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Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — the Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — The Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information Index 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the, 2 Ariel, Uri, 76, 116 1949 Armistice Agreements, the, 2 Arutz Sheva, 120–121, 154, 205 1956 Sinai campaign, the, 60 Ashkenazi, 42, 64, 200 1979 peace agreement, the, 57 Association for Retired People, 23 Australia, 138 Abrams, Eliott, 59 Aviner, Shlomo, 65, 115, 212 Academic Council for National, the. See Professors for a Strong Israel B’Sheva, 120 action B’Tselem, 36, 122 connective, 26 Barak, Ehud, 50–51, 95, 98, 147, 235 extreme, 16 Bar-Ilan University, 50, 187 radical, 16 Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, 194, 216 tactical, 34 Bat Ayin Underground, the, 159 activism BDS. See Boycott, Divestment and moderate, 15–16 Sanctions transnational, 30–31 Begin, Manahem, 47, 48, 118–119, Adelson, Sheldon, 179, 190 157, 172 Airbnb, 136 Beit El, 105 Al Aqsa Mosque, the, 146 Beit HaArava, 45 Al-Aqsa Intifada. See the Second Intifada Beitar Illit, 67, 70, 99 Alfei Menashe, 100 Beitar Ironi Ariel, 170 Allon, Yigal, 45–46 Belafonte, Harry, 14 Alon Shvut, 88, 190 Ben Ari, Michael, 184 Aloni, Shulamit, 182 Bendaña, Alejandro, 24 Altshuler, Amos, 189 Ben-Gurion, David, 46 Amana, 76–77, 89, 113, 148, 153–154, 201 Ben-Gvir, Itamar, 184 American Friends of Ariel, 179–180 Benn, Menachem, 164 American Studies Association, 136 Bennett, Naftali, 76, 116, 140, 148, Amnesty International, 24 153, 190 Amona, 79, 83, 153, 157, 162, 250, Benvenisti, Meron, 1 251 Ben-Zimra, Gadi, 205 Amrousi, Emily, 67, 84 Ben-Zion, -
Ultraorthodox Jews in Israel – Epidemic As a Measure of Challenges Marek Matusiak
OSW Commentary CENTRE FOR EASTERN STUDIES NUMBER 341 23.06.2020 www.osw.waw.pl Ultraorthodox Jews in Israel – epidemic as a measure of challenges Marek Matusiak In Israel as in other countries, when the COVID-19 epidemic surfaced it exacerbated the existing divi- sions and tensions in society. A group that came under severe attack from the public was the Jewish Ultraorthodox population (the Haredi). This was due to disregard on the part of certain ultraorthodox groups of the restrictions imposed in response to the epidemic and an exceptionally high infection rate in that community – as much as 70% of cases recorded from February until May this year affected members of that community.1 This non-conformity with the regulations by some Haredi (in fact a distinct minority) resonated broadly because it was an element of a decades-long heated dispute over the state’s approach towards the group and its place in Israeli society. Over the years, the issue has repeatedly caused severe shockwaves (including collapse of government coalitions). The stance adopted by the Haredi during the initial phase of the epidemic provided critics of the Haredi with new arguments that they are de facto a law unto themselves, and as a result are becoming increasingly socially and politically problematic. While COVID-19 cannot be expected to significantly change the subjects under debate, the arguments used in the debate, or the balance of power, it will make the dispute even more complex than before the epidemic and lead to greater polarisation. This will further complicate Israel’s efforts to meet challenges posed by the rapid increase in the community’s population. -
Radicalization of the Settlers' Youth: Hebron As a Hub for Jewish Extremism
© 2014, Global Media Journal -- Canadian Edition Volume 7, Issue 1, pp. 69-85 ISSN: 1918-5901 (English) -- ISSN: 1918-591X (Français) Radicalization of the Settlers’ Youth: Hebron as a Hub for Jewish Extremism Geneviève Boucher Boudreau University of Ottawa, Canada Abstract: The city of Hebron has been a hub for radicalization and terrorism throughout the modern history of Israel. This paper examines the past trends of radicalization and terrorism in Hebron and explains why it is still a present and rising ideology within the Jewish communities and organization such as the Hilltop Youth movement. The research first presents the transmission of social memory through memorials and symbolism of the Hebron hills area and then presents the impact of Meir Kahana’s movement. As observed, Hebron slowly grew and spread its population and philosophy to the then new settlement of Kiryat Arba. An exceptionally strong ideology of an extreme form of Judaism grew out of those two small towns. As analyzed—based on an exhaustive ethnographic fieldwork and bibliographic research—this form of fundamentalism and national-religious point of view gave birth to a new uprising of violence and radicalism amongst the settler youth organizations such as the Hilltop Youth movement. Keywords: Judaism; Radicalization; Settlers; Terrorism; West Bank Geneviève Boucher Boudreau 70 Résumé: Dès le début de l’histoire moderne de l’État d’Israël, les villes d’Hébron et Kiryat Arba sont devenues une plaque tournante pour la radicalisation et le terrorisme en Cisjordanie. Cette recherche examine cette tendance, explique pourquoi elle est toujours d’actualité ainsi qu’à la hausse au sein de ces communautés juives. -
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As Of, January 27, 2015) Elections • in Israel, Elections for the Knesset A
Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As of, January 27, 2015) Elections In Israel, elections for the Knesset are held at least every four years. As is frequently the case, the outgoing government coalition collapsed due to disagreements between the parties. As a result, the Knesset fell significantly short of seeing out its full four year term. Knesset elections in Israel will now be held on March 17, 2015, slightly over two years since the last time that this occurred. The Basics of the Israeli Electoral System All Israeli citizens above the age of 18 and currently in the country are eligible to vote. Voters simply select one political party. Votes are tallied and each party is then basically awarded the same percentage of Knesset seats as the percentage of votes that it received. So a party that wins 10% of total votes, receives 10% of the seats in the Knesset (In other words, they would win 12, out of a total of 120 seats). To discourage small parties, the law was recently amended and now the votes of any party that does not win at least 3.25% of the total (probably around 130,000 votes) are completely discarded and that party will not receive any seats. (Until recently, the “electoral threshold,” as it is known, was only 2%). For the upcoming elections, by January 29, each party must submit a numbered list of its candidates, which cannot later be altered. So a party that receives 10 seats will send to the Knesset the top 10 people listed on its pre-submitted list. -
For Immediate Release Thursday, May 19, 2016
For Immediate Release Thursday, May 19, 2016 LIVE TELECAST OF "THE JERUSALEM POST CONFERENCE" ON JBS Sunday May 22, 2016 Beginning at 9AM One of the liveliest Jewish conferences of the year, The fifth annual "The Jerusalem Post Conference," will be televised LIVE this Sunday on JBS from the Marriott Marquis in Times Square, New York. In addition to its live and exclusive television coverage, JBS will also be producing the telecast for "The Jerusalem Post" which will be streaming it on line back to Israel. This not-to-be-missed annual event will include senior Israeli officials, newsmakers and opinion-shapers, who will discuss the key issues and challenges facing Israel and the Jewish world today. Join "The Jerusalem Post's" top journalists, leading politicians and experts to get a glimpse of the state of affairs in the Jewish state. A list of the speakers scheduled to appear is at the end of this release which includes a special video address by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Once again, the telecast will be anchored by JBS President, Mark S. Golub, who will be speaking with participants and those in attendance. "We're proud to partner again with 'The Jerusalem Post Conference'," commented JBS President, Mark S. Golub. "There always seems to be fireworks on stage as this is one Jewish conference where differences of opinion often erupt in passionate debate before our eyes." JBS will have encore presentations of highlights of the Conference. Please check the JBS Schedule for date and time. (www.jbstv.org) Here is the LIVE Program Schedule:: 9:00-9:30 Welcome by Steve Linde, outgoing Editor-in-Chief of The Jerusalem Post and Yaakov Katz, new Editor-in-Chief of The Jerusalem Post 9:30-9:50 Minister of Education and Diaspora Affairs Naftali Bennettis interviewed by Steve Linde 9:50-10:00 Opening speech by JPost conference president Ronald S. -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — The Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Excerpt More Information Introduction Fifty years ago, the State of Israel was able to return to Judea, Samaria and the Jordan Valley. Fifty years have passed, and we are stronger and certainly much more successful. We will have all the international sup- port when we have the confidence. We need to know that this is our land. We will never return to the ‘67 borders. Former Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely (Likud) (Arutz Sheva, March 28, 2017) The Israeli settler movement is not only one of the most enduring social movements in recent history, having been active for over fifty years now, but it is also widely seen as one of the most successful. Observers on both sides of the highly polarized issue of Israel’s politics in the West Bank agree on little, but all accept that the settler movement is one of the most important actors on this issue. For example, Likud member and then- Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin, who has served as President of Israel since 2014, has thanked the settlers for keeping Zionism alive (Kikar Hashabat, August 3, 2011), while Labor Party Member of Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) Stav Shaffir has argued that the left-wing camp should learn from the settler movement, because, although accounting for only a tiny percent of the population, they have managed to establish facts on the ground so that the next generation will grow up in a messianic and extremist society (At Magazine, August 1, 2018). -
Inside This Issue
PAM GOLDING ON MAIN NOW LETTING Locate your office in Kenilworth. Peter Golding 082 825 5561 | Teresa Cook 079 527 0348 Office: 021 426 4440 www.pamgolding.co.za/on-main VOLUME 31 No 10 NOVEMBER 2014 /5775 www.cjc.org.za An interview with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu By Shlomo Cesana, Gonen Ginat, and Amos Regev/JNS.org In this interview with Israel Hayom objective, meaning achieving lasting commander and a bad ahead of Rosh Hashanah, Prime peace and quiet by re-establishing commander, is that Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shared deterrence via dealing [Hamas] a massive a good commander his perspective and strategy, and blow. What happens if they try again? They knows how to achieve analysed the changing realities in the will be dealt a doubly debilitating blow — the declared goals for a Middle East. and they know it.” lesser price. We would Why didn’t Israel vanquish Hamas? have ended up with the Israel Hayom: Is Israel doing better or he answer to that question is same result, only with a worse than it was doing on the eve of Rosh “Tvery complex and it entails a much heavier price, and Hashanah last year? variety of considerations. One of those I don’t want to elaborate enjamin Netanyahu: “We are doing considerations is a spatial consideration, further.” Bbetter while facing a harsher reality. which cannot be ignored. We have Hamas How influential was the The reality around us is that radical Islam in the south, al-Qaeda and the Nusra IDF in preventing a wider is marching forward on all fronts. -
Phenomenon, Vigilantism, and Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh's
‘THE SIMPLE JEW’: THE ‘PRICE TAG’ PHENOMENON, VIGILANTISM, AND RABBI YITZCHAK GINSBURGH’S POLITICAL KABBALAH Tessa Satherley* ABSTRACT: This paper explores the Kabbalistic theosophy of Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh, and allegations of links between his yeshiva and violent political activism and vigilantism. Ginsburgh is head of the yeshiva Od Yosef Chai (Joseph Still Lives) in Samaria/the northern West Bank. His students and colleagues have been accused by the authorities of violence and vandalism against Arabs in the context of ‘price tag’ actions and vigilante attacks, while publications by Ginsburgh and his yeshiva colleagues such as Barukh HaGever (Barukh the Man/Blessed is the Man) and Torat HaMelekh (The King’s Torah) have been accused of inciting racist violence. This paper sketches the yeshiva’s history in the public spotlight and describes the esoteric, Kabbalistic framework behind Ginsburgh’s politics, focusing on his political readings of Zoharic Kabbalah and teachings about the mystical value of spontaneous revenge attacks by ‘the simple Jew’, who acts upon his feelings of righteous indignation without prior reflection. The conclusion explores and attempts to delimit the explanatory power of such mystical teachings in light of the sociological characteristics of the Hilltop Youth most often implicated as price tag ‘operatives’ and existing scholarly models of vigilantism. It also points to aspects of the mystical teachings with potential for special potency in this context. Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh (1944-) is a Chabad rabbi and head of the Od Yosef Chai (Joseph Still Lives) yeshiva in the Yitzhar settlement, near the major Palestinian population centre of Nablus (biblical Shechem). The yeshiva occupies an unusual discursive space – neither mainstream religious Zionist (though some of its teaching staff were educated in this tradition) nor formally affiliated with the Hasidic movement, despite Ginsburgh’s own affiliation with Chabad and despite his teachings being steeped in its Kabbalistic inheritance. -
An Mora Constrts
Yitzchak Blau Rabbi Blau is a Ram at Yeshivat Hamivtar in Efrat, IsraeL. PLOUGHSHAS INTO SWORDS: CONTEMPORA RELIGIOUS ZIONISTS AN MORA CONSTRTS AUTHOR'S NOTE: When Jewish communities are threatened, we rightfully incline towards communal unity and are reluctant to engage in internal criti- cism. In the wake of recent events in Israel, some of which I have witnessed firsthand, one might question the appropriateness of publishing this article. Nevertheless, the article remains timely. It attempts to correct a perceived misrepresentation of yahadut, irrespective of political issues, and such a step is always relevant. Furthermore, the decision to delay our own moral ques- tioning during difficult times could lead in modern Israel to a de facto deci- sion never to raise such questions. Finally and most significantly, times of heightened anger, frustration and fear can cause cracks in the moral order to widen into chasms. I hope the reader will agree that the issues analyzed in the article remain very much worthy of discussion. The article does not advocate a particular political approach. While readers of a dovish inclination will no doubt find the article more congenial, it is the more right wing readers who truly stand to benefit from the discussion. It is precisely the militant excesses of the dati le)ummi world that enable and lead others to ignore their legitimate criticisms. The ability to combine a more right wing political view with a more moderate expression of Judaism would be both a kiddush hashem and more successful politically as well. "In ths situation of war for the land of our life and our eternal free- dom, the perfected form of our renewal appears: not just as the People of the Book-the galuti description given us by the genties- but rather as God's nation, the holy nation, possessors of the Divine Torah implanted therein, for whom the Book and the Sword descended intertwned from the heavens . -
Israeli-German Relations in the Years 2000-2006: a Special Relationship Revisited
Israeli-German Relations in the Years 2000-2006: A Special Relationship Revisited Helene Bartos St. Antony’s College Trinity Term 2007 Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Modern Middle Eastern Studies Faculty of Oriental Studies University of Oxford To my mother and Joe Acknowledgements I would like to use the opportunity to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Emanuele Ottolenghi, who generously agreed to oversee my thesis from afar having taken up his post as the Executive Director of the Transatlantic Institute in Brussels in September 2006. Without his full-hearted support and his enduring commitment my research would not have materialised. I am further deeply indebted to Dr. Michael Willis who dedicated his precious time to discuss with me issues pertaining to my research. Special thanks also goes to Dr. Philip Robins, Senior Tutor at St. Antony’s College, for having supported my field work in Germany in the summer vacation of 2006 with a grant from the Carr and Stahl Funds, and to the Hebrew and Jewish Studies Committee and Near and Middle Eastern Studies Committee for having awarded me two research grants to finance my field work in Israel in the winter of 2006. Without listing everyone personally, I would like to thank all my interview partners as well as colleagues and friends who shared with me their thoughts on the nature of the Israeli-German relationship. Having said all this, it is only due to my mother and my boyfriend Joe who have supported me throughout six not always easy years that I have been able to study at Oxford.