbolo della comunità cristiana’, Ambrosius 61 (1985) 392–404. Billot, L., De Deo Uno et Trino. Commentarius in primam partem S. Thomae, Roma 1920. Blaauw, S. de, Cultus et decor. Liturgie en architectuur in laatantiek en middeleeuws Rome: Basilica Salvatoris, Sanctae Mariae, Sancti Petri, Delft 1987. ——, Bouwen naar boven. De Sint Odulphuskerk van Bakhuizen 1857–1914–1989, Bakhuizen-Leeuwarden 1989. ——, ‘The solitary celebration of the supreme pontiff. The Lateran basilica as the new temple in the medieval liturgy of Maundy Thursday’, in: C. Caspers–M. Schnei- ders, ed., Omnes circumadstantes. Contributions towards a history on the role of the people in the liturgy, Kampen 1990, 121–143. ——, ‘Architecture and liturgy in late antiquity and the middle ages. Traditions and trends in modern scholarship’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 33 (1991) 1–34. ——, ‘De (her)inrichting van liturgische ruimten’, Eredienstvaardig 15 (1991) 112– 116. ——, Met het oog op het licht: een vergeten principe in de oriëntatie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw, Nijmegen 2000. ——, ‘De kathedraal van Groningen’, in: J.E.A. Kroesen, ed., Religieuze ruimte. Kerk- bouw, kerkinrichting en religieuze kunst, Zoetermeer 2002, 23–40. Blankesteijn, H.R.–W.G. Overbosch, Een hut om in te schuilen. Kerken van nu en morgen, Baarn 1964. ——, Heilige huizen. Over het bouwen, inrichten en herinrichten van een kerk, Zoeter- meer 1998. Bleeckere, S. de, ‘Bernard van Clairvaux, architect van het moderne iconoclasme’, Novi Monasterii 2 (2004) 15–101. Blijdenstijn, R.–R. Stenvert, Bouwstijlen in Nederland. 1040–1940, Nijmegen- Amsterdam 2004. Blijstra, R., Nederlandse bouwkunst na 1900, Utrecht-Antwerpen 1962. Blondel, M., L’action. Essai d’une critique de la vie et d’une science de la pratique, Paris 1893. ——, ‘Le procès de l’Intelligence’, La journée nouvelle 19 (1921) 30–39, 115–133, 409– 419; bound in: Id., Le Procès de l’Intelligence, Paris 1922, 217–306. ——, La Pensee, t. I–II, Paris 1934–1935. ——, L’être et les êtres: essaie d’un ontologie concrète et intégrale, Paris 1935. ——, L’action, t. I–II, Paris 1936–1937. ——, Carnets intimes (1883–1894), Paris 1961. ——, ‘Documents sur la soutenance’, in: Oeuvres complètes. 1893 Les deux thèses, t. I, Paris 1995, 691–745. Boer, J.A.M. den, ‘Moderne bouwkunst’, GB 21 (1938) 149–152. 554 bibliography

Boer, N., Confessio et Pulchritudo. Belijdenis en schoonheid. Commentaar op de Gre- goriaanse Mis- en Officiegezangen, t. I–IX, Rotterdam 1952–1954. Boespflug, F., ‘Retable et autel: alliance ou concurrence? ’, MD (2005, nr. 243) 107– 132. Boland, A., ‘Les Jésuites, Dom Guéranger et Solesmes’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 289–299. Bollnow, O.F., Mensch und Raum, Stuttgart 1963. Boulenger, A., ‘Vestis’, in: C. Daremberg–E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Greques et Romaines. D’apres les textes et les monuments, t. V, Paris 1919, 764– 771. Bouyer, L., Le rite et l’homme. Sacralité naturelle et liturgie, Paris 1962. ——, Architecture et liturgie, tr. G. Lecourt, Paris 1967, 19912. Boyer, C., Handboek der wijsbegeerte, t. II, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1947, 112–125. Brambilla, F.G., ‘Lo spazio liturgico luogo della ‘fede’’, RPL 40 (2002, nr. 230) 3–13. Braun, J., Winke für die Anfertigung und Verzierung der Paramente, Freiburg im Breisgau 1904. ——, Die liturgische gewandung im occident und orient nach ursprung und entwicklung, verwendung und symbolik, Freiburg im Breisgau 1907. Bréhier, E., Histoire de la Philosophie, t. I, Paris 1991. Brom, G., Herleving van de kerkelike kunst in katholiek Nederland, Leiden 1933. Broughton, L., ‘Architecture’, in: J.-Y.Lacoste, Dictionnaire critique de théologie, Paris 2002. Bruyère, C., La vie spirituelle et l’oraison d’après l’Ecriture Sainte et la tradition monastique, Solesmes 1885. Bürki, B., ‘L’église–Lieu d’une communauté célébrante’, MD (1994, nr. 197) 9–23. Butler, H.C., ed., Early Churches in Syria. Fourth to Seventh Centuries, Leiden 1929. Cardine, E., Première Année de Chant Grégorien, Solesmes 1975. Casel, O., Die Liturgie als Mysterienfeier, Freiburg 1922. Champigneulle, B., Histoire de l’architecture, Paris 1972. Chappin, M., ‘Cultural Heritage and Human Identity’, Report of Seventh Symposium on Cultural Policy, s.l. 1997, 4–14 [Danske Kulturinstitut]. Chenis, C., Fondamenti teorici dell’arte sacra. Magistero post-conciliare, Roma 1991. ——, ‘Il programma iconografico della chiesa-edificio’,RL 88 (2001) 541–558. Chesterton, G.K., Heretics, London-New York 1905. ——, The queen of seven swords, London 1926. ——, ‘St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274)’, The Spectator (27 Feb. 1932) 280–281. Chevallier, P., ed., Dionysiaca, t. I–II, Paris 1937–1950. Choisy, A., Histoire de l’architecture, t. I–II, Paris 1899. ——, Vitruve, t. I–II, Paris 1909. Clark, F., The ‘Gregorian’ Dialogues and the Origins of Benedictine Monasticism, Leiden 2003. Clérissac, P., Le mystère de l’Eglise, Paris 1925. Coebergh, C., ‘Dom P. de Puniet en zijn betekenis voor de liturgische wetenschap’, TvL 21 (1940) 293–299. ——, ‘In memoriam Pierre de Puniet’, Ephemerides liturgicae 58 (1944) 316–317. ——, ‘Puniet, Jean de’, in: L. Brinkhoff, ed., et al., Liturgisch Woordenboek, t. II, Roermond 1968, 2335. Combe, P., ‘Souvenir de Dom Mocquereau’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 6 (1980, nr. 3) 24–28. Coppleston, F., A History of Philosophy, t. I–II, New York 1993. Cornoldi, A., ed., L’architettura dell’edificio sacro, Roma 1995. bibliography 555

Couturier, L.-C., ‘Preface’, in: C. Bruyère, La vie spirituelle et l’oraison d’après l’Ecriture Sainte et la tradition monastique, Solesmes 1887. Crippa, M.A., ‘Architettura per la celebrazione o per la mistagogia?’, RL 88 (2001) 511–522. Cronin, D.P., ‘Arte y arquitectura litúrgicos. Una perspectiva a través de la partici- pación’, Phase 38 (1998, nr. 226–227) 367–384. Culot, M.–M. Meade, ed., Dom Bellot. Moine-architecte 1876–1944, Paris 1995 [Institut Français de l’architecture]. Damen, C., ‘De benedictijnen in Merkelbeek’, Land van Herle 2 (1952) 99–105. ——, De orde van Sint Benediktus in Nederland, Brugge-Utrecht 1965 Daniélou, J., Platonisme et théologie mystique. Essai sur la doctrine spirituelle de saint Grégoire de Nysse, Paris 1944. ——, Bible et Liturgie, Paris 1951. ——, Le IVe siècle. Grégoire de Nysse et son milieu, Paris 1964. ——, L’être et le temps chez Grégoire de Nysse, Leiden 1970. Daremberg, C.–E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Greques et Romaines. D’apres les textes et les monuments, t. I–X, Paris 1877–1919. Dauphin, H., ‘Delatte’, in: Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, t. XIV, Paris 1960, 172–174. Debuyst, F., ‘Revue des revues’, AE 26 (1958, nr. 102) 20–24. ——, ‘Quelques réflexions au sujet de la construction d’espaces liturgiques’, Commu- nautés et Liturgies (1981, nr. 4) 275–297. ——, ‘Architectural setting’, in: J.G. Davies, ed., A new dictionary of liturgical worship, London 1991. ——, ‘L’église: un lieu que la foi vient habiter’, MD (1994, nr. 197) 35–38. ——, ‘The church: a dwelling place of faith’, SL 24 (1994) 29–44. Del Guercio, A.B., ‘Arte contemporanea e spazio liturgico. Questioni teoriche e progetti iconografici’, Ambrosius 81 (2005) 305–315. Delatte, P., Dom Guéranger. Abbé de Solesmes, t. I–II, Paris 1909–1910. ——, Commentaire sur la Règle de saint Benoit, Paris 1913, 193110. ——, L’Évangile de Notre Seigneur Jesus Christ, le Fils de Dieu, Paris 1921. ——, Les épîtres de Saint Paul, replacées dans le milieu historique des Actes des Apôtres, t. I–IV, Esschen 1923. ——, Homélies sur la Vierge Marie, Paris 1951. ——, Retraite avec Dom Delatte, Solesmes 1961. ——, Demeurez dans mon amour, Solesmes 1963. ——, Contempler l’invisible, Paris 1965. ——, Vivre à Dieu, Solesmes 1973. Delfgaauw, B., Teilhard de Chardin, Baarn 1962. ——, De wijsbegeerte van de 20e eeuw, Baarn 1964, 112–117. ——, Beknopte geschiedenis der wijsbegeerte, Baarn 1965. Delheij, V.–A. Jacobs, Kerkenbouw in Limburg, 1850–1914. Neogotische en neoromaanse parochiekerken en hun architecten, Sittard 2000. Derkse, W., Een levensregel voor beginners. Benedictijnse spiritualiteit voor het dagelijks leven, Tiel 2000. Descartes, R., Discours de la méthode, Leyde 1637, Paris 1946. Dianich, S.,‘Edificare una chiesa, abitare e celebrare in un luogo, come agire communicativo della comunità cristiana’, in: Spazio e rito. Aspetti costitutivi dei luogi della celebrazione cristiana. Atti della XXIII settimana di studio dell’Associazione professori di liturgia, Torreglia 1994, Roma 1994, 255–273. ——, ‘Luoghi e spostamenti nell’autocoscienza della Chiesa’, RTF 8 (1997) 255–273 [Also published in: Vivens homo (1997) 256–273]. Doesburg, T. van, ‘Tot een beeldende architectuur’, De Stijl 6 (1924) 78–83. 556 bibliography

Dölger, F.J., Sol Salutis. Gebet und Gesang im christlichen Altertum mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Ostung in Gebet und Liturgie, Münster 1920, 19252. Dongen, J. van, ‘Het Dominicanenklooster ‘Sainte Marie de la Tourette’ te Evreux’, KB 28 (1961) 61–68. Doorly, M., No Place for God. The Denial of the Transcendent in Modern Church Architecture, San Francisco 2007. Doornik, N.G.M. van, ed., Pelgrims naar de Una Sancta. Hedendaagse belijdenissen, Utrecht-Brussel 1948. Doré, J., ‘Les cathédrales dans l’Eglise et dans la société’, MD (2005, nr. 243) 81–106. Dupont, P. ‘Foreword’, in: M.D. Totah, ed., The Spirit of Solesmes, Kent-Petersham 1997, 9–11. Duval, N., ‘L’espace liturgique dans les églises paléochrétiennes’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 7–29. Emminghaus, J.H., ‘Der gottestdienstliche Raum und seine Gestaltung’, in: Gestalt des Gottesdienstes. Sprachliche und nichtsprachliche Ausdrucksformen, Regensburg 1997, 347–385. Evers, A., ‘Rooms bouwen en politiek?’, Bouw 26 (24 Dec. 1983) 24–26. Fabre, A., Pages d’Art Chrétien. Études d’Architecture, de peinture, de sculpture et d’iconographie, Paris 1920. Farnés, P., ‘Una obra importante sobre liturgia que debe leerse en su verdadero con- texto’, Phase 42 (2002) 55–76. Frampton, K., Modern architecture. A critical history, London 1980. Friedrich, R., Grundriss einer Theologie des Wohnhauses. Das Geistige Band, München 1967. Frings, T., Gestaltete Umbrüche, Münster 2007. Froehlich, K., ‘Pseudo-Dionysius and the Reformation of the Sixteenth century’, in: C. Luibheid, ed., et al., Pseudo-Dionysius. The complete works, New York, 1987. Gallicioli, J.B., Isagoge institutionum liturgicarum, Venetiae 1772. Gamber, K., Liturgie und Kirchenbau. Studien zur Geschichte d. Messfeier u. d. Gottes- hauses in d. Frühzeit, Regensburg 1976 [Studia patristica et liturgica, t. VI]. ——, ‘Zum Herrn hin!’ Fragen um Kirchenbau und Gebet nach Osten, Regensburg 1987. Gardeil, A., La structure de l’âme et l’expérience mystique, t. I, Paris 1927. Gaudí y Cornet, A., Paroles et écrits, Paris 2003. Geest, P. van, Stellig maar onzeker. Augustinus’ benadering van God, Budel 2007. Gelineau, J., ‘Il luogo dell’assemblea cristiana’, in: Nelle vostre assemblee. Teologia pastorale delle celebrazioni liturgiche, t. I, Brescia 1986, 111–131. Genestout, A., ‘La Règle du maître et la Règle de S. Benoît’, Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique 21 (1940) 51–112. George, W., Aristide Maillol et l’âme de la sculpture, Neuchatel 1977. Gerhards, A.–A. Künzel, ‘The relationship between art, liturgy, and congregation in liturgical space: a project from the diocese of Aachen’, SL 25 (1995) 231–246. Gerhards, A., ‘Die Aktualität der Avantgarde. Katholische Liturgie und Kirchenbau von 1900 bis 1950’, in: W.J. Stock, Europäischer Kirchenbau 1900–1950. Aufbruch zur Moderne, Munich-Berlin-London-New York 2006, 70–89. Gherardi, L., ‘Lo spazio celebrativo sull’onda della riforma’, in: RPL 24 (1986, nr. 139) 21–24. Ghyka, M.C., Esthétique des proportions dans la nature et dans les arts, Paris 1927. ——, Le nombre d’or. Rites et rythmes pythagoriciens dans le développement de la civilisation occidentale, t. I–II, Paris 1931. Gibbons, R., ‘Celebration and Sacrament: holy place and holy people’, New Black Friars 77 (1996) 234–243. Gilardi, C., ‘Le modèle Borroméen de l’espace liturgique’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 91–110. bibliography 557

Gorrisse, J.J.A.M., ed., De heilige driehoek. Kloosterenclave te Oosterhout, Oosterhout 2002. Grabow, S., Christopher Alexander. The search for a new paradigm in architecture, Stocksfield 1983. Granpré Molière, M.J., De moderne bouwkunst en hare beloften, Delft 1924 [address at the acceptance of the professorial status at the Technical University of Delft, 22 Oct. 1924]. ——, Over mijn terugkeer tot de Moederkerk, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1939 [GGG nr. 576]. ——, Schoonheidsleer, collegedictaat, Delft 1939–1940. ——, ‘Ter inleiding’, KB 14 (1946) 2–8. ——, ‘Bouwen’, in: n.n., Nederlands nieuwe kerken, Amsterdam 1948, 10–14. ——, ‘Beschaving en architectuur. Naar aanleiding der kerkbouwdag in het Bisdom Haarlem’, De Linie (12 Sept. 1953) 13. ——, Zoeklicht op de architectuur. Afscheidscollege op 9 October 1953, feestdag van de heilige Dionysius, Amsterdam 1953. ——, ‘Nieuwe stap in het Bisdom Haarlem’, De Linie (2 Oct. 1954) 6. ——, De eeuwige architectuur, t. I, De hedendaagse architectuur in het licht der geschiedenis, Amsterdam 1957. ——, Het Huis in de Twintigste Eeuw, ’s-Gravenhage c. 1960. ——, ‘Europa, dierbaar Europa, kom tot bezinning’, Gelderlanderpers (17–18 Dec. 1964). Grasso, G., ‘Perché le chiese?’, RL 66 (1979) 553–567. ——, Tra teologia e architettura. Analisi dei problemi soggiacenti all’edilizia per il culto, Roma 1988. Gredt, J., Elementa philosophiae aristotelicae-thomisticae, t. I–II, Freiburg 1899–1901, 19326. Grellier, I., ‘Les bâtiments d’église, une question théologique’, Etudes théologiques et religieses, 68 (1993) 537–556. Grillo, A., ‘Verso una teologia dello spazio come «luogo»’, RL 82 (1995) 491–503. Gropius, W., The New Architecture and The Bauhaus, London 1935. Guardini, R., Vom Geist der Liturgie, Freiburg 1917. ——, Der Herr. Betrachtungen über die Person und das Leben Jesu Christi, Würzburg 1937. ——, Das Wesen des Christentums, Würzburg 1938. Guéranger, P., Origines de l’Eglise romaine, Paris 1836. ——, Institutions liturgiques, t. I, Le Mans-Paris 1840, 18782; t. II, Le Mans-Paris 1841; t. III, Le Mans-Paris 1851. ——, L’Année liturgique, t. I–VII, Le Mans-Paris 1845–1866: I, L’Avent liturgique, Le Mans 1841; II, Le temps de Noël, t. I–II, Le Mans 1845–1847; III, Le temps de la Septuagésime, Paris 1851; IV, Le Carême, Paris 1854; V, La Passion et la Semaine sainte, Paris 1857; VI, Le temps Pascal, t. I–III, Paris 1859–1866; [VII, Le temps après la Pentecôte, t. I–VI, Paris 1878–1900]. ——, De la Monarchie pontificale à propos du livre de Mgr. l’évêque de Sura, Paris 1870. ——, Sainte Cécile et la Société romaine aux deux premiers siècles, t. I–II, Paris 1874. ——, Notions sur la vie religieuse et monastique, Solesmes 1885. ——, Règlements du noviciat pour les Bénédictins de la Congrégation de France, Solesmes 1885. ——, Mélanges de liturgie, d’histoire et de théologie, t. I, Solesmes 1887. Guerra de Armas, J.L., ‘El espacio de la celebracion cristiana’, Almogaren 23 (1998) 127–142. Guzmán, D.L., ‘Teología Sistemática’, Estudios Eclesiásticos 78 (2003) 411–412. Gy, P.-M., ‘Espace et célébration comme question théologique’, MD (1978, nr. 136) 39–46. 558 bibliography

——, ‘L’esprit de la liturgie du cardinal Ratzinger est-il fidèle au Concile, ou en réaction contre?’, Doctrine and life 52 (2002) 426–432. Haacke, R., ‘Von Subiaco nach Siegburg’, in: Germania Benedictina, t. VIII Nord- rhein-Westfalen, München 1980, 558–575. Haak, A.J.H., ‘Architectuur en liturgie. Criteria op basis van geschiedenis, architectonische waarden en pastorale praktijk van herindeling, en in het bijzonder voor sluitingen van kerkgebouwen’, TvL 86 (2002) 244–254. Hafkamp, C., ‘De abdij St. Benedictusberg te Mamelis’, Land van Herle 31 (1981) 15–19. Hahnenberg, E.P., ‘Forum: Who is at work?: Ecclesiology and domus Dei’, Worship 74 (2000) 365–370. Hallema, A., ‘Hoe vier eeuwen terug een verbrande stad werd opgebouwd’, KB 6 (1934–1935) 245–246. Hameline, J.-Y., ‘L’espace du sanctuaire’, MD (1978, nr. 136) 47–65. Hammond, P., Liturgy and architecture, London 1960. Hanssens, D., ‘Nederlandse congregatie (OSB) wordt opgeheven’, Monastieke informatie 36 (2005, nr. 215) 23–27. Hartevelt, H. van, Tibet, Haarlem 1981. Heathcote, E–I. Spens, Church builders, Michigan 1997. Heijstek, S., “Waar mensen zijn, wordt gemenst”, Katholiek Nieuwsblad (6 Mar. 2009) 16. Heimbucher, M., Die Orden und Kongregationen der Katholischen Kirche, t. I, Pader- born 1933. Hellenberg Hubar, B.C.M. van, Arbeid en bezieling. De esthetica van P.J.H. Cuypers, Nijmegen 1995. Helman, A., Vriend Pieter. Het levensavontuur van Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren, Brugge 1980. Henselmans, J., ‘Zielzorg en kerkbouw’, TvL 42 (1958) 214–219. Heuzey, L., Histoire du Costume Antique, Paris 1922. Hillesum, E. Het verstoorde leven. Dagboek van Etty Hillesum 1941–1943, Haarlem 1981. Hilpisch, S., Geschichte des benediktinischen Mönchtums, Freiburg 1929. ——, Benedictinism through changing centuries, Collegeville 1958. Hoenen, P.H., et al., Vraagstukken uit de natuurphilosophie, Nijmegen 1940 [Annex to Studia Catholica]. Hof, J.–C. Visser, De abdij van Egmond, Egmond 1995. Hoof, G. van, ’n Oudenbosschenaar. Marius Jan Granpré Molière 1883–1972, Ouden- bosch 1998. Hourlier, J., ‘Dom Couturier. Témoin de la pensée monastique de Dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 383– 403. ——, ‘Guéranger (Prosper)’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. VI, Paris 1967, 1097– 1106. Houtin, A., Une grande mystique. Madame Bruyère. Abbesse de Solesmes (1845–1909), Paris 1924. Huijben, J., De abdij van Egmond en haar historische beteekenis, Egmond 1940. ——, ‘In memoriam Dom Jean de Puniet’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 121–127. Huizinga, J., Homo ludens. Proeve eener bepaling van het spel-element der cultuur, Haarlem 1938. ——, Verzamelde werken, t. III, Haarlem 1949. Hurley, R., ‘The Eucharist room at Carlow Liturgy Center: the search for meaning’, Worship 70 (1996) 238–250. Ibelings, H., Architecten in Nederland. Van Cuypers tot Koolhaas, Rotterdam 2005. Jacobs, I., ‘Abtei St. Benediktsberg’, Studien O.S.B. 42 (1923–1924) 331–333. bibliography 559

Johnson, C., Prosper Guéranger (1805–1875): a Liturgical Theologian. An Introduction to his liturgical writings and work, Roma 1984. Julien, P., De eeuwige wildernis. Herinneringen aan tien jaar bloedonderzoek in Equa- toriaal Afrika, Eindhoven 1949. Jungmann, J.A., De eredienst van de Katholieke Kerk tegen de achtergrond van haar geschiedenis verklaard, Roermond 1957. Kahle, B., Deutsche Kirchenbau des 20. Jahrhunderts, Darmstadt 1990. Kalmthout, T. van, De verwondering. Uit het bijna 600 dagen durende leven van een aspirant-benedictijner monnik, Amsterdam 2004. Karrer, L., ‘Von der Kirche aus Stein zur Kirche aus Menschen. Kirchen-Raüme und Gemeindepädagogik’, BL 74 (2001) 83–90. Kieckhefer, R., Theology in Stone. Church Architecture from Byzantium to Berkeley, New York 2004. Kienzler, K., ‘Confessiones 1. Die unbegreifliche Wirklichkeit der menschlichen Sehnsucht nach Gott’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 61–105. Klauser, T., ‘De inrichting van het huis van God in de geest van de roomse liturgie’, TvL 38 (1954) 202–206 [translation by P. Janssens op of a document by the Ger- man Liturgical Commission]. Knipping, J.B., ‘Sacrale kunst’, in: n.n., Honderd jaar religieuze kunst in Nederland. 1853–1953, Utrecht 1953, 5–16. Koeverden, W. van, Het misdienaarsboekje, t. I–IV, Utrecht 1923–1933. Koldewey, B.J., ‘Het sieren van bouwwerken’, in: Vier lezingen, Tongerloo n.d., 53–71. ——, ‘Het werk van Père Bellot’, RKB 1 (1929, nr. 1) 5–8, (1929, nr. 2) 4–6, (1929, nr. 5) 57–60. ——, ‘De regale abdij van Egmond’, Klei 26 (1934, nr. 15) 117–123 Kooiman, A.–L. Janevski, ed., Daarom Leiden, Maastricht 2006. Kranemann, B., ‘Ortswechsel der Liturgie im Raum. Zu einem Studienprojekt zwischen Liturgiewissenschaft und Kunstwissenschaft’, LJ 54 (2004) 119–127. Kroon, T., Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren, Lelystad 1980. Kropholler, A.J., ‘Over hedendaagschen kerkbouw’, in: Vier lezingen, Tongerloo n.d., 5–25. ——, Gedachten over kerkbouw, Amsterdam 1925. ——, ‘Het plan voor den herbouw der regale abdij van Egmond’, RKB 3 (1932) 337–345. ——, ‘Regale abdij van Egmond’, RKB 3 (1932) 321–329, 331. ——, De abdij van Egmond. Herbouw, ontwerp, Haarlem 1934. ——, Onze Nederlandsche baksteen-bouwkunst, Den Haag 1941. —— –J.A.C. Tillema, ‘De Egmondse abdijplannen’, KB 17 (1949–1950) 225–233. ——, Wat is bouwkunst? Afgezien van de kunst om zich tegen kou, vocht en ongewenst bezoek te vrijwaren, Den Haag 1965. Kruft, H.-W., Geschichte der Architekturtheorie. Von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, München 1985. Kuiper, J.A., Visueel & dynamisch. De stedebouw van Granpré Molière en Verhagen 1915–1950, Delft 1991. Kunzler, M., ‘Indumentum Salutis. Überlegungen zum liturgischen Gewand’, Theolo- gie und Glaube 81 (1991) 52–78. Kuper, M., ‘Rietveld, Gerrit Thomas’, in: Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland, t. V, Den Haag 2002, 421–424. Ladaria, L., ‘Il Creatore’, in: R. Fisichella, ed., Catechismo della Chiesa Cattolica. Testo integrale e commento teologico, Casale 1993, 676–684. Lagerlöf, S., Niels Holgersson’s wonderbare reis, Ned. vert. M. Meijboom, t. I–II, Amsterdam 1911. 560 bibliography

Lang, U.M., Turning towards the Lord. Orientation in liturgical prayer, San Francisco 2004. Lara, J., ‘Versus Populum Revisited’, Worship 68 (1994) 210–221. Laugier, M.-A., Essai sur l’architecture, Paris 1753, Brussel-Liège 1979. Laurent, J., Les fondements de la nature selon Plotin, Paris 1992. Le Corbusier-Saugnier, Vers une architecture, Paris 1923. Leclercq, J., L’amour des lettres et le désir de Dieu. Initiation aux auteurs monastiques du moyen âge, Paris 1957. ——, ‘Influence and noninfluence of Dionysius in the Western Middle Ages’, in: C. Luibheid, et al., Pseudo-Dionysius. The complete works, New York 1987. Leeuwen, A.J.C. van, Pierre Cuypers, architect (1827–1921), Zwolle 2007. Leeuwen, C. van, Vuur dat blijft branden. Gesprekken met monniken in Oosterhout, Nijmegen 2005. Leeuwen, F. van, ‘Een kerk waar niets te zien is’, KB 24 (1957) 353–361. Lelyveld, K., ed., et al., Benedictijns leven in Egmond. Het Sint-Liobaklooster en de Sint-Adelbertabdij, Amstelveen 1985. Lemaire, J.-P., ‘Dom Guéranger et l’Année Liturgique’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 525–546. Lesage, R., Objets et habits liturgiques, Paris 1958. Lodi, E., ‘Il luogo immagine dell’assemblea celebrante’, RPL 32 (1994) 3–10. ——, ‘Spazio e rito 30 anni di cammino’, Notitiae 30 (1994) 649–653. Looijenga, A.J., De Utrechtse School in de neogotiek. De voorgeschiedenis en het Sint Bernulphusgilde, Heemstede 1991. Loos, A., Ornament und Verbrechen, Wien 1908. López, C., ‘La arquitectura sagrada órgano de comunidad cristiana’, Liturgia 13 (1958, nr. 155–156) 363–368. López, J., ‘Significado religioso del espacio litúrgico’, Phase 43 (2003, nr. 254) 101– 119. Lossky, V., ‘Les éléments de ‘théologie négative’ dans la pensée de saint Augustin’, in: Augustinus Magister, t. I, Paris 1954, 575–581 [Congrès International Augustinien, Paris, 21–24 Septembre 1954]. Lubac, H. de, Surnaturel. Études historiques, Paris 1946. Lukken, G., ‘Die architektonischen dimensionen des rituals’, LJ 39 (1989) 19–36. Lurz, W., Ritus und Rubriken der heiligen Messe, Würzburg 1941. Luykx, P., ‘Daar is nog poëzie, nog kleur, nog warmte’. Katholieke bekeerlingen en moderniteit in Nederland, 1880–1960, Hilversum 2007. Maertens, A.J., Handleiding voor paramentiek, Steenbrugge 1939. Maggiani, S., ‘La chiesa come luogo della comunità celebrante’, RL 66 (1979) 616– 629. ——, ‘Dal sacro rubricizzato al santo celebrato nella riforma liturgica del Concilio Vati- cano II’, RTF 8 (1997) 363–388 [Also published in: Vivens homo (1997) 34–387]. ——, ‘Una nuova stagione per l’arte? Le attese della liturgia’, RL 88 (2001) 523–540. Mähler, M., ‘De Benedictijnen in Oosterhout (1907–1957)’, Benedictijns Tijdschrift 18 (1957) 77–90. ——, ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry. Eerste abt van Oosterhout’, Benedictijns tijdschrift 18 (1957) 91–102. ——, Schetsen uit de geschiedenis en de spiritualiteit van de monniken, Oosterhout 1980. ——, ‘Ruusbroec in het leven van dom Jean de Puniet’, Ons geestelijk erf 65 (1991) 261–279. Maître, G. le, ‘Théologie de la vie monastique selon Dom Guéranger (1805–1875)’, Revue Mabillon 50 (1961–1963) 165–178. Mandelstam, N., Memoires, Amsterdam 1971. Margry, P.J., ‘Margrij, Everardus Johannes’, in: Biografisch Woordenboek van Neder- land, t. III, Den Haag 1989, 395–396. bibliography 561

Maritain, J., Art et Scolastique, Paris 1921. Marsili, S., ‘Dedicazione senza consacrazione. Ossia: teologia liturgica in una storia rituale’, RL 66 (1979) 578–601. Martin, T., (St. Thérèse de l’Enfant Jésus), Oeuvres complètes, Paris 1997. Martinell y Brunet, C., Gaudí. Su vida, su teoría, su obra, Barcelona 1967. Maupassant, G. de, La vie errante, Paris 1890. Maury, J., ‘Dom Guéranger et la fondation de Sainte-Cécile de Solesmes’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 405–442. Mayer, C., ‘Confessiones 12. Coelum coeli. Ziel und Bestimmung des Menschen’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel- Wien 1998, 553–601. Mazis, A. des, ‘Delatte’, in: Dictionnaire de spiritualité, t. III, Paris 1957, 121–123. ——, ‘La vocation monastique de Dom Guéranger. Milieu et influences’, Révue Béné- dictine 83 (1973) 119–180. McCormick, P.T., ‘Sacred space: balancing the sanctuary and commons’, Worship 74 (2000) 37–51. Meer, F. van der, Christus’ oudste gewaad. Over de oorspronkelijkheid der oud-christelijke kunst, Utrecht 1949. ——, ‘Liturgie en gewijde kunst in de achttiende eeuw’, in: J. Waterink, ed., et al., Cultuurgeschiedenis van het Christendom, t. IV, Amsterdam-Brussel 1951, 42–74. ——, ‘Liturgie en gewijde kunst in de negentiende eeuw’, in: J. Waterink, ed., et al., Cultuurgeschiedenis van het Christendom, t. V, Amsterdam-Brussel 1951, 1–45. ——, Oudchristelijke kunst, Zeist-Antwerpen 1959. ——, Lofzangen der Latijnse Kerk, Utrecht 1970. Meer de Walcheren (Senior), P. van der, Mijn dagboek. November 1907–juni 1911, Bussum 1913. ——, Van het verborgene leven, Bussum 1919. ——, ‘Kunst en Scholastiek’, De Nieuwe Eeuw 189 (1921) 890. ——, Menschen en God 1929–1935, t. II, Utrecht 1946. ——, Gods uur. Beschouwing en getuigenis, Utrecht 1950. ——, Alles is liefde. Léon Bloy, Raïssa Maritain, Christine en Pieterke, Brugge 1960. ——, Dagboek 4. 1936–1953, Brugge-Utrecht 1963. ——, Dagboek 5. 1954–1962, Utrecht 1963. ——, Dagboek 6. 1962–1964, Utrecht 1965. ——, Maak alles nieuw, Utrecht 1969. ——, ‘Dom Paul Delatte vu par Pierre van der Meer de Walcheren’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 13 (1987, nr. 2) 7–11. Mettlach, R. van. Sint Adalbert, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1928 [GGG nr. 264]. Metzger, C., ‘Le dispositif ancien de l’autel’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 31–38. ——, ‘La place des liturges à l’autel’, Revue des sciences religieuses de l’Université de Strassbourg 45 (1971) 113–145. Meyer, H.B., et al., ed., Gottesdienst der Kirche, t. III, Gestalt des Gottesdienstes. Sprachliche und nichtsprachliche Ausdrucksformen, Regensburg 1997. Militello, C., La casa del popolo di Dio. Modelli ecclesiologici modelli architettonici, Bologna 2006. Mocquereau, A., Le nombre musical ou rythmique grégorienne, t. I, Roma-Tournai 1908; t. II, Paris-Roma-Tournai 1927. ——, ‘L’Eglise du Saint-Esprit à Serravalle. Architecture et Musique’, Revue Grégori- enne 13 (1928) 91–95. Molenaar, M.G., In koele schaduw, Hilversum 1921. ——, Geertruid van Helfta, Amsterdam 1925. ——, Een zeldzaam mensch, Oisterwijk 1929. ——, Mechtild de Begijn, Hilversum 1932. 562 bibliography

Molenaar, N.–B.J. Koldewey, ‘De abdijkerk der Regale Abdij van St. Adelbert te Egmond’, KB 22 (1954–1955) 257–264. Montfort, J.A.G.M. van, Waarheid en leven (1969–1989). Een orthodox katholiek tijdschrift, Venlo 1992. Moonen, L., ‘De stichting van de abdij S. Clemens in Merkelbeek’, Monastieke informatie 24 (1993, nr. 149) 233–234. Moorsel, C.M. van, ‘Het modernisme: een fictie’, De Maasbode (22 Oct. 1949) 3. Morchoven, C.P. de, De Sint Andriesabdij Zevenkerken, t. II, Nieuwe uitdagingen voor dom Théodore Nève 1912–1963, Tielt 2002. Moschetti, A.M., ‘Ilemorfismo’, in: V. Melchiorre, ed., Enciclopedia filosofica, t. VI, Milano 2006, 5502–5503. Mosso, D., ‘Nuove chiese e nuovo modo di celebrare’, RPL 32 (1994) 11–17. Müller, C., ‘Confessiones 13. Der ewige Sabbat. Eschatologische Ruhe als Ziel’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel- Wien 1998, 603–652. Muratori, L.A., De origine sacrae Liturgiae. Liturgia Romana vetus, t. I, Venetiae 1748. n.n., ‘Abt Dom Delatte o.s.b. Bij zijn gouden professiefeest’, De Maasbode (20 Mar. 1935) 7. n.n., ‘Benedictijnen in Mamelis hebben nieuwe abt’, De Nieuwe Limburger (15 Dec. 1965). n.n., Benedictus en zijn monniken in de Nederlanden: Aspecten van het monastiek leven in de Nederlanden, Gent 1980. n.n., Benedictus en zijn monniken in de Nederlanden: Benedictus in de Nederlanden, Gent 1980. n.n., Benedictus en zijn monniken in de Nederlanden: Monniken en monialen in de Nederlanden, Gent 1980. n.n., ‘Beslissing over Syracuse eerst dit najaar. Nog geen verzoek ingediend bij de betreffende regeringsinstantie’, De Tijd (20 July 1957) 3. n.n., ‘Communauté Chemin Neuf trekt in Sint-Paulusabdij te Oosterhout’, Rkkerk.nl 3 (9 Sept. 2005) 8–9. n.n., Constituties van de Mariazusters van Franciscus, Waasmunster, Leefregel & Sta- tuten, Waasmunster 1983. n.n., De heilige Benedictus en zijn orde, Roermond 1947 [St. Paulusabdij]. n.n., De herinrichting van kerkgebouwen, Rotterdam 1998 [DBL Bisdom Rotterdam]. n.n., ‘Die Abtei St. Benediktsberg. Ein moderner Klosterbau’, Alte und neue Welt 63 (1929) 737–742. n.n., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry †’, De Tijd (29 Sept. 1941). n.n., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry. Abt van Oosterhout 70 jaar’, De Maasbode (15 Sept. 1939) 5. n.n., ‘Dom Jean de Puniet de Parry. Bij een abbatiaal jubileum’, De Maasbode (7 Dec. 1935) 5. n.n., ‘Dom Nicolaas de Wolf, abt Mamelis-abdij’, Limburgsch Dagblad (14 Dec. 1964) 3. n.n., ‘Een bezoek aan de Abdij Saint Pierre der Benedictijnen te Solesmes’, Maasbode (2 July 1933) 9. n.n., ‘Eervol ontslag aan prof. ir. M.J. Granpré Molière’, De Tijd (19 Aug. 1953) 3. n.n., ‘Het bouwblad herrezen’, KB 14 (1946) 1. n.n., Hymnarium monasticum, Vaals 1987. n.n., (Un Chartreux), Introduction à la vie intérieure, Ned. vert. M.G. Molenaar, Inleiding tot het inwendig leven, Tilburg 1947. n.n., Jaarboekje voor geschiedenis en oudheidkunde van Leiden en Rijnland, Leiden 1943 [nr. 35]. n.n., ‘J.v.d.Laan wint Nijmeegse architectuurprijs’, KB 23 (1955–1956) 284. bibliography 563 n.n., ‘Le centenaire de l’entrée de dom Delatte au noviciat de Solesmes’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 9 (1983, nr. 3) 11–13. n.n., L’église maison du peuple de Dieu. Liturgie et architecture, Paris 1971 [Centre National de Pastorale Liturgique]. n.n., Liber Annualis, Roma 1962 [Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana]. n.n., ‘Onze plaats te midden van de vakbladen’, KB 14 (1946) 9. n.n., Psalterium dispositum secundum regulam sci Benedicti abbatis, Vaals 1987. n.n., ‘Rome gaf verlof tot benoeming van jonge prelaat Dom de Wolf. Abt Benedic- tijner-abdij Mamelis morgen gewijd’, De Tijd (29 Jan. 1965) 7. n.n., Sint Benedictus in de Benelux, Vaals 1965. n.n., Tent van God, Rotterdam 2001 [DBL Bisdom Rotterdam]. n.n., ‘Vreedzame beeldenstorm. In de St. Josephkerk te Delft’, De Maasbode (10 Aug. 1939) 5. n.n., ‘‘Wachten op het mirakel’. Kerkenbouwzondag. Bouwprogramma voor 1962 vraagt investering van 40 miljoen gulden’, De Stem (4 Feb. 1962) 9. n.n., ‘Wat wil de Delftse school? Beginselverklaring van prof. Granpré Molière’, De Tijd (19 Aug. 1953) 3. Naalden, J., De refter der St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout. Arch. Dom Paul Bellot O.S.B., Tilburg 1951. Neuheuser, H.P., ‘Materialiter aedificare spiritualiter coaedificari. Zur Theologie und Bidhaftigkeit der Kirchwehliturgie in den Beschreibungen des Abtes Suger von Saint-Denis’, EO 10 (1993) 33–78. Neumeyer, F., Mies van der Rohe. Das kunstlose Wort. Gedanken zur Baukunst, Berlin 1986. Neunheuser, B., ‘Il movimento liturgico: panorama storico e lineamenti teologici’, in: S. Marsili, ed., Anàmnesis. Introduzione storico-teologica alla liturgia, t. I, Casale Monferrato 1991, 9–30. Newman, J., Sermons preached on various occasions, London 1857. Nieuwenhuis, J., ‘De St. Paulusabdij te Oosterhout. De kanonieke erkenning’, De Maasbode (27 Aug. 1928) 7. Nieuwhof, P., ‘Beschrijving van de Mis’, in: De Romeinse Mis na Vaticanum II, Utrecht 1970, 3–13 [Geschriften van de vereniging voor Latijnse liturgie]. Noé, V., ‘L’espace liturgique dans l’église postconciliaire’, MD (1993, nr. 193) 129– 139. Notebaart, J., ‘Architecture, church’, in: J.A. Komonchak, et al, ed., The new dictionary of theology, Dublin 1988. Nußbaum, O., Der standort des Liturgen am christlichen Altar vor dem Jahre 1000. Eine archäologische und liturgiegeschichtliche Untersuchung, Bonn 1965. O’Rourke, F., Pseudo-Dionysius and the metaphysics of Aquinas, Leiden-New York- Köln 1992. Oerle, H. van, ‘De St. Petruskerk te Leiden. Architekten A.J. Kropholler en Ir. H. van Oerle’, KB 6 (1934–1935) 241–243. Ottevanger, A., ‘Küpper, Christiaan Emil Marie’, in Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland, t. V, Den Haag 2002, 289–292. Oudenrijn, M. van den, ed., Benedictinessen in Oosterhout. De kloostergemeenschap van de Onze Lieve Vrouwe abdij, Amstelveen 1984. Oury, G.-M., La Messe de saint Pie V à Paul VI, Solesmes 1975. ——, Lumière et force. Mère Cécile Bruyère, première abbesse de Sainte Cécile, Solesmes 1999. ——, Dom Guéranger. Moine au coeur de l’Eglise, Solesmes 2000. ——, ‘La liturgie, l’esprit et l’Église dans la pensée de dom Guéranger’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 505–524. Palladio, A., I quattro libri dell’architettura, t. I–IV, Venetia 1570, in: M. Biraghi, ed., Pordenone 1992. 564 bibliography

Parsch, P., Das Jahr des Heiles, Klosterneuburg 1923ff. Pecklers, K., Worship, London-New York 2003. Peet, J., ‘De kerk als spiegel van de Kerk’, Jaarboek KDC 11 (1981) 82–106. Pelikan, J., ‘The Odyssey of Dionysian Spirituality’, in: C. Luibheid, ed., et al., Pseudo- Dionysius. The complete works, New York 1987, 11–24. Penn, F.P., Handboek der schoone bouwkunst, Breda 1841. Pisano, L., Liber Abbaci, in: B. Boncompagni, ed., Scritti di Leonardo Pisano, t. I, Firenze 1857. Pitra, J.B., La Hollande Catholique, Paris 1850. Plas, M. van der, et al., Abdijen in de Lage Landen en de mensen die er wonen, Baarn 1989. Plazaola, J., La Chiesa e l’arte, Milano 1997. Podossinov, A., ‘Himmelsrichtung (kultische)’, RAC 15 (1991) 233–286. Post, P., ‘Passage rituel: la liturgie en plein air’, QL 77 (1996) 174–190. Pouls, J, ‘De kunstenaarsdagen van de Algemene Katholieke Kunstenaarsvereniging in Huijbergen (1932–1940). Bakermat van de Delftse School’, Trajecta 10 (2001, nr. 2) 160–183. Prümmer, D.M., Manuale theologiae moralis secundum principia S. Thomae Aqui- natis, t. I–III, Freiburg 1914. Puniet de Parry, J. de, ‘Le beau dans la liturgie’, Van onzen tijd 8 (1908) 105–116. ——, ‘Le Canon de la Messe’, Van onzen tijd 10 (1909–1910) 57–76, 114–128. ——, De ceremoniën der Heilige Mis, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1925 [GGG nr. 93]. ——, La liturgie de la Messe. Ses origines et son histoire, Avignon 1928; Id., The Mass. Its origin and history, London 1931; Id., De liturgie van het H. Misoffer. Haar oorsprong en historische ontwikkeling, Roermond 1939. ——, ‘Bruyère (Jeanne, Henriette, Cécile)’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. I, Paris 1937, 1972–1974. ——, ‘Toespraak bij de eerste steenlegging van de priorij te Egmond, 15 september 1934’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 136–137. ——, ‘De Goddelijke lofprijzing’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 138–144. Puniet de Parry, P. de, La Liturgie baptismale en Gaule avant Charlemagne, Paris 1902. ——, ‘Les trois homélies catéchétiques du sacramentaire gélasien pour la tradition des Évangiles, du Symbole et de l’Oraison dominicale’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 5 (1904) 505–521, 755–786; 6 (1905) 15–32, 304–318. ——, ‘La doctrine spirituelle de Louis de Blois’, La Vie Spirituelle 2 (1920) 384–402, 465–485; 3 (1921) 42–67. ——, Le Pontifical Romain, histoire et commentaire, t. I–II, Paris 1929–1931. ——, Le psautier liturgique à la lumière de la tradition chrétienne, t. I–II, Paris 1934. ——, La spiritualité bénedictine, Padova 1931 [Studi monastici 13]. ——, ‘Benoit (saint) et Bénédictins. A. Saint Benoit.–III. La doctrine spirituelle’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. I, Paris 1937, 1388–1409. ——, Le sacramentaire Romain de Gellone, Roma 1938. Raaĳ, B.J.M. van, ‘Geloof als kritiek. De katholieke studentenbeweging Heemvaart, 1920–1935’, Jaarboek KDC (1989) 11–41. Raedts, P.G.J.M., ‘De katholieken en de Middeleeuwen. Dom Prosper Guéranger O.S.B.’, in: Utrechtse bijdragen tot de mediëvistiek, t. XIV, De middeleeuwen in de negentiende eeuw, Hilversum 1996, 87–109. Ratzinger, J., Der Geist der Liturgie. Eine Einführung, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2000. ——, ‘Réponse du cardinal Ratzinger au père Gy’, Doctrine and life 52 (2002) 494– 500. ——, ‘Respuesta’, Phase 42 (2002) 509–514. ——, ‘Réponse’, RTP (2003, nr. 135) 253–256. ——, ‘Foreword’, in: U.M. Lang, Turning towards the Lord. Orientation in liturgical prayer, San Francisco 2004, 9–12. bibliography 565

——, Jesus von Nazareth, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 2007. Rau, S., ‘Der liturgische Raum als Ort liturgischer Bildung’, BL 71 (1998) 203–215. Ravatin, J., ‘Au-delà du Nombre d’Or. Le nombre Radiant’, Arkologie (1999, nr. 18) 8–14. Rayez, A., et al., ‘Denys l’Aréopagite’, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, t. III, Paris 1957, 243–429. Réamoinn, S.M., ‘Places of worship for a pelgrim people’, Doctrine and life 42 (1992) 34–48. Regnault, L., ‘Portrait de Dom Paul Delatte (1848–1937)’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 13 (1987, nr. 3) 7–28. Reijgersberg, C., (P. Constantinus), Liturgie en kerkbouw, Schiebroek 1939. [Sec- ond edition published as: Id., Liturgie en kerkelijke kunst, Antwerpen 19502. ——, ‘Kunst en eenvoud’, TvL 35 (1951) 330–333. ——, ‘Nieuwe ideeën bij kerkbouw en kerkinrichting’, TvL 40 (1956) 224–229. Richter, K., Kirchenräume und Kirchenträume. Die bedeutung des Kirchenraums für eine lebendige Gemeinde, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998. ——, ‘Heilige Räume. Eine Kritik aus theologischer Perspektive’, LJ 48 (1998) 249– 264. Ridder, J. de, Pieter van der Meer de Walcheren, Brugge 1970. ——, ‘Meer de Walcheren, jhr. Petrus Balthasar Albertus (Pieter) van der’, in: Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland, t. III, Den Haag 1989, 399–401. Rikhof, H., ‘Thomas at Utrecht’, in: F. Kerr, ed., Contemplating Aquinas. On the Varieties of Interpretation, London 2003, 103–136. Rilke, R. M., Duineser Elegie V, in: Werke. Kommentierte Ausgabe, t. II, Frankfurt am Main 1996. Roding, J.–T. Boersma–D. Segaar, A. J. Kropholler (1881–1973). Terugkeer tot de Hollandse architectuurtraditie, Rotterdam 2002. Roëll, W.F., ‘Bij Aristide Maillol’, Elsevier’s geïllustreerd maandschrift34 (Jan. 1924) 1–5. Roemer, W., Kirchenarchitektur als Abbild des Himmels. Zur Theologie des Kirchen- gebaüdes, Kevelaer 1997. Rona, J., Een wereld van stilte. Proef het kloosterleven van de 21e eeuw, Utrecht 2001 Roose, P., ‘Monnikengemeenschap als sacrament van de Kerk’, Communio 5 (1980) 226–237. ——, ‘Lectio divina bij monniken’, Communio 11 (1986) 208–217. Rose, M.S., Ugly as Sin. Why they Changed our Churches from Sacred Places to Meet- ing Spaces and how we can Change them Back Again, Manchester 2001. ——, In Tiers of Glory. The Organic Development of Catholic Church Architecture Through the Ages, Cincinnati 2004. Rossi, B., ‘Dalla visione della sacralità giudaica alla rilettura dello spazio e del sacro dell’autore del quarto vangelo’, RTF 8 (1997) 293–307. Rouet, A., Arte e liturgia, Città del Vaticano 1994. Rousseau, O., Storia del movimento liturgico. Lineamenti storici dagli inizi del sec. XIX fino ad oggi, Roma 1961. Ruhstorfer, K., ‘Confessiones 7. Die Platoniker und Paulus. Augustins neue Sicht auf das Denken, Wollen und Tun der Wahrheit’, in: N. Fischer–C. Mayer, Die Confessiones des Augustinus von Hippo, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1998, 283–341. Rukschcio, B.–R. Schachel, Adolf Loos. Leben und Werk, Salzburg-Wien 1982. Rupnik, M.I., ‘Applicazione del Concilio: Quale arte per la liturgia?’, Notitiae 41 (2005) 579–587. Rutten, W., ‘St. Benedictusberg. Van Merkelbeek naar Mamelis’, De Nieuwe Lim- burger (30 Jan. 1965). Ruusbroec, J. van, Oeuvres de Ruysbroeck l’Admirable, t. I–VI, Bruxelles 1917–1938 [trad. par les Bénédictins de Saint-Paul de Wisques]. 566 bibliography

Sacrato, G., et al., Lettera a Francesco Borgia, Ferrara 14 Oct. 1570, in: P. Pirri, Giovanni Tristano e i primordi della architettura gesuitica, Roma 1995, 236–237. Saint-Exupéry, A. de, Courrier Sud, Paris 1929. ——, Vol de nuit, Paris 1931. ——, Terre des hommes, Paris 1939. ——, Pilote de guerre, Paris 1942. ——, Le petit prince, New York 1943. ——, Citadelle, Paris 1948. Sale, G., Pauperismo architettonico e architettura gesuitica. Dalla chiesa ad aula al Gesù di Roma, Milano 2001. Santi, G., ‘Architettura e liturgia’, Humanitas 44 (1989) 486–495. ——, ‘L’adeguamento delle chiese secondo la riforma liturgica’, Ambrosius 73 (1997) 451–464. ——, ‘Uno spazio per l’assemblea: luogi, arredi, percorsi’, RL 70 (1983) 11–25. Sassen, F.L.R., Wijsbegeerte van onzen tijd, Antwerpen-Nijmegen 1938. Savart, C., ‘La restauration de Solesmes devant l’opinion’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 123–146. Savaton, A., Dom Paul Delatte, abbé de Solesmes, Paris 1954. Schaefer, M.M., ‘Liturgical Architecture’ in: P.E. Fink, ed., The new dictionary of sacramental worship, Dublin 1990. Schilson, A., ‘Guéranger, Prosper’, in: LThK, t. IV, Freiburg 1995, 1091–1092. ——, ‘‘Vom Geist der Liturgie’. Versuch einer Relecture von Romano Guardinis Jahr- hundertschrift’, LJ 51 (2001) 76–89. Schloeder, S.J., Architecture in communion. Implementing the Second Vatican Coun- cil through liturgy and architecture, San Francisco 1978. Schmidt, H., Constitutie over de heilige liturgie. Tekst, genese, kommentaar, documentatie, Antwerpen 1964. Schneider, M., Das Sakrament der Eucharistie, Köln 2007. Schomakers, B., Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. Over mystieke theologie, Kampen 1990. Schwartz, R., Vom Bau der Kirche, Würzburg 1938. Schwebel, H., ‘Espace liturgique et expérience humaine. L’exemple des centres paroissiaux polyvalents’, MD (1994, nr. 197) 39–61. Seasoltz, M., A sense of the sacred. Theological foundations of Christian architecture and art, New York 2005. Sequeri, P., L’estro di Dio, Milano 2000. Shetter, W.Z., The Pillars of Society. Six Centuries of Civilization in the Netherlands, Den Haag 1971, 15–21. Siebers, A., ‘Herstel of verval van de kerkelijke bouwkunst? 1900–1953’, in: Honderd jaar religieuze kunst in Nederland. 1853–1953, Utrecht 1953, 23–27. Simone, L. di, ‘Il programma iconografico degli edifici di culto. La progettazione della progettazione’, RPL 40 (2002, nr. 230) 28–38. Simons, A.J.–L.G.M. Winkeler, Het verraad der clercken. Intellectuelen en hun rol in de ontwikkelingen van het Nederlandse katholicisme na 1945, Baarn 1987. Smeets, J.J.W.M., 100 Jaar parochiekerk Merkelbeek, Oirsbeek 1979. Snijders, C.J.–M. Gout, De gulden snede, Amsterdam 1969. Soltner, L., ‘Migne et Dom Guéranger. La collaboration Solesmienne aux débuts de la patrologie Latine’, in: Mélanges Dom Guéranger. Histoire—Liturgie—Spiritualité, Solesmes 2005, 649–684. ——, Solesmes et Dom Guéranger (1805–1875), Solesmes 1974. ——, ‘Dom Pierre Nau (1902–1978)’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 5 (1979, nr. 19) 3–24 ——, ‘Dom Paul Nau (1901–1984)’, Lettre aux amis de Solesmes 11 (1985, nr. 2) 4–23. Soranzo, M., ‘Lo spazio del ‘santuario’’, RL 88 (2001) 559–568. bibliography 567

Squeri, P., ‘L’edificio-chiesa cristiano. Spunti di riflessione teologico-spirituale’, Ambrosius 81 (2005) 283–295. Stassen, J., ‘Gedachtenis aan Prof. Dominikus Böhm’, KB 23 (1955–1956) 145–151. Steenhuis, M., Stedenbouw in het landschap. Pieter Verhagen 1882–1950, Rotterdam 2007. Stefani, P., ‘Uno spazio per il sacro’, Humanitas 44 (1989) 467–476. Stehman, S., ‘La forme de la chasuble. Réponse à quelques objections’, AE—supplé- ment OL 25 (1955, nr. 4) 111–114. ——, ‘Manière de porter la chasuble classique’, AE—supplément OL 28 (1956, nr. 3) 119–122. ——, ‘Langue d’Église et art sacré. Réflexions sur un texte d’Igor Strawinsky’,AE 24 (1956) 80. ——, ‘Le sculpteur Niel Steenbergen’, AE 24 (1956) 97–107. ——, ‘Comment se pose le problème de l’art d’Église VIII. Une architecture à la recherche de l’ordre’, AE 24 (1956) 113–116. ——, ‘Une étude américaine sur la chasuble’, AE—supplément OL 30 (1957, nr. 1) 127–130. ——, ‘How to wear the classical chasuble’, The Catholic Art Quarterly 20 (1957, nr. 3) 73–76. ——, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. La décoration de la chasuble’, AE 26 (1958) 25–29. ——, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. A propos de l’amict et du surplis’, AE 26 (1959) 173–176. ——, ‘L’ouvroir liturgique. Un vêtement baptismal pour les adultes’, AE 26 (1959) 208. Steur, J.A.G. van der, ‘Le Palais de la Paix à la Haye’, De Ingenieur 26 (1911) 913– 915. ——, De opleiding van den architect behoort uitsluitend te geschieden aan de Technische Hoogeschool, Delft 1914. Stickler, A.M., ‘Durandus v. Mende’, in: LThK, t. III, Freiburg 1995, 411. Stock, W.J., Europäischer Kirchenbau 1900–1950. Aufbruch zur Moderne / European Church Architecture. Towards Modernity, Munich-Berlin-London-New York 2006. Strawinsky, T., ‘En quête de l’art sacré’, AE 24 (1956) 65–69. Streza, L., ‘The mystagogy of sacred space according to Orthodox theology’, SL 24 (1994) 84–90. Struyker Boudier, C.E.M., Wijsgerig leven in Nederland, België en Luxemburg 1880– 1980, t. II, De dominicanen, Nijmegen-Baarn 1988. Strzygowski, J., Kleinasien. Ein Neuland der Kunstgeschichte, Leipzig 1903. Stufkens, H.–G. Matthijsen, et al., Een innerlijk avontuur. Het Benedictijner kloosterleven van binnenuit belicht, Baarn 1999. Stuip, R.E.V.–C. Vellekoop ed., De Middeleeuwen in de negentiende eeuw, Hilver- sum 1996. Suchla, B.R., ‘Dionysios Areopagites’, in: LThK, t. III, Freiburg 1995, 242–243. Sullivan, L., ‘The tall office building artistically considered’,Lippincott’s 57 (Mar. 1896) 403–409. Sullivan, L.E., ‘The disintegration of primordial worlds and the recombinant nature of ritual space’, RTF 8 (1997) 237–254. Summerson, J., Heavenly mansions and other essays on architecture, London 1949. Talma, P., Over kans en kansberekening. Beschouwingen en critiek, Utrecht 1921. ——, ‘Katholiek en protestant’, Roeping 24 (1947) 580–598. ——, ‘Naschrift’, Roeping 25 (1948) 111–117. ——, ‘Uit de geschiedenis mijner bekeering’, Egmondiana 11 (1950) 3–11. Tanquerey, A.A., Synopsis theologiae dogmaticae: ad mentem S. Thomae Aquinatis hodiernis moribus accommodata, t. I–III, Tornaci 1894–1896. ——, Synopsis theologiæ moralis et pastoralis: ad mentem S. Thomæ et S. Alphonsi hodiernis moribus accomodata, t. I–III, Romae 1902–1905. 568 bibliography

——, Brevior synopsis theologiae moralis et pastoralis, Romae 1911. ——, Brevior synopsis theologiae dogmaticae, Romae 1913. ——, Précis de théologie ascétique et mystique, Paris 1923. ——, Les dogmes générateurs de la piété, Tournai 1926. Teilhard de Chardin, P., Le Phénomène Humain, Paris 1955. ——, La Place de l’Homme dans la Nature. Le groupe zoologique humain, Paris 1956. Terruwe, A.A.A., De liefde bouwt een woning, Roermond-Maaseik 1967. Thoben, P., Voor God en medemens. Niel Steenbergen, vijftig jaar kunstenaar, Oost- erhout 1988. Thönnes, D., ‘Das textile Gedächtnis der Kirche’, LJ 47 (1997) 78–88. Tilke, M., Kostümschnitte und Gewandformen, Tübingen 1948. Tillman, P.G.F.T., Kerngedachten uit de interne bedrijfsefficiëntie, Delft 1935. Timmer, H., Henri Evers, 1855–1929. Architect, geschiedschrijver, hoogleraar, Rotter- dam 1997. ——, ‘Evers, Hendrik Jorden’, in: Biografisch Woordenboek van Nederland, t. V, Den Haag 2002, 120–122. Tongeren, L. van, ‘Vers une utilisation dynamique et flexible de l’espace: Une réflex- ion renouvelée sur le réaménagement d’églises’, QL 83 (2002) 156–178. ——, ‘De ruimtelijke dispositie van de gemeenschapsliturgie’, Jaarboek voor liturgie- onderzoek 20 (2004) 107–133. Totah, M.D., ed., The Spirit of Solesmes, Kent-Petersham 1997. Tracy, D., ‘Forms and sacred space in the duomo: a contemporary reflection’, RTF 8 (1997) 389–399. Traub, A., ‘Mocquereau’, LThK, t. VII, Freiburg 1998, 355. Truijen, V., ‘De abdij St. Benedictusberg bij Vaals’, Benedictijns tijdschrift18 (1957) 127–140. Turner, H.W., From Temple to Meeting House. The Phenomenology and Theology of Places of Worship, The Hague-Paris-New York 1979. Valenziano, C., Scritti di estetica e poetica, Bologna 1999. ——, ‘Semplice nota occasionale sul presente stato provvisorio dell’architettura per la liturgia’, EO 19 (2002) 101–110. Veen, S. Van der, ed., Brill. 325 Jaar uitgeven voor de wetenschap, Leiden 2008. Velde, J. te, Bidden naar het oosten. Gebedsrichting in spiritualiteit en liturgie, Nijme- gen 2010. Verdon, T., ‘Il tempo, lo spazio, il sacro: il duomo di Firenze tra memoria e prolessi’, RTF 8 (1997) 219–233. Verleyen, W., Negen eeuwen Affligem 1083–1983, Affligem 1983. —— –L. Moonen, ‘De abdij St. Clemens te Merkelbeek 1893–1923’, in: Jaarboek Onderbanken, Schinveld 1995, 52–62. Verpoest, L., ‘Neogotische architectuur en monumentenzorg in België en Nederland: de schaduw van Alberdingk Thijm’, in: P.A.M. Geurts, ed., et al., J.A. Alberdingk Thijm 1820–1889, erflater van de negentiende eeuw, Baarn 1992, 175–192. Versnel-Mergaerts, P., Van rubriekenjager tot wetenschappelijk grensganger. Wor- dingsgeschiedenis van de liturgiewetenschap (1900–1967) aan de katholieke theologische opleidingen in Nederland in zes portretten, Groningen-Tilburg 2009. Vis, G.N.M., ed., Egmond tussen Kerk en wereld, Hilversum 1993. ——, De abdij van Egmond. Geschreven en beschreven, Hilversum 2002. Vogel, C., ‘‘Versus ad Orientem’. L’orientation dans les Ordines Romani du haut moyen âge’, Studi Medievali 3 (1960, nr. 1) 447–469. ——, ‘L’orientation vers l’est du célébrant et des fidèles pendant la célébration eucharistique’, L’Orient Syrien 9 (1964) 3–37. Vondel, J. van den, Bespiegelingen van Godt en godtsdienst, Amsterdam 1662, ed.: J.J. Zeij, Bespiegelingen van God en Godsdienst, ’s-Hertogenbosch 1936 [GGG nr. 528]. bibliography 569

Vos, A., et al., John Duns Scotus. The possibility of the incarnation. Lectura distinction III question 1, Latin Text and English Translation, Utrecht 2009. Vosko, R.S., ‘A house for the Church: structures for public worship in a new mil- lenium’, Worship 74 (2000) 194–212. Vroom, W., De nieuwe kring in Bergen (N.-H.). Filosofen en kunstenaars in Bergen 1916–1919, Bergen 2006. Wallraff, M., Christus verus sol. Sonnenverehrung und Christentum in der Spätan- tike, Münster 2001. Weyres, W.–O. Bartning, ed., Kirchen. Handbuch für den Kirchenbau, München 1959. Whyte, W., ‘How do buildings mean? Some issues of interpretation in the history of architecture’, History and theory 45 (2006) 153–177. Wiel, C. van de, ‘Les «lieux sacrés» dans le nouveau code de droit canonique (canons 1205–1239)’, QL 76 (1995) 106–137. Willenborg, L.J., ‘Lijkrede bij de uitvaart van Dom J. de Puniet’, Egmondiana 5 (1941) 128–135. Willis, P., Dom Paul Bellot. Architect and Monk and the Publication of Propos d’un batisseur du bon Dieu 1949, Newcastle upon Tyne 1996. Witte, A. de, Analogie, Roermond-Maaseik n.d. Wittgenstein, L., Tractatus logico-Philosophicus, 1921, Frankfurt am Main 1989. Wittkower, R., Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, London 1949. Wojtyla, K., Teken van tegenspraak, Nijmegen 1979. Wolf, N. De, ‘De Kerk waarin wij geloven’, De Tijd (28 June 1969). ——, ‘De kern van het priesterschap’, De Tijd (31 Dec. 1969). Wright, F.L., Ausgeführte Bauten und Entwürfe, Berlin 1910. Zaccaria, F.A., Onomasticon Rituale selectum, t. I, Faënza 1787. Zahn, E., Dat unbekannte Holland. Regenten, Rebellen und Reformatoren, Berlin 1984. Zermatten, M., Théodore Strawinsky, Paris 1984. Zintzen, C., ‘Neuplatonismus’, in: LThK, t. VII, Freiburg 1998, 679–772.

Interviews by M. Remery Interview Dom Augustinus van Berkum osb, Vaals 3 Dec. 2006. Interview Fr Antoine Bodar, Rome 14 Dec. 2006. Interview Dom Frans Huiting osb, Teteringen 17 Feb. 2007. Interview abbot Dom Adrianus Lenglet osb, Vaals 27 Aug. 2007. Interview Hans van der Laan (Junior), ’s-Hertogenbosch 4 Oct. 2007. Interview Dom Marc Loriaux osb, Vaals 8 Nov. 2007. Interview Dom Martinus Werry osb, Vaals 8 Nov. 2007. Interview Dom Pieter Roose osb, Vaals 3 Dec. 2006, 15–16 Jan. 2007, 8 Nov. 2007. Interview Paul van Dam, Leiden 23 Nov. 2007. Interview abbot Dom Philippe Dupont osb, Solesmes 3 Dec. 2007. Interview Brother Augustinus Maria Vossenaar osb, Solesmes 4 Dec. 2007. Interview Dom Paul-Alain Rochon osb, Solesmes 7 Dec. 2007. Interview P. Sacristain, Solesmes 7 Dec. 2007. Interview Mr Alex ten Broeke, Best 15 Apr. 2008. Interview Sr Rosa Engels, Roosenberg 26 May 2008. Interview director Fr Henri Raemdonck, Waasmunster 26 May 2008. Interview Mother Agnes Vanhecke, Waasmunster 26 May 2008. Interview Dom Ingmar Svanteson osb, Mariavall 20 Mar. 2009. Interview Moder Tyra Antonia Andersson osb, Mariavall 22 Mar. 2009.

SUMMARY

This book examines the thought and the work of the monk and architect Dom Hans van der Laan osb in the fields of liturgy and architecture. It focuses particularly on his sources which form the basis of his multilateral theory of human ‘making’ or ‘creating’, in which architecture plays an important role. The source material for this study consists of Van der Laan’s primary archive and a series of more than thousand of his letters. It is the first time this material has been the subject of a systematic study. Van der Laan (1904–1991) was the impetus behind the Bossche School (School of ’s-Hertogenbosch), an architectural movement which emerged from the Course for Church Architecture that was set up to facilitate post-Second World War reconstruction. For Van der Laan there was no specific ecclesiastical architecture per se. A church is simply a house in its most general form. This general form of a building is determined by the proportions of the different architectural elements both in relation to each other and to the entire building. When the furnishings of the building also respect the same proportions, he considered the design to be a success. The source of these proportions was to be found in what he called the ‘plastic number’: a series of eight measurements which regulate the proportions of an entire building by applying a certain margin. Van der Laan’s theory starts with the observation of the forms of nature as created by God. The Fall disturbed the original harmony of creation and since then man has needed physical protection and a defined area which he can consider his own. The forms man makes are the forms of society (cultural forms). These forms firstly have a specific function, for example to protect against the extremes of the weather. Secondly, they can also convey meaning and thus express something. In this way functional forms also become expressive forms. If cultural forms are only expressive, then Van der Laan spoke of monumental forms. The most eminent human forms are found in liturgy, where ordinary things are given a special function. The forms of liturgy are at the same time functional, expressive and monumental. Every liturgical form is part of the complete liturgy, which is directed towards communication with God. It is in liturgy that a divinely instituted relation between matter and Mystery occurs. 572 summary

Van der Laan was an independent thinker. He claimed to have developed his theory himself by applying the logic of reason. Never- theless, his ideas have a clear intellectual and spiritual substratum. On the one hand there is the tradition of the Congregation of Solesmes of which he was a member. He often read the works of Dom Guéranger, Mme Bruyère and Dom Delatte, who mainly referred to the Neo- Platonist works of the Fathers of the Church and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. On the other hand there is the (Neo-)Thomistic schooling which Van der Laan received during his preparation for the priesthood. Both Neo-Platonism and (Neo-)Thomism are at the heart of the theory he developed. In an indirect way the influence of Plato, Ploti- nus and Aristotle can also be recognised. Much of his architectural vocabulary he found in the writings of Vitruvius. Given the special link which Van der Laan recognised between liturgy and architecture, this study takes an interdisciplinary approach. Such an approach is new in the study of Van der Laan’s broad spec- trum of thought. Theology and faith are not needed for the application of his theory to specific sectors. However, for a proper understanding of his integral thought one should take into consideration both the visible and the invisible world as created by God and recognise the divinely ordained unity between matter and Mystery, which forms the basis of Van der Laan’s theory. RIASSUNTO

Il presente libro illustra il pensiero e l’opera del monaco e architetto Dom Hans van der Laan OSB: liturgia e architettura. La ricerca verte sulle fonti alla base della sua articolata teoria sull’operare umano, teoria in cui l’architettura gioca un ruolo importante. Si tratta di fonti costituite in primis dall’archivio principale di Van der Laan e da oltre mille lettere scritte di suo pugno. È la prima volta che tale corpus è oggetto di studio sistematico. Van der Laan (1904–1991) è l’anima della Bossche School (Scuola di ’s-Hertogenbosch), una corrente architettonica che trae origine dal Corso di Architettura Sacra nato al tempo della ricostruzione dopo la seconda guerra mondiale. Secondo Van der Laan non esiste una specifica architettura sacra. L’edificio chiesa è semplicemente una casa nella sua forma più generale, forma generale che è determinata dalle proporzioni dei singoli elementi architettonici in rapporto reciproco e in rapporto con l’edificio nella sua interezza. Secondo Van der Laan il progetto è pienamente compiuto se anche gli arredi dell’edificio ris- pecchiano le stesse proporzioni. Van der Laan pone a fondamento di tali proporzioni il « numero plastico »: una serie di otto misure che, con un determinato margine di tolleranza, regolano i rapporti propor- zionali dell’intero edificio. La teoria di Van der Laan nasce dall’osservazione delle forme della natura così come create da Dio. Con il peccato originale la primi- genia armonia della creazione è turbata, l’uomo avverte il bisogno di protezione fisica e di uno spazio determinato che possa conside- rare proprio. Le forme cui l’uomo dà vita sono forme della società (forme culturali). La loro funzione ha carattere primariamente spe- cifico, ad esempio di protezione dal freddo e dalle intemperie. In un secondo momento, tuttavia, le forme della società possono assumere un’ulteriore valenza espressiva: le forme funzionali diventano anche forme espressive. Nel caso particolare in cui le forme culturali hanno solo valenza espressiva, Van der Laan parla di forme monumentali. Le più importanti forme umane si incontrano nella liturgia, nella quale a oggetti ordinari sono attribuite funzioni particolari. Le forme della liturgia sono al contempo funzionali, espressive e monumentali. Ogni forma liturgica fa parte della liturgia nella sua interezza, liturgia che è 574 riassunto rivolta alla comunicazione con Dio e che è il luogo in cui si genera un rapporto, di origine divina, tra materia e Mistero. Van der Laan sviluppa in piena libertà il proprio pensiero e afferma di aver costruito la propria teoria autonomamente, basandosi solo sulla stringente logica della ragione. Tuttavia le sue idee traggono origine da un substrato intellettuale e spirituale ben determinato. Nella sua formazione Van der Laan è influenzato da due grandi correnti di pensiero. Da un lato la tradizione della Congregazione di Solesmes di cui egli stesso fa parte: gli scritti di Dom Guéranger, Mme Bruyère e Dom Delatte lo conducono alle opere di ispirazione neo-platonica dei Padri della Chiesa e allo Pseudo-Dionigi l’Areopagita. Dall’altro è evi- dente la formazione (Neo-)Tomistica che Van der Laan riceve nei suoi anni di seminario. Neo-Platonismo e (Neo-)Tomismo sono alla base della teoria che egli sviluppa. In maniera indiretta si può riconoscere anche l’influenza di Platone, Plotino e Aristotele. Buona parte del suo vocabolario architettonico è tratta da Vitruvio. Alla luce dello speciale rapporto che Van der Laan coglie tra liturgia e architettura, il presente studio è contraddistinto da un carattere interdisciplinare. Ciò costituisce una novità nell’approccio al pensiero di Van der Laan. Sebbene teologia e fede non siano necessarie al fine di applicare la sua teoria in particolari ambiti, per una conoscenza adeguata del suo pensiero è indispensabile prendere in considerazione sia il mondo visibile, sia il mondo invisibile, così come creati da Dio, e riconoscere l’unità di natura divina che sussiste tra materia e Mistero e che è alla base della teoria di Van der Laan. RESUME

Ce livre éclaire la pensée et le travail du moine-architecte Dom Hans van der Laan osb sur la liturgie et l’architecture. La recherche se fonde notamment sur les sources qu’il utilisait et qui constituent le fondement de sa théorie aux multiples facettes sur le « faire » humain, dans laquelle l’architecture joue un rôle important. Le matériau-source de cette étude est en particulier composé des archives principales de Van der Laan et d’une série d’environ mille lettres écrites de sa main. C’est la première fois que ce matériau est étudié de façon systématique. Van der Laan (1904–1991) était la tête pensante de la Bossche School (l’école de ’s-Hertogenbosch), un courant d’architecture né du Cours d’Architecture Ecclésiale, fondé pendant la période de reconstruction qui a suivi la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale. Pour Van der Laan, il n’existe pas d’architecture proprement ecclésiale. L’église est simple- ment une maison dans sa forme la plus générale. Cette forme géné- rale d’un bâtiment est déterminée par les proportions des différentes parties architectoniques en relation les unes avec les autres et avec tout le travail de construction. Si maintenant aussi l’aménagement du bâtiment satisfait aux mêmes exigences de proportions, alors il s’agit d’une création réussie selon Van der Laan. Il trouve le fondement de ces proportions à travers le développement de sa théorie du « nombre plastique », une série de huit grandeurs qui, grâce à l’application d’une marge, peuvent régir les proportions d’une construction. La théorie de Van der Laan commence par l’observation des formes de la nature comme elles ont été créées par Dieu. Depuis la chute, l’harmonie originelle de la Création est détruite et l’homme a besoin de protéger son corps et d’une région délimitée qu’il peut faire sienne. Les formes que l’homme crée sont les formes de la société. Ces formes ont en première lieu une fonction bien définie, par exemple la protection contre le froid et les autres circonstances climatiques. Mais par suite, elles peuvent aussi exprimer quelque chose. Ainsi, des formes fonctionnelles peuvent devenir aussi des formes expressives. Pour le cas où les formes de la société ont seulement une valeur expressive, Van der Laan parle de formes monumentales. Les formes humaines les plus éminentes se trouvent dans la liturgie, où les choses commu- nes reçoivent une fonction particulière. Les formes de la liturgie sont 576 rÉsumÉ

à la fois fonctionnelles, expressives et monumentales. Chaque forme liturgique fait partie de l’ensemble de la liturgie qui est orientée vers la communication avec Dieu, et par elle se forme une relation instaurée par Dieu entre la matière et le mystère. Van der Laan était un penseur indépendant. Il a développé lui- même sa théorie sur la base d’un raisonnement logique. Néanmoins, différentes sources sont à la base de ses idées. Deux grands courants l’influencent principalement dans sa formation intellectuelle. D’un côté, se trouve la tradition portée par la Congrégation de Solesmes, dont il faisait partie. Il a longuement lu les travaux de Dom Guéran- ger, de Madame de Bruyère et de Dom Delatte qui l’ont conduit principalement vers les œuvres d’inspiration Néo-Platonique des Pères de l’Eglise et du Pseudo-Denis l’Aréopagite. De l’autre côté, il y a la formation (Néo-)thomiste que Van der Laan a reçue pendant sa préparation à la prêtrise. Aussi bien le Néo-platonisme que le (Néo-) thomisme forment l’essence de la théorie qu’il a développée. Indirec- tement aussi les influences de Platon, de Plotin et d’Aristote peuvent être discernées. Une grande partie de son vocabulaire architectonique est basé sur Vitruve. En raison de ce lien particulier que Van der Laan reconnaît entre la liturgie et l’architecture, l’étude présentée se doit d’être pluridis- ciplinaire. Une telle approche constitue une nouveauté dans l’étude de la pensée de Van der Laan. Même si théologie et foi ne sont pas nécessaires pour l’application de sa théorie à certains domaines, l’on se doit, pour une juste compréhension de sa pensée intégrale, de prendre en considération aussi bien le monde visible que le monde invisible comme créés par Dieu. Ainsi on serait à même de reconnaître l’unité divine agissante entre matière et Mystère, qui forme la base de la théo- rie de Van der Laan. RESUMEN

Este libro analiza el pensamiento y los trabajos del monje arquitecto Dom Hans van der Laan osb en los campos de la liturgia y la arquitectura. Enfoca particularmente sus fuentes, que son la base de su extensa teoría sobre el ‘hacer’ humano, en la cual la arquitectura juega un papel importante. La fuente para este estudio se basa en el archivo de Van der Laan y en una serie de más de mil cartas escritas por él mismo. Es la primera vez que este archivo se estudia sistemáticamente. Van der Laan (1904–1991) fue el cerebro de el Bossche School (la Escuela de ’s-Hertogenbosch), una corriente arquitectónica que surgió del Curso de Arquitectura Eclesiástica creado después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para Van der Laan no existía una arquitectura espe- cíficamente eclesiástica. Una iglesia es, en su forma básica, una casa como cualquier otra. Esta forma básica de un edificio se determina por las proporciones entre los distintos elementos arquitectónicos, y estos a su vez en relación con el conjunto del edificio. Cuando el mobiliario del edificio respeta también las mismas proporciones, el proyecto tiene éxito según Van der Laan. La base de estas proporciones se encontraba en lo que Van der Laan llamó el ‘número plástico’, una serie de ocho medidas que, tras aplicar un cierto margen, rigen las proporciones de todo un edificio. La teoría de Van der Laan comienza con la observación de las formas de la naturaleza tal como Dios la ha creado. Con el pecado original se distorsionó la armonía de la creación y desde entonces el hombre tiene necesidad de una protección para el cuerpo y un determinado espacio que pueda considerar como propio. Las formas que hace el hombre son las formas de la sociedad (formas culturales). Estas formas tienen, en primer lugar, una función determinada, por ejemplo la protección contra el frío y los elementos meteorológicos. Pero pueden expresar algo más. Así unas formas funcionales también pueden con- vertirse en formas expresivas. Cuando las formas culturales son sola- mente expresivas, Van der Laan habla de formas monumentales. Las principales formas humanas se encuentran en la liturgia, donde cosas simples adquieren una dimensión especial. Las formas de la liturgia son al mismo tiempo funcionales, expresivas y monumentales. Cada forma litúrgica forma parte del total de la liturgia que está enfocada a 578 resumen la comunicación con Dios, y es en la liturgia donde se da una relación instituida divinamente entre materia y Misterio. Van der Laan fue un pensador independiente. Él mismo decía haber desarrollado su teoría a través del pensamiento lógico. Sin embargo, su pensamiento está influenciado por dos fuentes: intelec- tual y espiritual. Por una parte está la tradición de la Congregación de Solesmes, de la que formaba parte. Leyó mucho los trabajos de Dom Guéranger, Mme Bruyère y Dom Delatte, que le llevaron prin- cipalmente a los trabajos de inspiración Neo-Platónica de los Padres de la Iglesia y del Pseudo-Dionysius el Areopagita. Por otra parte está la formación (Neo-)Tomistica que Van der Laan adquirió durante su formación sacerdotal. Tanto el Neo-Platonismo como el (Neo-) Tomismo son el núcleo de la teoría que desarrolló. También se puede reconocer indirectamente la influencia de Platón, Plotinio y Aristóte- les. Mucho de su vocabulario arquitectónico lo encontró en las obras de Vitruvio. Dada la influencia especial que Van der Laan reconocía entre la arquitectura y la liturgia, este estudio adquiere un enfoque interdisci- plinar. Esta aproximación es nueva en el estudio del amplio espectro del pensamiento de Van der Laan. Aunque la teología y la fe no son necesarias para la aplicación de su teoría en sectores específicos, para llegar a un adecuado entendimiento de su pensamiento integral, se debe tomar en consideración tanto el mundo visible como el mundo invisible tal como Dios los ha creado, para reconocer la unidad divina entre materia y misterio, que forman la base de la teoría de Van der Laan. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG

Dieses Buch beleuchtet die liturgische und architektonische Gedan- kenwelt und Arbeit des Mönchs und Architekten Dom Hans van der Laan osb. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich insbesondere auf die Quellen, die er benutzt hat, und die die Grundlage für seine vielseitige Theorie des ‘menschlich machen’ bilden, wobei die Architektur eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Das Quellenmaterial dieser Studie besteht vor allem aus dem Archiv Van der Laans und aus einer Serie von mehr als tausend von ihm geschriebenen Briefen. Es ist das erste Mal, dass dieses Material systematisch untersucht wird. Van der Laan (1904–1991) war der Kopf der Bossche School (Schule von ’s-Hertogenbosch), einer Architekturströmung, die aus dem Kur- sus für Kirchenarchitektur entstanden war, der während des Wieder- aufbaus nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg abgehalten wurde. Für Van der Laan gibt es keine spezifische ekklesiastische Architektur. Eine Kirche ist schlicht ein Haus in seiner allgemeinsten Form. Diese allgemeine Form eines Gebäudes wird bestimmt durch die Proportionen der ver- schiedenen architektonischen Elemente in Beziehung zueinander und in Beziehung zum ganzen Gebäude. Wenn auch die Einrichtung des Gebäudes denselben Proportionen entsprach, empfand Van der Laan das Design als gelungen. Die Grundlage für diese Proportionen fand er in der von ihm entwickelten ‘Plastischen Zahl’, einem Maßsystem mit acht Maßen, die unter Zulassung eines gewissen Spielraums die Proportionen eines gesamten Gebäudes bestimmen können. Die Theorie von Van der Laan beginnt mit der Beobachtung der Formen der Natur, wie Gott sie geschaffen hat. Seit dem Sündenfall ist die ursprüngliche Harmonie der Schöpfung gestört; der Mensch braucht physischen Schutz und ein abgegrenztes Gebiet, das er sein eigen nennen kann. Die Formen, die der Mensch macht, sind gesellschaftliche Formen (kulturelle Formen). In erster Linie haben diese Formen eine bestimmte Funktion, um beispielsweise gegen Kälte oder Wetter zu schützen. Aber sie können zusätzlich auch etwas anderes ausdrücken. So werden funktionelle Formen auch expressive Formen. Drücken gesellschaftliche Formen nur etwas aus, spricht Van der Laan von monumentalen Formen. Die eminentesten menschlichen Formen trifft man in der Liturgie an, wo gewöhnliche Dinge eine besondere 580 zusammenfassung

Funktion bekommen. Die Formen der Liturgie sind zugleich funktio- nell, expressiv und monumental. Jede liturgische Form bildet einen Teil des Ganzen der Liturgie, die auf die Kommunikation mit Gott gerichtet ist und wo eine von Gott geschaffene Verbindung entsteht zwischen Materie und Mysterium. Van der Laan war ein unabhängiger Denker. Er sagte, er habe seine Theorie selbst durch logisches Überlegen entwickelt. Trotzdem gibt es bestimmte Quellen die seinen Ideen zugrunde liegen. Er wurde in seiner Ausbildung von zwei großen Strömungen beeinflusst. Auf der einen Seite steht die Tradition der Kongregation von Solesmes, der er angehörte. Er hat viel gelesen in den Werken von Dom Guéran- ger, Mme Bruyère und Dom Delatte; die ihn wiederum verwiesen an die vor allem Neo-Platonistisch inspirierten Werke der Kirchenväter und des Pseudo-Dionysios Areopagitus. Auf der anderen Seite steht die (Neo-)Thomistische Bildung, die Van der Laan während seiner Vorbereitung für das Priestertum erhielt. Sowohl Neo-Platonismus als auch (Neo-)Thomismus sind die Grundlagen für die Essenz der Theorie, die er entwickelte. Indirekt kann in ihr daher auch der Ein- fluss von Plato, Plotinus und Aristoteles erkannt werden. Ein Großteil seines architektonischen Vokabulars fand er bei Vitruvius. Aufgrund der besonderen Verbindung, die Van der Laan zwischen Liturgie und Architektur erkannte, ist die vorliegende Arbeit interdis- ziplinär. Diese Herangehensweise ist neu im Studium des Gedanken- guts von Van der Laan. Auch wenn Theologie und Glauben für die Anwendung seiner Theorie auf spezifischen Sektoren nicht nötig sind, muss man doch für das rechte Verständnis seiner integralen Gedan- kenwelt sowohl die sichtbare als auch die unsichtbare Welt, wie Gott sie geschaffen hat, berücksichtigen, um die göttlich gelenkte Einheit zwischen Materie und Mysterium zu erkennen, die die Basis schafft für die Theorie von Van der Laan. SAMENVATTING

Dit boek belicht het denken en het werk van de monnik-architect Dom Hans van der Laan osb over liturgie en architectuur. Het onderzoek richt zich met name op de bronnen die hij gebruikte en die ten grondslag liggen aan zijn veelzijdige theorie van het ‘menselijk maken’, waarbij architectuur een belangrijke rol speelt. Het bronmateriaal voor deze studie wordt vooral gevormd door het primaire archief van Van der Laan en door een serie van ruim duizend brieven van zijn hand. Het is de eerste keer dat dit materiaal systematisch is bestudeerd. Van der Laan (1904–1991) was het brein achter de Bossche School, een architectuurstroming die is voortgekomen uit de Cursus Kerke- lijke Architectuur, opgericht tijdens de Wederopbouw na de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Voor Van der Laan bestaat er geen specifieke kerkelijke architectuur. De kerk is eenvoudig een huis in zijn meest algemene vorm. Deze algemene vorm van een gebouw wordt bepaald door de verhoudingen van de verschillende architectonische onderdelen met betrekking tot elkaar en met betrekking tot het gehele bouwwerk. Als nu ook de inrichting van het gebouw voldoet aan dezelfde verhoudingen, dan is het ontwerp volgens Van der Laan geslaagd. De grondslag voor deze verhoudingen vond hij in het door hem ontwikkelde ‘plastische getal’, een reeks van acht maten, die door toepassing van een bepaalde marge de verhoudingen van een heel bouwwerk kunnen regeren. De theorie van Van der Laan begint met het observeren van de vormen van de natuur zoals die geschapen is door God. Sinds de zon- deval is de oorspronkelijke harmonie van de schepping verstoord en heeft de mens behoefte aan lichamelijke bescherming en een afgeba- kend gebied dat hij het zijne kan noemen. De vormen die de mens maakt zijn de vormen van de maatschappij. Deze vormen hebben in de eerste plaats een bepaalde functie, bijvoorbeeld het beschermen tegen kou en weersomstandigheden. Maar vervolgens kunnen ze ook iets uitdrukken. Zo worden functionele vormen ook expressieve vormen. Als maatschappelijke vormen alleen een boodschap uitdrukken, dan spreekt Van der Laan over monumentale vormen. De meest eminente menselijke vormen worden aangetroffen in de liturgie, waar gewone dingen een bijzondere functie krijgen. De vormen van de liturgie zijn 582 samenvatting tegelijk functioneel, expressief en monumentaal. Iedere liturgische vorm maakt deel uit van het geheel van de liturgie, die gericht is op de communicatie met God, en waar een door God ingestelde relatie ontstaat tussen materie en Mysterie. Van der Laan was een onafhankelijk denker. Hij gaf aan zijn theorie zelf te hebben ontwikkeld door logisch na te denken. Niettemin hebben zijn ideeën een duidelijke intellectuele en spirituele voedings- bodem. Hij is beïnvloed door twee grote stromingen in zijn vorming. Enerzijds is er de traditie van de Congregatie van Solesmes, waarvan hij deel uitmaakte. Hij heeft veel gelezen in de werken van Dom Guéranger, Mme Bruyère en Dom Delatte, die hem verwezen naar vooral Neo-Platonistisch geïnspireerde werken van de Kerkvaders en Pseudo-Dionysius de Areopagiet. Anderzijds is er de (Neo-)Thomisti- sche vorming die Van der Laan kreeg tijdens zijn voorbereiding op het priesterschap. Zowel Neo-Platonisme en (Neo-)Thomisme liggen ten grondslag aan de essentie van de theorie die hij ontwikkelde. Indirect kan hierin ook de invloed van Plato, Plotinus en Aristoteles worden herkend. Veel van zijn architectonische vocabulair vond hij in het werk van Vitruvius. Vanwege de bijzondere band die Van der Laan herkende tussen liturgie en architectuur, is de voorliggende studie interdisciplinair van opzet. Zo’n aanpak is nieuw in de studie van het gedachtegoed van Van der Laan. Hoewel theologie en geloof niet nodig zijn voor de toepassing van zijn theorie op deelgebieden, moet men voor een juist verstaan van zijn integrale gedachtegoed zowel de zichtbare als de onzichtbare wereld zoals geschapen door God in ogenschouw nemen, om de goddelijke bestuurde eenheid tussen materie en Mysterie te kunnen herkennen, die de basis vormt van de theorie van Van der Laan. INDEX

The following indices list the main subjects and main figures mentioned in this book. Table 1 (following p. 366), containing Van der Laan’s main architectural works, makes an index of works superfluous.

Index of Main Subjects

Abacus 196–200, 219, 293, 357 Benedictinism Alb 152, 315, 325, 328, 336–339 opus Dei 17, 48, 75, 154, 247, 289, Analogy 467 as an instrument 138, 154, 156–157, Ora et labora 66, 369 168–171, 228–229, 400, 469, 477 Rule 43, 48, 136, 167, 190, 246, 253, ‘great analogy’ 141–142, 144, 188, 349, 363, 369–373, 378–379, 385, 199, 223, 233, 322, 415, 419, 443 396, 409 Archief Hans van der Laan osb 13–14 Benedictusberg, Abdij St., see Vaals architectonische ruimte, De 100, Best, private dwelling Naalden 110, 107–108, 116, 146, 202–231, 237–245, 302–307 257–258, 270–273, 306, 363, 417, 432 Body Architecture plastic number 199, 206, 263, courses 14, 75–84, 87–93, 99–103, 340–342, 364 107–110, 279, 296, 438, 475 vestments 276, 320–325, 329, 337, ecclesiastical 3, 9–10, 59, 76–80, 340–342, 348–349 85, 90, 108, 184–185, 192, 209, Bossche School 37–38, 77–78, 82, 85, 246–254, 320–321, 475 101, 230, 271, 475 functionalism 8, 71, 88, 205–206, Bouwkundig Weekblad 75, 89 267–269, 475 Bouwkundige Studie Kring, see BSK history 9–10, 80, 82–83, 85, 101, Brugge, St. Andriesabdij 59, 98 248–251, 282, 432–434 BSK 37–39, 69, 271 liturgy 3–12, 78, 243–245 modern 7–9, 185, 205–206, 242, Cell 207–209, 222, 224–228, 239, 266, 258, 267, 269, 362, 432, 438 298, 434 music 91–92, 145, 195, 230, Centrality & Longitudinality, see 241–243, 268, 364, 382–384 Longitudinality nature 31, 49, 80, 147, 149, 155, 157, Chalice 152, 297, 350–356, 392 190, 204–209, 212–214, 232–241, Chasuble 254–255, 266, 277, 383, 415, 459 origin 314–318 theology 251–254, 444–445 form 139, 156, 314–318, 331–334 traditionalism 8–12, 25–26, 34–36, use 332–334, 339–340 43, 70–71, 82, 88, 99–101, 205, 250, Church 269, 278, 282, 475 architecture, see Architecture Art & nature 146, 212–213, 389 edifice 79, 151–152, 170, 179, 192, Art d’Eglise 59–60, 75, 318, 331 243–254, 391, 424, 465 Artisan et les Arts Liturgiques, L’, see Art orientation 177–185 d’Eglise universal 252, 330, 456 Ciboria 62, 351, 356 Baarle-Nassau, St. Salvatorkapel 54–55 CKA 67, 75–84, 87–90, 97, 99–103, Background & foreground 138–139, 107–108, 114, 125, 230, 248, 297, 318, 146–149, 152, 188, 241, 256–257, 469 438, 443, 456 Begijnhof 75–77 Closed & open, see Open 584 index

Colosseum 80, 438 Form-types Consecration 95, 99, 165, 170, 253, expressive forms 140, 143–144, 353, 465 146–149 Coordination & disposition, see functional forms 140, 145–147 Disposition monumental forms 140, 149–151 Cope 334 Form-worlds Court 207–208, 219, 298, 300, 305 cultural forms 140, 142–144 Creation liturgical forms 140, 144–145 co-creator 13, 462, 469–473 natural forms 140, 141–142 ex nihilo 145, 462–464 forme des églises, La 236–241, 257, 260, Scripture, see Scripture 479–484 Cultural forms, see Form-worlds Functional forms, see Form-types Cursus Kerkelijke Architectuur, see CKA Functionalism, see Architecture Furniture 33, 113, 128–129, 152, 231, Dalmatic 325, 337 273, 276–277, 286, 297, 300–301, Dedication, see Consecration 311–313, 356–359, 365–366, 424, 457, Delftse School 9, 34–35, 38, 61, 101, 459 205, 271 Deliciae corporales & spiritales 410, Golden section 7, 53–54, 195, 214, 251, 437 262–266, 433 Disposition & coordination 39, Gregorian chant, see Music 213–214, 295, 430 Ground-ratio 54–55, 194, 198, 204, Doetinchem, St. Willibrordusabdij 74, 214–216, 219, 254, 259, 264, 300, 313, 105, 313 342, 355, 417 Domain 207–208, 219, 222, 298, 301 habit, Religious 98, 323, 342–347 Ecclesiastical architecture, see Hagia Sophia 80, 199–200, 224, 230, Architecture 290, 438 Egmond, St. Adelbertabdij 46–47, 51, Helmond, St. Josephkapel 80–82, 60–61, 105, 356 278–282, 298, 301, 314, 363 esprit de l’Incarnation, l’ 135, 144, 151, House 167, 176, 372, 374, 376, 391, 416, 419, disposition 224–226, passim 428, 442, 454 of God 247–248, 253, 261–262, 387, esprit de Solesmes, l’ 55–57, 376, 382, 456, 465 385, 405, 442, 444 shelter 143, 266, 277, 320, 322, 462, Eurhythmy & symmetry, see Symmetry 475–476 Exitus & reditus 148, 174, 419, 422, 466 ima summis 171, 173–177, 188–189, Expressive forms, see Form-types 330, 392, 442, 466 External & internal 59, 126, 128, Incarnation 134–136, 138, 167, 163–164, 166–167, 177, 248, 260, 173–177, 189, 245, 253–254, 273–274, 329–330, 372, 374, 395, 454 330, 362, 375, 392, 400, 404, 407, 409, 424, 444, 464–466 Fall 174, 237, 273, 322, 422, 462, 464, Inside & outside 31, 103, 147, 207, 475 226–228, 240, 254–255, 260–262, 281, False expression 147, 398, 457 295, 299, 301, 303, 305–306, 311 Feeling 38, 94, 134, 141, 147, 258, 267, Intellect 323, 385, 410–411, 463 divine 169, 239, 322, 380, 415–416, Foreground & background, see 460, 462, 471, 475, 477 Background vestments 3, 322–326, 329, 340, Form 364 architectural 207–209, passim Internal & external, see External white 221, 240 Invisible & visible, see Visible index 585

Juxtaposition & superposition, see Nature & supernature 80, 164, Superposition 167–173, 186, 412, 420–423, 443 Neighbourhood 209, 224, 233, 306, 434 Katholiek Bouwblad 35, 75, 79, 89 Neo-Platonism, see Theology & Katholieke Leergangen 77, 107 Philosophy Kruithuis 87–88 Neo-Thomism, see Theology & Philosophy Leiden Nieuwe Bouwen 34, 272 Burcht 29–30, 45 Nieuwe Zakelijkheid 201 St. Josephkerk 1, 24–25, nobilis simplicitas 152, 170, 192, 244, St. Lodewijkkerk 1, 29 351, 354, 393, 456 St. Petruskerk 1, 20–21 nombre musical, Le 47, 195, 318, 383, Liturgical forms, see Form-worlds nombre plastique, Le 60, 92–93, Liturgy 194–202, 219, 224, 230, 241, 257, 363, architecture, see Architecture 383, 397, 433, 479 definition 129, 132–137, 151, 165, Novus Ordo, see Liturgy 172, 175, 184, 243, 253, 329, 349, Number 361, 368, 374, 376, 394, 442–443, abstract 198, 209, 212, 214, 216, 219, 462, 473, 477 235, 258, 265 Novus Ordo 104, 132, 152, 337 divine 364, 389, 471, 475 orientation 83, 177–185 Fibonacci 264–265 play 171–172, 186–188, 424–426 Longitudinality & centrality 224, 324 Oosterhout abbey church 61, 64, 84–87, 93–95, Margin 102, 198, 212, 255, 257–259, 98, 194 267, 274, 289, 293, 306, 340, 342, 371, chapter wing 60 418, 457, 463, 475 choir stalls 51, 288, 356 Mariavall, see Tomelilla guest house 62–64, 80, 284 Matter & Mystery, see Mystery Onze Lieve Vrouwe Abdij 42, 66, Measurement 93, 356 authentic 215, 218–219 pump station 47, 62 derived 215, 217–219, 293 stable barn 85 intermediate 214–215 Open & closed 209, 223, 256, 307 system 195, 214–219, 223, 229, 239, Opus Dei, see Benedictinism 257, 259 Ora et labora, see Benedictinism Measuring-up & measuring-out 239 Ornamentation 139, 199–200, 206, Monumental forms, see Form-types 249, 250, 281, 289, 315, 317, 321, 331, Morphoteque 112–113, 293, 357 351, 354, 424, 454, 457, 459 Music Ostensory 62, 357–359 architecture, see Architecture Outside & inside, see Inside Gregorian chant 5, 47, 56, 91–92, 195, 241–242, 268, 289, 318, Parthenon 69, 80, 438 382–383 Paten 152, 348, 352–353, 356 octave 145, 195, 211, 230, 273, 431, Paulusabdij, St., see Oosterhout 434 Peplos 326 rhythm 47, 56, 195, 383 Philosophy, see Theology & Philosophy Mystery & matter 17, 126, 136, 189, Platonism, see Theology & Philosophy 448, 453, 461, 467, 472, 474, 476–478 Plastic number application 80, 201, 204, 250, 263, Naalden, House, see Best 277–278, 314, 361–362, 364, 366, Natural forms, see Form-worlds 371, 443, 453, 457, 470–471 Nature & architecture, see Architecture derivation 200, 204, 214, 218–219, Nature & art, see Art 222, 264–266 586 index

human body, see Body Supernature & nature, see Nature proportions 53–54, 195–196, 204, Superposition & juxtaposition 207–208, 219, 223, 250, 258, 262–266, 219, 223–227, 240 273–274, 293, 314, 342, 350, Surplice 336, 342 354–355, 357, 360–366, 400, 453, Sweden, see Tomelilla 457, 475 Symmetry & eurhythmy 195, 219–222, Play, see Liturgy 233, 429–430 Proportions, see Plastic number Thematismos 233, 235, 241, 307, 310, Reditus & exitus, see Exitus 314 Rhenen, basilica 182, 350 Theology & Philosophy Rome 19, 47, 93–94, 162, 180, 182, apophatic 398, 403, 408, 420, 191, 251, 438, 457 422–423, 465 Roosenberg, Abdij, see Waasmunster Christian Neo-Platonism 139–140, 148, 157, 161, 174–175, 185, Sanctification 135, 151, 154, 174, 251, 188, 228, 238, 391, 396, 401–411, 392, 461, 466–468 419–423, 440–441, 443, 468, 476 School of ’s-Hertogenbosch, see Bossche kataphatic 420 School monastic 468–469, 474, 476–477 School of Delft, see Delftse School negative 153, 381, 420–421, 423 schoonheid van het liturgische gebaar, (Neo-)Platonism 35, 50–51, 125, Over de 154–155, 157–158, 412, 163, 238, 386, 397–414, 420–423, 485–503 440–441, 443–444, 467–468, Scripture 471–472, 476–477 creation 30, 141, 170, 174, 185, 387, (Neo-)Thomism 35, 38, 50–51, 70, 390, 412 140, 150, 172, 377, 379, 411–423, 441 man’s first necessities 3, 140, 143, Thomism, see Theology & Philosophy 150, 204, 387, 462 Tomelilla Sectio aurea, see Golden section Jesu Moder Marias Kloster 114, Size 307–311 architectural 31, 87, 204, 209–212, Monastery 310 214, 311 Town 3, 195, 204, 207, 216, 226–228, order of 199, 212–214, 216, 218, 231, 239, 251, 266, 274, 305, 366, 434 223–224, 226, 257, 259, 301 Traditionalism, see Architecture type of 212–214, 257, 259 Solesmes Utrecht, tower 39, 51, 54 foundation 4, 41–42 tradition 11, 43, 48–50, 55–56, 86, Vaals 126–127, 134, 174, 368, 381–382, church 1, 10, 19, 95–96, 104, 112, 386, 396, 401–402, 406, 443, 447, 115, 132, 191, 251, 268, 278–291, 474, 477 293–295, 299, 314, 363–364, 393, Solid & void 207–209, 229, 252, 411 254–257, 260, 295 crypt 26, 95, 99–100, 104, 115, Space 278–291, 298–299, 365 architectural 93, 100, 107–108, 152, extension 291–293, 369 195, 202–207, 209, 213, 222, 224, Vatican II 3–6, 103–106, 128–137, 154, 229, 242, 254–257, 265, 288, 383, 161, 178, 244, 290, 354, 368, 374, 394 438, 454, 463, 474–475 Vessels experience of 1, 206–207, 213, dish & cup 244, 349, 352–353 222–224, 226, 229, 260 in general 112, 131, 136, 140, Squaring 31, 209, 311, 459 348–352, 371 Stijl, De 8, 38, 201, 206, 235, 269 form 352–354 Stonehenge 70, 108, 117, 203, 230, 233, ornamentation 351, 353–354 248, 262, 438, 471 plastic number 277, 350, 354–355 index 587

Vestments vormenspel der liturgie, Het 127–154, draped & sewn 324–326, 342, 348 passim form 314–320, 327, 331–340 ornamentation 59, 315–317, 321, 331 Waasmunster plastic number 277, 340–341 abbey 110, 118, 191, 295–301, 359, singular & composed 325, 348 366, 457 theory 3, 59, 140, 277, 288, 320–322, motherhouse 110 328–329, 361 Wall tunic & cape 324–326, 331–339, 348 background 147, 286 Visible & invisible 13, 139, 149–154, distance, see Neighbourhood 162–166, 176–177, 194, 202, 241–245, thickness 3, 195, 199, 204–209, 216, 269, 327–329, 366, 375, 405–407, 469, 222–224, 251, 254–257, 266, 293, 476–477 301, 307 Vitruvius 8, 69, 195–198, 233, 266, 270, 293, 368, 428–432, 443–444, 475 Zierikzee, St. Willibrordkerk 62 Void & Solid, see Solid Zundert, Trappist abbey 98

Index of Main Names

Adam de Saint-Victor 173 349–350, 363, 369–373, 377, 379, 382, Ailbertus of Antoing 292–293 385, 396, 407, 409, 425, 442, 444, 477 Alberdingk Thijm, J.A. 181–182 Berg, W. van den 191 Alberti, L.B. 8, 270 Berghoef, J.F. 35 Alexander, C. 223 Berkum, A. van xix, 106 Alfrink, B. 102 Berlage, H.P. 33–34, 61, 432, 441 Allard, R. 92, 105, 236 Beukering, F. van 5 Andersson, T.A.S.V. (M. Tyra) xix, Beukers, E. 43–44 307, 310 Beukers, Th.M. 44 Andrault, M. 89 Billot, L. 422 Andriessen, P. 106, 417 Blaauw, S.L. de xix, 180–181 Antipas Pergamum 285 Blondel, M. 426–427, 441, 469 Arets, W. 191, 440 Bloy, L. 97 Aristotle 51, 218, 228, 238, 412–418, Bodar, A. xix, 323 439, 441–442 Boddens-Hosang, F.J.E. xx Asberg, Mr 69 Boer, N. 45, 55, 59, 64, 79, 86, 105, Asperslag, A. 1 243, 385 Atkinson, R.J.C. 108 Böhm, D. 10, 95 Augustinus 141, 185, 189, 229, 263, 370, Bollnow, O.F. 207, 437, 441 396, 398, 408–410, 417, 421–422, 443 Bonehill, G. 117 Bonth, F. de 64, 113, 284, 439 Bacqué, F. xix Bonth, S. de 64, 439 Baeten, J. 75 Botte, F.X. 59, 92, 283, 385, 439 Bakema, J.B. 35, 303 Bouyer, L. 179–180 Barendse, B.A.M. 101–102, 439 Brett, N. xx Basilius of Caesarea 322, 407 Brinkgreve, G. 88 Beauduin, L. 4–5, 9 Broekaert, V. xix Beckaert, G. 125, 266, Broeke, A. ten xx Bekkers, W. 102 Bruin, R. de 310 Bellot, P. 42–43, 53–54, 60, 63, 71, Bruyère, J. (Mme Cécile) 42, 45, 84–85, 110, 118, 214, 385, 432–433, 176–177, 376–377, 384, 402, 405, 442, 441, 443 466, 477 Benedictus Nursinus 43, 48, 121, 136, Bruyn, W. de 68 147, 154, 167, 190, 229, 246, 253, Buys, P. 292 588 index

Carola, J. xix Engels, R. xix Casel, O. 4–5 Ephraem Syrus 165 Cézanne, P. 67 Evers, H.J. 33–34 Chappin, M.J.J.G. xix Eyck, A.E. van 100 Chesterton, G.K. 172, 437 Choisy, A. 432, 441 Fehmers, P.G.F.T. 30, 33 Claessens, J.M.L.J.E. 25, 85, 93, 97 Ferlenga, A. 15 Colessanti, C. xix Fibonacci, see L. Pisano Constantinus, see J.N. Reijgersberg Fiorina, E. xix Cordonnier, G. 217, 264 Fobé, R. xix Cordonnier, L.M. 36 Frampton, K. 269 Cornford, C. 116, 121, 196, 262, 271–272 Gallicioli, J.B. 133 Cranenburg, Mr 30 Gardeil, A. 414 Cranenburgh, H. van 104 Gaudí y Cornet, A. 459 Cuypers, P.J.H. 9, 23, 432, 441 Geest, P.J.J. van xix Ghyka, M.C. 431 Dael, W. van 68, 75 Gijsen, J. 112 Dam, D. van 104 Glancey, J. 284 Dam, M. van 23 Grabow, S. 362 Dam, P. van xix Granpré Molière, M.J. 9, 25–26, 34–39, Dam, W. van 23 61–63, 68, 70, 75, 77, 82, 89, 99, 101, Debuyst, F. 60 205, 269, 271, 433, 443 Delatte, P. 7, 32, 42, 45, 50, 56, 121, Gredt, J. 414 125, 240, 330, 368–369, 376–380, Gregorius Magnus 370, 408, 410–411, 383–384, 418, 426, 442–443, 447, 477 437, 477 Descartes, R. 276 Gregorius Nyssenus 141, 175, 185, Deutekom, E. van xx 323, 387, 396, 398, 401–403, 406- 408, Diepen, H. 45, 49, 385 435, 443 Dijkema, P. 102 Gropius, W. 8 Dillen, J.J. 77 Guardini, R. 4–6, 10, 187, 424–427, Dinjens, P.J.M. 206 440 Dior, C. 437 Guéranger, P. passim Does De Willebois, J. van der 94 Does De Willebois, R. van der 94, 113, Haagsma, I. 271, 439 296, 439 Haan, H. de 271, 439 Doesburg, T. van 8, 235, 269 Haan, K. de 112 Dongen, J. van 68 Habets, M.A.T.V. 104 Doodkorte, A. 70 Hal, H. van 26, 110, 112, 304 Dougherty, J. 370 Halem, J. van xx Driessen, M. 30, 32, 72 Hammond, P. 9 Duns Scotus 401, 464 Hansen, W. 26, 107 Dupont, P. xix Have, H.W.M. ten xx Durandus de Mende 327–328, Hegel, G.W.F. 401 423–424, 440 Helvoort, H.M.A. van 77, 439 Hermans, J.B. 25 Edridge, T.A. 130 Herwegen, I. 4–5 Eerden, Th.M. van der 25 Heukelum, G.W. van 77 Egbers, H. 209 Hewlett, I. xx Eligius of Noyon 71, 74 Hillesum, E. 436, 441 Embden, S.J. van 37, 63, 68, 122, 265, Hoenen, P. 70 312–313 Hogenhuis, C. xix Engelberts, J. 113, 296, 311, 356–357, Hogenhuis, J. xix 439 Hoof, G. van 117 index 589

Hooff, A. van xix Laan, J.P van der (Johannes) 22, 36 Hooff, W. van 296 Laan, J.T.M. van der (Hans) passim Hopmans, P. 64 Laan, J.W. van der (Rik) xix, 26, 110, Huijben, J. 51 112, 310 Huiting, F. xix, 68, 202, 385, 397 Laan, L. van der (Leo, Senior) 1, Huizinga, J. 186, 381 22–25, 28, 32–33, 39, 44, 49, 71–72, Huntjens, D. xx 115, 351, 433, 443 Laan, L.J. van der (Leo, Junior) 23 Ioannes Chrysostomos 407 Laan, M. van der (Maria) 23 Ioannes Paulus ii 395 Laan, N. van der (Nico) passim Ioannes xxiii 373, 393 Laan, W.C. van der (Wim) 23, 57 Lagerlöf, S. 32 Jausions, P. 382 Laugier, M.-A. 434, 441 Jeanneret, C.E. 7, 38, 89, 205, 235, 263, Le Corbusier, see C.E. Jeanneret 270–271, 362 Lechleitner, C. 32 Jong, G. de 32. Leeuwen, Fr van 279 Jong, J. de (Architect) 89, 93–94, 119, Lenglet, A. xix, 113 230 Lenz, D. 264 Jong, J. de (Cardinal) 76 Leo Magnus 407 Jonge, L. de 32, 38 Leo xiii 35, 414 Jungman, J.A. 180 Leonardo da Vinci 7 Lindeijer, M. xix Kessel, P.H. van 77 Linden, M.P. van der 202 Kessel, S. van 59 Loos, A. 9, 459–460 Kirch, J.H.M. 25 Loriaux, M. xix Kleemans, M. xix Lubac, H. de 427–428 Kluyskens, J.-D. 85, 93 Luyn, A.H. van xix Koerner, F. xix Koeverden, W. van 5 Maas, T. 15, 118, 269, 271–272, 363 Kok, A.J.Th. 34, 62 Mähler, M. 47, 63, 74, 84, 104, 350, Koldewey, B.J. 61, 88, 250 385, 414 Kraaijvanger, H. 35 Maillol, A. 367, 437, 441, 443, 445 Kranendonk, A. van 278 Malaparte, C. 440 Kroon, J.J. 201–202 Malschaert, T. 439 Kropholler, A.J. 1, 9, 20, 25, 35, 61, Mandelstam, N. 439, 441 250, 362 Margry, A.A.J. 22–23 Küpper, C.E.M., see T. van Doesburg Margry, E.J. 9, 22–23 Maritain, J. 38, 70, 101, 415, 418–419, Laan, C.A. van der (Sr Lutgarde) 14, 441, 469 27–28, 182, 351, 439 Martin, B. xx Laan, H. van der (Sr Gertrude) 14, 28, Maupassant, G. de 437 64, 112–113, 342, 439 McCarthy, B. xx Laan, J.A. van der (Jan) 1, 23–26, 32, Meer de Walcheren (Junior), P. van 39, 68–69, 71, 75, 85, 92–93, 97, 351, der 55–57, 97, 385, 442 433, 443 Meer de Walcheren (Senior), P. van Laan, J.A. van der (Jos) 23 der 38, 57, 84, 96–97, 319 Laan, J.E. van der (Jeanne) 23 Meer de Walcheren, C. van der 97, Laan, J.H. van der (Hans, Junior) xix, 319 26, 112, 304 Meer, F. van der 177–184, 192, 196, Laan, J.L. van der (Johannes, 244, 248, 290, 429 Junior) 104, 357 Méhauté, A. le 334 Laan, J.L. van der (Juliette) 23, 30 Mertens, A. 117 Laan, J.N. van der (Jo) 23, 30, 72, 115, Mettlach, R. of 45 141, 356, 387 Mey, J. van der 105 590 index

Meysing, A.P. 23 Prinsloo, I. 109, 121 Meysing, C.J.N. 314, 383 Proclus 401 Michelangelo Buonarotti 7, 19 Prou, J. 334 Mies van der Rohe, L. 8, 206, 235 Prümmer, D.M. 414 Migne, J.P. 373 Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita 51, 140, Mocquereau, A. 47, 195, 241, 318, 368, 142, 153, 164, 168, 174, 185–186, 382–383, 442 381, 396, 401–406, 408, 411–412, 420, Mohrmann, C. 196, 429 422–423, 477 Molenaar, M.G. 31 Puggioni, R. xx Moonen, L. xix, 119 Puniet de Parry, C. 104 Moser, K. 10 Puniet de Parry, J. de. 42–43, 45, 54, Muratori, L.A. 133 56–57, 61, 64, 71–72, 74, 84, 177, 236, Mutsaerts, W. 77 315, 356, 368–369, 377, 380–384, 389, 447 Naalden, J. 110, 302–306, 310 Puniet de Parry, P. de 45, 72, 384, 388, Nau, P. 70, 194, 385 442 Nicolas de Cusa 401 Putten, H. van der 22 Nierman, P. 320 Pythagoras of Samos 7, 431, 441 Noyons, J. 113, 296–297, 350, 358, 439 Nußbaum, J.A. 180 Raemdonck, H. xix Rafaello Sanzio 7 Oldenburger, J. 439 Ratzinger, J.A. 175–176, 187, 464, 470 Ort, T. 37, 122 Reijgersberg, J.N. 83–84, 90, 249, 439 Remery, F.J. xx Padovan, R. 15, 116–118, 121, Remery, M.E.M. xx 130–131, 139, 143, 186–187, 235, 244, Richter, F.A. 31 263, 267, 269–270, 433–434, 439 Rietveld, G. 35, 201, 235, 362 Palladio, see A. di Pietro della Gondola Rilke, R.M. 297–298 Parat, P. 89 Rochon, P.-A. xix Parsch, P. 4–5 Roose, P. xix, 15, 68, 99, 105, 115, 118, Paulus VI 369, 395 122–123, 385, 416 Pecklers, K.F. xix Ruusbroec, J. van 381 Pels, B. 92 Perret, A. 10 Saint-Exupéry, A. de 113, 149, 395, Perret, G. 10 435–436, 441 Petrus Venerabilis 84 Schillebeeckx, E.C.F.A. 102 Petter, D.M. de 231 Schmidt, H. 136 Peutz, F. 9, 282 Schwarz, R. 10 Pietro della Gondola, A. di 7–8, 433, 441 Siebers, P.A.M. 75, 277 Pisano, L. 265 Simonis, A. 320 Pitra, J.B. 42 Sluymer, J. 61, 85, 94 Pius x 5 Smeets G. 59, 92, 105, 346, 385 Pius xi 5, 384 Smit, G. 88 Pius xii 6–7, 319, 371, 395 Smith, J.H. xix Plato 51, 67, 175, 241–242, 258, 363, Snickers, J.M. 23 397–398, 408, 412, 417, 426, 440, 443, Stadhouder, A.M.L. 23, 28, 49, 72 468, 477 Stadhouder, N. 23 Plotinus 175, 238, 396, 398–401, 403, Stam, M.A. 35 408, 412–413, 420, 441, 443, 466 Stap, C.A.C. 22 Porphyry of Tyre 369 Steenbergen, N. 113, 291, 296, 356 Pothier, J. 382 Steur, J.A.G. van der 36–37 Pouderoyen, C. 35, 68, 77, 82 Strawinsky, I. 93 Pouderoyen, K. 108 Strawinsky, T. 93–94, 199, 289, 296, Poulpiquet du Halgouet, B. de 64 344, 439 index 591

Struyken-Boudier, C.E.M. 50–51 Vet, G. de 102, 320 Stuurman, H.J.W. xx Viollet-le-Duc, E. 432, 441 Sullivan, L. 8, 206 Vitruvius Pollio, M. 8, 69, 195–196, Summerson, J. 433 198, 204, 213, 233, 266, 270, 293, 368, Swiers, J. xx 423, 428–432, 434, 440–441, 443–444, 475 Talma P. 67, 385, 416, 426 Vloed, E. de 110 Taylor, F. 30, 33, 38 Vloed, P. de 110 Tebbe, Mr 296 Vondel, J. van den 141, 435, 441 Teilhard de Chardin, P. 428 Voskuil, B. xx Tepe, W.V.A. 9 Vossenaar, A.M. xix Terruwe, A. 439, 441 Thomas de Aquino 50, 122, 125, 168, Weber, C. 9 228, 322, 369, 379, 401, 403, 411–419, Weber, M. 10, 95 421–422, 439, 441–443, 464 Werry, M. xix Tijen, W. van 35 Wijckerslooth, C.L. van 42 Truijen V. 50, 95, 105, 357 Wilde, K. 43 Tummers, H.G.M. 26 Winden, J.C.M. van xx Witteman, N. 350 Vaart, F.J. van der 35, 100, 244 Wittgenstein, L. 276 Vanhecke, A. xix Wittkower, R. 8 Vastrick, W. 270 Wolf, N. de 99, 105–106, 283, 357, Verburgt, J.P.H. xix 367, 385 Verde, P. 15 Woorts, H.W. xx Verhagen, P. 34, 62 Wright, F.L. 8 Verkade, J. 264 Vernieuwe, J.J. 20 Zaccaria, F.A. 133 COLOUR ILLUSTRATION SECTION

Fig. C01 Leiden, Hooglandsche Kerkgracht 23. Van der Laan was born in this house on the 29th of December 1904. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C02 Leiden, St. Petruskerk (1835). Architect T. Molkenboer. Van der Laan was baptised in this church on the 29th of December, 1904. [Photo: mpr, parish archives] Fig. C03 Leiden, St. Petruskerk (1933). Architects A.J. Kropholler and H. van Oerle. Van der Laan disagreed with what he called the ‘romantic approach’ of the Delftse School. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C04 Leiden, St Elizabeth hospital (1906). Architect Leo van der Laan. This was the first important design by Hans van der Laan’s father. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C05 Leiden, St. Josephkerk (1925). Architects Leo and Jan van der Laan. The Trinity in the apse was painted by a childhood friend of Hans, A. Asperslagh. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C06 Leiden, Hooglandse kerk (c. 15th c.). Van der Laan claimed to have often studied this façade from the window of his attic room. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C07 Leiden, St Lodewijkkerk (c. 15th c.). Van der Laan loved to go to the early Sunday morning Mass at 08:00 in this church. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C08 Leiden, Burcht (c. 13th c.). This is where young Hans enjoyed playing. In front stands the beech tree which still bears his initials. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C09 Solesmes, Abbaye St. Pierre de Solesmes. Below: extension under Dom Delatte (1898). Van der Laan visited this abbey several times. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C10 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij (1907). Architect Dom Bellot. This is the abbey where Van der Laan spent almost 40 years of his life as a monk. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C11 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, sacristy and choir stalls (1928). Designer Dom Van der Laan. The initial result did not satisfy Van der Laan and pushed him towards the discovery of the plastic number. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C12 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, extension of the chapter wing (1930). Architect Dom Van der Laan. As Van der Laan had to adapt to the style of Dom Bellot, the work was not very satisfying. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C13 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, guest house (1939). Architects Hans and Nico van der Laan. This design represents the first application of the theory of the plastic number. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C14 Helmond, St. Josephkapel (1948). Architects Hans and Nico van der Laan. The design demonstrates a further application of Van der Laan’s theory. [AVdL] Fig. C15 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, farm (c. 1951). Architect Dom Van der Laan. This was one of the few designs by Van der Laan for the abbey that were accepted in these years. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C16 Oosterhout, St. Paulusabdij, abbey church (1956). Architect J. Sluymer. Van der Laan, whose design was not accepted, strongly disagreed with Sluymer’s architectural principles. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C17 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986). Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C18 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986), refectory. Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. The refectory was adapted by Van der Laan, and equipped with his furniture designs. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C19 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986), stairs. Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. Van der Laan adapted the more romantic design of Böhm and Weber to fit his more sober architecture.[Photo: mpr] Fig. C20 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg (1923–1986), front. Architects Böhm, Weber and Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C21 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, crypt (1962). Architect Dom Van der Laan. Overview of the crypt from the rear. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C22 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, abbey church (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C23 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, abbey church (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. The choir books (1987) were also designed by Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C24 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, bell tower (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. View from the atrium. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C25 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, stairs in the atrium (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C26 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, abbey church (1968). Architect Dom Van der Laan. View from the cloister. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C27 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, library (1986). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C28 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig C29 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, abbey church (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. The square ground plan has an octogonal column plan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C30 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, fresco in the refectory (1977). Artist R. van der Does de Willebois. This was one of the very few artists whose work Van der Laan deemed suited for his architecture. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C31 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, meeting room (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C32 Waasmunster, Belgium, Abdij Roosenberg, cloister (1975). Architect Dom Van der Laan. The lamp pole is a repetitive element in all his later designs. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C33 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, existing Baroque church (1877). Van der Laan spoke of the church, which was surrounded by the building of his own design, as ‘a chique brooch on a sober dress’. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C34 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, connection with the existing church (1877–1985). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C35 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, stairs (1985). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C36 Waasmunster, Belgium, Motherhouse, corridor (1985). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C37 Best, dwelling for Naalden, façade (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C38 Best, dwelling for Naalden, hearth (1981). Architect Dom Van der Laan. The original text above the fire place, ‘The inside generated by walls’, was covered when Van der Laan decided to add a larger framing in natural stone. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C39 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, façade (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C40 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C41 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, abbey church (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C42 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, abbey church (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C43 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, library (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C44 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, guest house (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr]

Fig. C45 Mariavall, Tomelilla, Sweden, Jesu Moder Marias Kloster, cupboard (1991). Architect Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C46 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: white cope (c. 1956); white chasuble (c. 1961); violet cope (c. 1968); black dalmatic (c. 1969). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C47 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: red dalmatic and chasuble (c. 1961); violet chasuble (c. 1974); green cope (c. 1991). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C48 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: chalice and paten (above: 1941; below: 1975). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C49 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg: ewer and basin (c. 1987); holy water vessel and sprinkler (c. 1987). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C50 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, furniture (above: c. 1960; below: c. 1970). Designer Dom Van der Laan. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C51 Vaals, Abdij St. Benedictusberg, graveyard and tomb stone of Van der Laan (1991). Designer Dom Van der Laan. The font used for stone carving was also designed by him. [Photo: mpr] Fig. C52 Miniature from the ‘Bible Moralisée’, 13th. c., Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien. [Cod.2554, fol.I.v] Van der Laan kept this depiction of Christ measuring the universe at its creation on his desk, with reference to Scripture: ‘Stetit et mensus est terram’ (Hab. 3:6); ‘Omnia mensura et numero et pondere disposuisti’ (Wis. 11:20). TABLE 1: DEVELOPMENT OF ARCHITECTURAL DESIGNS

TABLE 2: DEVELOPMENT OF THE FORM OF THE CHALICE

TABLE 1: DEVELOPMENT OF ARCHITECTURAL DESIGNS

The following projects were designed by Van der Laan, mostly in collaboration with Nico and executed by the architectural studio of the latter. Note that items indicated by square brackets never made it to the final construction phase.

T1.01 1929 Baarle-Nassau. Devotional chapel St. Salvator.1

1 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to R. Padovan 19840529, 19870507, 19870824. Illustration from HvdL, Letter to R. Padovan 19840529. See also R. Padovan, Dom Hans van der Laan: Modern Primitive, Amsterdam 1994, 86. T1.02 1930 Oosterhout. Extension of the chapter room, adapting the design by dom Paul Bellot.2 [AVdL]

T1.03 [1935 Egmond]. [Draft design priory in Egmond]. [AVdL]

2 Cfr. HvdL, Drawing [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij H I.9]. T1.04 1936–1937 Oosterhout. ‘Pump station’ in the abbey garden. [Photo: mpr]3

T1.05 1937 Zierikzee. New sanctuary of the St. Willibrordskerk.3 [AVdL]

3 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to N. van der Laan 19370307; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19370411. [no illustration available]

T1.06 1937 Oosterhout. Construction works at Onze Lieve Vrouwe Abdij.4 5

T1.07 1938–1939 Oosterhout. Extension of the guest house of the abbey.5 [AVdL]

4 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19370411. 5 Cfr. e.g. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19390716, 19420810, 19830314; Let- ter to Sr L. van der Laan 19660803; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19661127; Letters to R. Padovan 19830802, 19840122. Cfr. HvdL, Drawing [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij H I.10]. T1.08 [1941 Rhenen]. [Design for a basilica].6 [AVdL]7

T1.09 c. 1945 Brasil. Church for P. Guilberto.7 [AVdL]

6 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to N. van der Laan 19411124, 19421231; H.P. Deijs, ‘Dom Hans van der Laan en zijn niet gebouwde basilica in Rhenen’, Thematismos (May 2004, nr. 3) 6–10. 7 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom P. van der Meer de Walcheren Junior c. 1945; Letter to Dom P. Guilberto c. 1945. T1.10 1948 Helmond. Devotional chapel of St. Joseph. [AVdL]

T1.11 [1949 Oosterhout]. [Design for the new church of the abbey in Oosterhout]. T1.12 [1948 Dongen]. [Marian chapel]. [AVdL]

T1.13 1951 Oosterhout. Cattle stable.8 [AVdL]

8 Cfr. HvdL, Drawing [Unp. Archief St. Paulusabdij H I.12]. [no illustration available]9

T1.14 [1946 Doetinchem]. [Draft design St. Willibrordusabdij Slangenburg].10 [AVdL] 11

T1.15 c. 1955 Clervaux. Altar.11 [AVdL]

T1.16 [c. 1955 Hulsel]. [Altar]. [AVdL]

9 TheAVdL notes that Van der Laan gave the drawings in 1989 to Abbot Van den Biesen of Slangenburg. These were later destroyed. 10 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19460607. 11 Executed in another church: cfr. G.J.M. Sarlemijn, ‘Une voie nouvelle pour l’architecture des églises, AE (1956, nr. 4) 118. T1.17 1956–1957 Nijmegen. Interior of the chapel of the St Radboud hospital. [AVdL]

T1.18 1956–1968 Vaals. Crypt and church for Abdij St. Benedictusberg. [AVdL] T1.19 1958–1960 Zundert. Renewal of the Trappist church and abbey.12 [AVdL]

T1.20 1959 Huissen. New sanctuary for Dominikanerkerk. [AVdL]

12 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19620603; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804. T1.21 [1960 Amsterdam]. [New sanctuary for St. Franciscuskerk]. [AVdL]

T1.22 1961 Ossenisse. New sanctuary and baptismal font. [AVdL] T1.23 [1961–1964 Brugge]. [Design reconstruction St. Andriesabdij].13 [AVdL]

T1.24 1962 Houten. New sanctuary for church. [AVdL]

13 Cfr. HvdL, Letters to Dom X. Botte 19630714, 19640116; Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19630804; Letter to Sr L. van der Laan 19640720. T1.25 [1962 Bellefontaine (Martinique)]. [Design for a parish church].14 [AVdL A15d]

T1.26 1962 Utrecht. New sanctuary for St. Monicakerk. [AVdL]

14 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom N. Boer 19620331; C. van der Heiden, ‘Rendering van de schetsen voor een kerk in Bellefontaine, Martinique (1962)’, Thematismos (Dec. 2009, nr. 11–12) 12–21. T1.27 [1964 Sleewijk]. [New sanctuary for church]. [AVdL]

T1.28 [1964 Boxtel]. [New sanctuary for church]. [AVdL] T1.29 [1965 Vijlen]. [Studio for Creygton]. [AVdL AR15].

T1.30 [1965 Eindhoven]. [New sanctuary for St. Trudokerk].15 [AVdL T87]

15 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19640722. [no illustration available]

T1.31 [1971 Denain]. [New sanctuary for the convent church].16 17 18

T1.32 1971 Antwerpen. Wooden chapel on an estate.17 [AVdL HK51]

[no illustration available]

T1.33 [1972 Beek]. [New sanctuary for the oratory of the Sisters].18

T1.34 1972–1975 Waasmunster (Belgium). Abdij Roosenberg for the Marian Sisters of St Francis. [AVdL]

16 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Sr G. van der Laan 19710403. 17 The chapel was destroyed in 1994. 18 Cfr. HvdL, Letter to Dom N. de Wolf 19720101. T1.35 1976 Duiven. New sanctuary for church of ’t Loo. [AVdL H6]

T1.36 1978–1985 Waasmunster (Belgium). Reconstruction of the mother house and a separate dwelling for the rector. [AVdL] T1.37 1978–1982 Best. Private dwelling for Jos Naalden. [AVdL]

T1.38 1984–1986 Vaals. Extensions and completion of Abdij St. Benedictusberg. [AVdL] T1.39 [1988]. [Huis de Loore]. [AVdL]

T1.40 Mariavall, Tomelilla (Sweden). Draft design for the Jesu Moder Marias Kloster. [AVdL] T1.41 [1986–1991 Mariavall, Tomelilla (Sweden)]. [Draft design for a monastery]. [AVdL]

T1.42 1990 Rolduc. New sanctuary for a chapel. [AVdL R24] TABLE 2: DEVELOPMENT OF THE FORM OF THE CHALICE

The following chalices were designed by Van der Laan for different occasions. The list is not exhaustive and its purpose is to give an overview of the development of the form over time

T2.01 c. 1939, Oosterhout. Silver chalice. [AvdL LV64]19

19 T2.02 19 Sept. 1941, Oosterhout. Silver chalice with a large nodus and an ornamental cup in 12 parts. [AVdL LV55]

19 Cfr. HvdL, ‘Façon classique du vêtement sacré’, AAL 17 (1948, nr. 4) 293. T2.03 Aug. 1944, Oosterhout. Silver chalice. [AVdL LV69]

T2.04 Dec. 1946, Oosterhout. Silver chalice. [AVdL] T2.05 Feb. 1947, Oosterhout. Silver chalice. [AVdL LV38]

T2.06 24 Mar. 1952, Oosterhout. Silver chalice with golden nodus and cup for Fr Arthur Pollen. [AVdL LV40] T2.07 c. 1952, Oosterhout. Silver chalice with gilded cup and layered silver ornamentation. [AVdL]

T2.08 c. 1952, Oosterhout. Chalice in burned silver. [AVdL] T2.09 18 Aug. 1953, Oosterhout. Chalice. [AVdL LV 13]

T2.10 17 Nov. 1956, Oosterhout. Chalice for Fr Van der Meer de Walcheren. [AVdL LV 41] T2.11 Oct. 1959, Oosterhout. Chalice for ‘Vinea Domini’. [AVdL LV 06]

T2.12 8 May 1961, Oosterhout. Chalice for Heelsum, Vermeulen. T2.13 9 Jan. 1963, Oosterhout. Silver chalice for Fr Wim Johannesma. [AVdL LV 133]

T2.14 12 Sept. 1968, Oosterhout. Silver chalice for Vaals. [AVdL LV 28] T2.15 Jan. 1975, Vaals. Silver chalice. [AVdL LV 127]

T2.16 2 Apr. 1979, Vaals. Chalice for Fr Van der Horst. [AVdL LV82] T2.17 22 Sept. 1980, Vaals. Silver chalice for the cathedral in ’s-Hertogen- bosch. [AVdL LV56]

T2.18 Aug. 1982, Vaals. Silver chalice. [AVdL LV 83] T2.19 14 July 1986, Vaals. Silver chalice. [AVdL LV152]

T2.20 2 Mar. 1987, Vaals. Silver chalice. [AVdL LV148]