Athens' Domain

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Athens' Domain Athens’ Domain: The Loss of Naval Supremacy and an Empire Keegan Laycock Acknowledgements This paper has a lot to owe to the support of Dr. John Walsh. Without his encouragement, guid- ance, and urging to come on a theoretically educational trip to Greece, this paper would be vastly diminished in quality, and perhaps even in existence. I am grateful for the opportunity I have had to present it and the insight I have gained from the process. Special thanks to the editors and or- ganizers of Canta/ἄειδε for their own patience and persistence. %1 For the Athenians, the sea has been a key component of culture, economics, and especial- ly warfare. The Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) displayed how control of the waves was vital for victory. This was not wholly apparent at the start of the conflict. The Peloponnesian League was militarily led by Sparta who was the greatest land power in Greece; to them naval warfare was excessive. Athens, as the head of the Delian League, was the greatest sea power in Greece whose strengths lay in their navy. However, through a combination of factors, Athens lost control of the sea and lost the war despite being the superior naval power at the war’s outset. Ultimately, Athens lost because they were unable to maintain strong naval authority. The geographic position of Athens and many of its key resources ensured land-based threats made them vulnerable de- spite their naval advantage. Athens also failed to exploit their naval supremacy as they focused on land-based wars in Sicily while the Peloponnesian League built up a rivaling navy of its own. Worst of all, Athenian leadership was fragmented; resources were squandered, and their navy’s experience and capability were not maintained in the face of improved opposition. These factors ultimately proved the end of the Athenian Empire. While Athens operated as a thalassocracy, it was located on the mainland. Other insular maritime civilizations were removed from mainland threats. This is what enabled the ancient Minoans to maintain safety and prosperity on Crete.1 The more warlike Mycenaeans were unable to overthrow Minoan hegemony until the latter collapsed in the 14th century BC.2 Conversely, Athens could still be threatened by a land based power that put their whole empire at risk, both in terms of economic and physical vulnerabilities such as interrupting the flow of vital continental goods and attacking Athens itself. Without a body of water that acted as a defensive barrier, Athens was at an immediate disadvantage despite having a powerful navy. To combat this problem, the Athenians had built a wall around Athens and the port poleis of Piraeus and Phalerum in 457 BC.3 When the first phase of the Peloponnesian War began, known as the Archidamian War (431-421 BC), and the Spartans marched on Athens in 431 BC led by Archidamus, the rural Athenians took refugee within the Long Walls. Rebuffed and un- equipped for a siege, the Spartan infantry could only pillage the countryside.4 However, this de- fence brought on new problems in the form of disease and civil discord. Athens could not sup- 1 Thuc.1.4; 1.8. 2 Denis Doxey, “Causes and Effects of the Fall of Knossos in 1375 B.C.,” Oxford Journal of Ar- chaeology 6, no. 3 (November 1987): 301-2, 306-7, 312. 3 Thuc.1.107. 4 Debra Hamel, The Battle of Arginusae: Victory at Sea and its Tragic Aftermath in the Final Years of the Peloponnesian War (Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015), 25, and Diod.12.45.1-2, and John Nash, “Sea Power in the Peloponnesian War,” Naval War Col- lege Review 71, no. 1 (2018): 123, and Thuc.2.13-4; 2.23. It is debated as to how effective the Spartans were at pillaging and razing, as the countryside, crops, and tools available to the Spar- tan warriors did not lend themselves well to easy destruction. However, it is still likely that the sight of foreign soldiers destroying homes would have a psychological effect on the populace of Athens, especially for those who had lived outside the Long Walls. %2 port the increased population, leaving many homeless. Along with the psychological effect of seeing Athenian land being ravaged by the Spartans, many Athenians became discontented with Pericles, who was Athens’ de facto leader.5 It is a testament to his leadership abilities, or the peo- ple’s desperation, that he was able to retain his position as general and gain power in the face of extreme disquiet.6 Under his leadership the Athenians adopted the ‘Periclean Strategy’. It was a military doctrine that focused on hit-and-run tactics behind enemy lines utilizing their navy to ferry their military unmolested.7 Furthermore, the Athenians were to avoid facing the superior Spartans in direct combat. While it was an unconventional strategy for its time, Pericles believed that through attrition the Peloponnesian League could be weakened enough to allow Athens sur- vival.8 The polis’ unity was challenged again when the Plague of Athens struck (429 BC) and decimated a third of the population.9 Had Pericles not rallied the Athenians during this stressful period, the Athenians may have decided to abandon their defensive strategy and to meet Sparta in the field: a popular idea at the time.10 However, the same plague ultimately claimed Pericles’ life.11 His leadership had been crucial for the Athenian war effort, and while he was not popular among the people, future leaders lacked his long-term strategic skills. Athens’ geographic posi- tioning forced the Athenians to live under siege-like conditions; Athens lost men and their most important leader, leaving behind long term consequences to their naval authority. Athens was also at great risk economically. The Athenians were trapped within the city limits, and could not access the surrounding countryside, making them dependent on the port po- lis Piraeus to enable allied poleis to supply them by sea.12 Athens required its allies to remain loyal to maintain the stability, health, and defence of the Athenian Empire.13 All member poleis 5 Diod.12.45.4, Hamel, The Battle of Arginusae, 25, Nash, “Sea Power,” 125, and Thuc.2.23; 2.52. 6 Thuc.2.65.1-5. 7 Thuc.2.65.7. 8 Thuc.2.65.7. 9 Diod.12.45.2, Hamel, The Battle of Arginusae, 25, and Thuc.2.49. 10 Thuc.2.23-24. 11 Thuc.2.65. 12 Athanassios Platias, “Grand Strategies Clashing: Athenian and Spartan Strategies in Thucy- dides’ “History of the Peloponnesian War”,” Comparative Strategy 21, no. 5 (October 2002): 380, and Brian Rutishauser, Athens and the Cyclades: Economic Strategies 540-314 BCE (Ox- ford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 117-8, 120. 13 It should also be noted that many of these allied poleis became more like subjects to the Athe- nians as their navies were put under direct Athenian control and they were forced to give mone- tary tribute to Athens instead. This led to the idea of an Athenian “Empire” despite technically remaining as part of the Delian League. %3 of the Delian League were obliged to contribute a military fleet or monetary tribute to the League, but the Athenians increasingly dominated the League through their control of the trea- sury and the levying of heavy taxes and tributes, leaving many supposed allies dissatisfied and willing to revolt.14 Rebelling poleis posed a significant threat, as such defections deprived Athens of vital resources and presented a potential threat should the rebels ever side with the Pelopon- nesian League, such as the attempted rebellion on Lesbos by Mytilene in 428 whose navy could threaten the Athenians.15 Due to their geographic positioning, Athens could not afford to have unwilling allies as they were the lifeline of Athens and its navy. Relying on shipped goods had its advantages. It was practically impossible for the Pelo- ponnesian League to blockade Athens, as they lacked a significant naval force to challenge Athens, meaning that Athens was able to remain supplied uninterrupted.16 However, there were several locations on the mainland that supplied Athens with vital material. This meant that Athens could still be threatened by a land power in spite of the naval force that Athens had at its disposal.17 The polis Amphipolis is one such example, as it was valued for its timber needed for shipbuilding, silver mines to pay the army and navy, and it occupied a strategic geographic posi- tion that would allow Sparta to threaten other Delian League poleis.18 Following the Athenian victory at Sphacteria in 425 BC, Spartan general Brasidas marched on and captured Amphipolis in 424 BC.19 This was a devastating blow to the Athenians. In a single stroke, Athens’ whole war effort was at risk. Despite their victory at Sphacteria, the capture of Amphipolis meant the Athe- nians no longer had access to the valuable silver mines or wood supply, without which the in- tegrity of their army and navy was threatened. The Spartans had effectively exploited Athenian dependency on geographically vulnerable resources. This was a great weakness and it played a role in the ultimate demise of the Athenian Empire and their naval dominance. After ten years of ceaseless war, the losses of Sphacteria, Amphipolois, generals, and sol- diers added to the mounting exhaustion that both sides faced. Following the battle to retake Am- phipolis in 422 BC, a tenuous peace was created known as the Peace of Nicias. Named after the eponymous Athenian general, the peace treaty concluded the Archidamian War in 421 BC.20 De- 14 Thuc.2.80; 3.2; 3.3.1.
Recommended publications
  • Who Freed Athens? J
    Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
    Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia.
    [Show full text]
  • Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
    MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V.
    [Show full text]
  • Excavating Classical Amphipolis & on the Lacedaemonian General
    Adelphi University Adelphi Digital Commons Anthropology Faculty Publications Anthropology 12-1-2002 Excavating Classical Amphipolis & On the Lacedaemonian General Brasidas Chaido Koukouli-Chrysanthaki Anagnostis P. Agelarakis Adelphi University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.adelphi.edu/ant_pubs Part of the Anthropology Commons Repository Citation Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Chaido and Agelarakis, Anagnostis P., "Excavating Classical Amphipolis & On the Lacedaemonian General Brasidas" (2002). Anthropology Faculty Publications. 12. https://digitalcommons.adelphi.edu/ant_pubs/12 This Journal Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Adelphi Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Adelphi Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 3 Excavating Classical Amphipolis Chaido Koukouli -Chrysanthaki The excavations carried out by D. Lazaridis between discovered and excavated;5 there is strong evidence 1956 and 1984 uncovered part of the ancient city of that the city's theatre was located next to it. 6 Amphipolis and its cemeteries, 1 [fig. 1] namely the external walls, the acropolis and, within the walls, In the northern part of the city were discovered: the remains of public and private buildings. On the sanctuary of Klio/ founded during the earliest years acropolis, the Early Christian basilicas destroyed the of the colony; further to the west, a small sanctuary city's important sanctuaries - those of Artemis of Attis dating to the Hellenistic and Early Roman Tauropolos,2 Athena3 and Asclepios4 - which literary periods;8 and, outside the north wall, a small sanctu­ sources and fragmentary votive inscriptions locate ary of a nymph.
    [Show full text]
  • Art and Royalty in Sparta of the 3Rd Century B.C
    HESPERIA 75 (2006) ART AND ROYALTY Pages 203?217 IN SPARTA OF THE 3RD CENTURY B.C. ABSTRACT a The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that revival of the arts in Sparta b.c. was during the 3rd century owed mainly to royal patronage, and that it was inspired by Alexander s successors, the Seleukids and the Ptolemies in particular. The tumultuous transition from the traditional Spartan dyarchy to a and to its dominance Hellenistic-style monarchy, Sparta's attempts regain in the P?loponn?se (lost since the battle of Leuktra in 371 b.c.), are reflected in the of the hero Herakles as a role model promotion pan-Peloponnesian at for the single king the expense of the Dioskouroi, who symbolized dual a kingship and had limited, regional appeal. INTRODUCTION was Spartan influence in the P?loponn?se dramatically reduced after the battle of Leuktra in 371 b.c.1 The history of Sparta in the 3rd century b.c. to ismarked by intermittent efforts reassert Lakedaimonian hegemony.2 A as a means to tendency toward absolutism that end intensified the latent power struggle between the Agiad and Eurypontid royal houses, leading to the virtual abolition of the traditional dyarchy in the reign of the Agiad Kleomenes III (ca. 235-222 b.c.), who appointed his brother Eukleides 1. For the battle of Leuktra and its am to and Ellen Millen 2005.1 grateful Graham Shipley Paul Cartledge and see me to am consequences, Cartledge 2002, and Ellen Millender for inviting der for historical advice. I also 251-259.
    [Show full text]
  • Thucydides, Book 6. Edited by E.C. Marchant
    ^ Claasiral ^nits^ ( 10 THUCYDIDES BOOK VI THUCYDIDES BOOK VI EDITED BY E. C. MAECHANT, M.A. TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD ASSISTANT-MASTER IN ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL FELLOW AND LATE ASSISTANT-TUTOR OF PETEBHOUSE, CAMBRIDGE LATE PROFESSOR OF GREEK AND ANCIENT HISTORY IN QUEEN'S COLLEGE, \ LONDON fLontron MACMILLAN AND CO., Lt NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO. 1897 ftd>c • FRIDERICO • GVLIELMO WALKER VI RO NVLLA EGENTI LAVDATIONE ET IVVBNTVTI FIDE ET LITERARVM STVDI08AE I CONTENTS PAQK Introduction— I. The Sicilian Expedition ix II. The MSS. and Text of the Sixth Book . iviii III. Some Graces xxx IV. Criticism of the Book in detail . xli Text 1 Notes US Appendix—On the Speech of Alcibiades, cc. 89-92 . 255 Index—Greek 259 English 294 INTRODUCTION I. Remarks on the Sicilian Expedition Intervention in —It is to § 1. Athenian Sicily. usual classify the states of antiquity according to the character of their government, and for Greek history down to the Peloponnesian War (431-404) this classification, derived from the teaching of Aristotle, is essential. But during the war the essential dis- tinction is not between oligarchy and democracy : it is much more between Ionian and Dorian. What is held to draw states into united action is the natural bond of common origin. In practice the artificial bond of common interest may prove as strong or stronger than the natural bond, and may lead to alliance between aliens or enmity between kinsmen. In order to understand the transactions between the independent states, we have to banish from our minds the elaborate rules that constitute modern Inter- national Law.
    [Show full text]
  • PLATE I . Jug of the 15Th Century B.C. from Kourion UNIVERSITY MUSEUM BULLETIN VOL
    • PLATE I . Jug of the 15th Century B.C. from Kourion UNIVERSITY MUSEUM BULLETIN VOL . 8 JANUARY. 1940 N o. l THE ACHAEANS AT KOURION T HE University Museum has played a distinguished part in the redis- covery of the pre-Hellenic civilization of Greece. The Heroic Age de- scribed by Homer was first shown to have a basis in fact by Schliemann's excavations at Troy in 1871, and somewhat later at Mycenae and Tiryns, and by Evans' discovery of the palace of King Minos at Knossos in Crete. When the first wild enthusiasm blew itself out it became apparent that many problems raised by this newly discovered civilization were not solved by the first spectacular finds. In the period of careful excavation and sober consideration of evidence which followed, the University Mu- seum had an important part. Its expeditions to various East Cretan sites did much lo put Cretan archaeology on the firm foundation it now enjoys. Alter the excavations at Vrokastro in East Crete in 1912 the efforts of the Museum were directed to other lands. It was only in 1931, when an e xpedition under the direction of Dr. B. H. Hill excavated at Lapithos in Cyprus, that the University Museum re-entered the early Greek field. The Cyprus expedition was recompcsed in 1934, still under the direc- tion of Dr. Hill, with the assistance of Mr. George H. McFadden and the writer, and began work at its present site, ancient Kourion. Kourion was 3 in classical times lhe capital of cne of the independent kingdoms of Cyprus, and was traditionally Greek.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics and Policy in Corinth 421-336 B.C. Dissertation
    POLITICS AND POLICY IN CORINTH 421-336 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by DONALD KAGAN, B.A., A.M. The Ohio State University 1958 Approved by: Adviser Department of History TABLE OF CONTENTS Page FOREWORD ................................................. 1 CHAPTER I THE LEGACY OF ARCHAIC C O R I N T H ....................7 II CORINTHIAN DIPLOMACY AFTER THE PEACE OF NICIAS . 31 III THE DECLINE OF CORINTHIAN P O W E R .................58 IV REVOLUTION AND UNION WITH ARGOS , ................ 78 V ARISTOCRACY, TYRANNY AND THE END OF CORINTHIAN INDEPENDENCE ............... 100 APPENDIXES .............................................. 135 INDEX OF PERSONAL N A M E S ................................. 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 145 AUTOBIOGRAPHY ........................................... 149 11 FOREWORD When one considers the important role played by Corinth in Greek affairs from the earliest times to the end of Greek freedom it is remarkable to note the paucity of monographic literature on this key city. This is particular­ ly true for the classical period wnere the sources are few and scattered. For the archaic period the situation has been somewhat better. One of the first attempts toward the study of Corinthian 1 history was made in 1876 by Ernst Curtius. This brief art­ icle had no pretensions to a thorough investigation of the subject, merely suggesting lines of inquiry and stressing the importance of numisihatic evidence. A contribution of 2 similar score was undertaken by Erich Wilisch in a brief discussion suggesting some of the problems and possible solutions. This was followed by a second brief discussion 3 by the same author.
    [Show full text]
  • Indo-Iranian Personal Names in Mitanni: a Source for Cultural Reconstruction DOI: 10.34158/ONOMA.54/2019/8
    Onoma 54 Journal of the International Council of Onomastic Sciences ISSN: 0078-463X; e-ISSN: 1783-1644 Journal homepage: https://onomajournal.org/ Indo-Iranian personal names in Mitanni: A source for cultural reconstruction DOI: 10.34158/ONOMA.54/2019/8 Simone Gentile Università degli Studi di Roma Tre Dipartimento di Filosofia, Comunicazione e Spettacolo via Ostiense, 234˗236 00146 Roma (RM) Italy [email protected] To cite this article: Gentile, Simone. 2019. Indo-Iranian personal names in Mitanni: A source for cultural reconstruction. Onoma 54, 137–159. DOI: 10.34158/ONOMA.54/2019/8 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.34158/ONOMA.54/2019/8 © Onoma and the author. Indo-Iranian personal names in Mitanni: A source for cultural reconstruction Abstract: As is known, some Indo˗Aryan (or Iranian) proper names and glosses are attested in documents from Egypt, Northern Mesopotamia, and Syria, related to the ancient kingdom of Mitanni (2nd millennium BC). The discovery of these Aryan archaic forms in Hittite and Hurrian sources was of particular interest for comparative philology. Indeed, some names can be readily compared to Indo˗Iranian anthroponyms and theonyms: for instance, Aššuzzana can likely be related with OPers. Aspačanā ‘delighting in horses’, probably of Median origin; Indaratti ‘having Indra as his guest’ clearly recalls Indra, a theonym which occurs both in R̥ gveda and Avesta. This paper aims at investigating the relationship between Aryan personal names preserved in Near Eastern documents and the Indo˗Iranian cultural milieu. After a thorough collection of these names, their 138 SIMONE GENTILE morphological and semantic structures are analysed in depth and the most relevant results are showed here.
    [Show full text]
  • Stefano De Martino* the Mittani State
    Stefano de Martino* The Mittani State: The Formation of the Kingdom of Mittani During the 15th century BC and the first half of the 14th century BC Mittani was a powerful kingdom; the state ruled over a large area, from the Upper Khabur to the Middle Euphrates, from Eastern Anatolia to North-Western Syria. Unfortunately we have only very few Mitta- nian sources concerning the political organization of this kingdom and its relations to sub- ordinate states and polities. We have even less information about the early history of Mit- tani, that is about the events that brought about its formation. This intriguing topic may be of some interest in this workshop, which deals specifi- cally with the transition from the Amorite to the Mittani period. Mittani is mentioned for the first time in an Egyptian source, the Thebes grave inscription of the state official Amen- emhet; he recalls having participated in a military expedition on Syrian territory and in this context the country of Mtn is mentioned. Even though Amenemhet served under three pharaohs (Ahmose I, Amenhopet I, Thutmose I), it is generally thought that this Syrian ex- pedition coincides with the one led by Thutmose I1 (1493–1483 BC).2 There is still substantial disagreement regarding the time and the historical context in which the state of Mittani was formed. Two hypotheses have been put forth and continue to be upheld by scholars, although with varying motivations and reasoning: 1. Mittani was already a powerful kingdom at the end of the 17th century or in the first half of the 16th century BC, thus its beginnings date to well before the time of Thutmose I, dating instead to the time of the Hittite sovereigns Hattusili I and Mursili I.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Greek Wars: the Failure of Persia, George Cawkwell
    The Greek Wars: The Failure of Persia, George Cawkwell, Oxford University Press, 2006, 0199299838, 9780199299836, 316 pages. The Greek Wars treats the whole course of Persian relations with the Greeks from the coming of Cyrus in the 540s down to Alexander the Great's defeat of Darius III in 331 BC. Cawkwell discusses from a Persian perspective major questions such as why Xerxes' invasion of Greece failed, and how important a part the Great King played in Greek affairs in the fourth century. Cawkwell's views are at many points original: in particular, his explanation of how and why the Persian invasion of Greece failed challenges the prevailing orthodoxy, as does his view of the importance of Persia in Greek affairs for the two decades after the King's Peace. Persia, he concludes, was destroyed by Macedonian military might but moral decline had no part in it; the Macedonians who had subjected Greece were too good an army, but their victory was not easy.. DOWNLOAD HERE The Greeks and the Persians from the sixth to the fourth centuries, Hermann Bengtson, 1968, History, 478 pages. The Fall of the Athenian Empire , Donald Kagan, 1991, History, 455 pages. An overview of history in ancient Athens, beginning with the ill-fated Sicilian expedition of 413 B.C. and ends with the surrender of Athens to Sparta in 404 B.C.. A History of Greece From the Earliest Times to the Roman Conquest : with Supplementary Chapters on the History of Literature and Art, Sir William Smith, George Washington Greene, 1863, , 704 pages. Alexander the Great selected texts from Arrian, Curtius and Plutarch, Tania Gergel, Michael Wood, Sep 28, 2004, , 150 pages.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Balkans Cradle of Aegean Culture
    ANTONIJE SHKOKLJEV SLAVE NIKOLOVSKI - KATIN PREHISTORY CENTRAL BALKANS CRADLE OF AEGEAN CULTURE Prehistory - Central Balkans Cradle of Aegean culture By Antonije Shkokljev Slave Nikolovski – Katin Translated from Macedonian to English and edited By Risto Stefov Prehistory - Central Balkans Cradle of Aegean culture Published by: Risto Stefov Publications [email protected] Toronto, Canada All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without written consent from the author, except for the inclusion of brief and documented quotations in a review. Copyright 2013 by Antonije Shkokljev, Slave Nikolovski – Katin & Risto Stefov e-book edition 2 Index Index........................................................................................................3 COMMON HISTORY AND FUTURE ..................................................5 I - GEOGRAPHICAL CONFIGURATION OF THE BALKANS.........8 II - ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES .........................................10 III - EPISTEMOLOGY OF THE PANNONIAN ONOMASTICS.......11 IV - DEVELOPMENT OF PALEOGRAPHY IN THE BALKANS....33 V – THRACE ........................................................................................37 VI – PREHISTORIC MACEDONIA....................................................41 VII - THESSALY - PREHISTORIC AEOLIA.....................................62 VIII – EPIRUS – PELASGIAN TESPROTIA......................................69
    [Show full text]