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Paying for Ecological Services in Ecuador: the Socio Bosque Program in Kichwa Communities of Chimborazo, Ecuador by Matthew Mcburney

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Paying for Ecological Services in Ecuador: the Socio Bosque Program in Kichwa Communities of Chimborazo, Ecuador by Matthew Mcburney Paying for Ecological Services in Ecuador: The Socio Bosque Program in Kichwa Communities of Chimborazo, Ecuador by Matthew McBurney A Thesis presented to The University of Guelph In partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and International Development Studies Guelph, Ontario, Canada © Matthew McBurney, January, 2021 ABSTRACT PAYING FOR ECOLOGICAL SERVICES IN ECUADOR: THE SOCIO BOSQUE PROGRAM IN KICHWA COMMUNITIES OF CHIMBORAZO ECUADOR Matthew McBurney Advisor: University of Guelph, 2020 Dr. Craig Johnson This research draws from literature on political ecology, payment for ecosystem services (PES), REDD+, market-based perspectives on environmental conservation, decolonization, Indigenous Environmental Knowledge (IEK), and environmental governance to understand the impacts of a state-led, institutionalized PES program, Socio Bosque, on Kichwa Indigenous communities in Chimborazo, Ecuador. The effects of PES programs are debated with some literature arguing that PES programs positively impact local livelihoods and environmental governance and conservation, while others point out the negative impacts of PES programs. An understanding of the effects of PES programs will be gained by analyzing Indigenous participation and inclusion in the institutional, distributional and epistemic aspects of Socio Bosque. Decolonial methodologies and community engaged scholarship shaped the field research which used qualitative methods of interviews with community leaders, community members, and government officials and focus groups in Kichwa communities, which allowed for unique opportunities for storytelling and combined these methods with an analysis of government documents. These methodologies provide insight into local understandings of and relationships with Pachamama (Mother Nature) and allow for a comparison of these understandings with the epistemic underpinnings of state-led, market-based environmental governance strategies. The empirical evidence suggests that instead of improving Indigenous peoples’ well-being, Socio Bosque actively erases Indigenous cosmovisiones and drastically changes traditional land use and resource management practices. Furthermore, PES programs in Indigenous communities operate within a wider social, political, economic, and cultural context that has historically devalued Indigenous cosmovisiones and land use. The implication is that national, state-led programs and policies aimed at improving Indigenous communities’ well being and contributing to global climate change goals have reproduced and reinforced unequal power relations between Indigenous communities and the state. However, in spite of the clear negative impacts of PES programs, Indigenous communities do not conserve the environment and participate in PES programs because they are passively dominated or “awakened” by outside ideologies or forces, but they actively participate in a hegemonic ideology of environmental governance and resource management that, on the surface, seems to run counter to their own values and ways of living. This research shows that Indigenous communities have found ways to implement their own agendas within the framework of PES programs as a means of sustaining livelihoods and maintaining ties to land, place, and space, as well as continuing traditional connections to the communal, the natural, and the divine aspects of nature. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As will become evident in the reading of this dissertation, my faith is a foundational aspect of my life. Therefore, I thank the almighty and everlasting God in whom I live and move and have my being. The events and years leading up to this dissertation were not random moments of chance, but, I truly believe that they were ordained by the hand of God. While I certainly planned my way, the Lord established my steps (Proverbs 16:9). I thank my family, specifically my Mom and Dad, who have supported me well before this PhD endeavour and will continue to support me well beyond. You have all endured many years of conversations about Ecuador, whether you wanted to or not. Your support and prayers have been paramount in this journey. Oliver, I love you buddy, and while I have no illusions that you will one day read the ramblings found in this dissertation, I am blessed to have a kind-hearted, caring son like you. I pray that God guides you to your place in this world as you forge through the messiness. Keep your eyes fixed on Him. To my many friends who have accompanied and supported me in this journey, I thank you all. Richard, Karen, David, Jamie, and many others, I thank you all for your conversations. There were many people who assisted in this field research and in my understanding of Ecuador and of Kichwa communities in Chimborazo. Para Luis, mi hermano, agradezco tu apoyo. Yo sé que Dios nos unió hace más de 10 años con un propósito. Cualquier pregunta que yo tengo sobre el mundo indígena, siempre has contestado con paciencia y con tu gran sonrisa. Aprecio nuestra amistad. Carlos and Cesar, les doy gracias a los dos para su apoyo en este proceso de investigación. Cesar, tu acompañamiento a las comunidades fue un apoyo inolvidable. Hermano Carlos, tus entrevistas y tu apoyo en varios aspectos siempre me llena de admiración de tu actitud de servicio y entrega de corazón que tienes para los demás y para las comunidades indígenas. Para las comunidades de Chimborazo, hay demasiadas personas para agradecer, pero sin el apoyo de cada tayta y mamita yo estaría perdido en entender el mundo indígena. No solo Han abierto sus comunidades, sino también sus casas y sus corazones para compartir conmigo. Gracias a ustedes he aprendido lo que es vivir con la vista puesto en Dios, y tengo una idea, aunque sea a través de sus historias, como es luchar para la libertad, los derechos y una mejor vida. Finally, thank you to my University of Guelph family. To my thesis supervisor, Dr. Craig Johnson, you have been a mentor and friend who has provided a guiding voice throughout this entire process. I will never forget our time in the field and for the academic and life lessons you have taught me. I thank my dissertation committee, Dr. Liisa North, Dr. Candace Johnson, and Dr. Rosario Gómez. Your influence is embedded into this work and we will forever be connected through this unique process. Special thanks go to Dr. Steffi Hamann for being part of my defense committee. Your comments and questions were both thoughtful and challenging. Also, special thanks to Dr. John Cameron who served as an external reader for my defense. I appreciate your support and constructive comments. It is a shame that COVID didn’t permit us to meet in person, but I have no doubt that our paths will cross in the future. I am forever grateful to you all. I would also like to thank the IDRC (International Development Research Centre) for their financial support for fieldwork. The John G. Bene Fellowship allowed me to conduct field research that would not have been possible without the support of the Bene family and their generous fellowship. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………….....ii Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………...iii Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………….iv List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………….......viii Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Objectives………………….…………………..…………………………………...6 1.2 Research Questions………………………………………………………………...7 1.3 Scope………………………………………………………………………………8 1.4 Findings……………………………………………………………………………8 Chapter 2: The Politics of Sumak kawsay and Indigenous Inclusion 2.1 Socio-political Participation in the Revolución Ciudadana……………………………11 2.2 Sumak kawsay and buen vivir: A Changing Role of the State….……………………..12 2.3 Rights of Nature……………………………………………………………….......22 2.4 The Nature Dichotomy…………………………………………………………....24 2.5 Participation in the Context of Historical Marginalization………………………....27 2.6 The History of Socio Bosque………………………………………………………..29 2.7 Socio Bosque, International Finance and Sustainability: A REDD Solution?..................32 Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework 3.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………39 3.2 Debate 1 – Free Market Environmentalism vs Regulatory Governance…………...40 3.3 Debate 2 – Assigning Value: Materiality vs Spirituality………………………….....42 3.4 Debate 3 – Indigenous agency or hegemonic ideology……………………………52 Chapter 4: Papas con Cuy: A Methodology v 4.1 Site Selection: Why Ecuador?..............................................................................................60 4.2 Research Methods……………………………………………………………........63 Chapter 5: Regulating Local Behaviours: The Institutionalization of Socio Bosque 5.1 Introduction…………………….………………………………………………....84 5.2 Definition of an Institution………………………………………………………..87 5.3 Legacy of the Hacienda and Land Reform ………………………………………..89 5.4 Local Memories of the Hacienda………………………………………………….94 5.5 Institutionalized Environmental Governance in Ecuador…………………………96 5.6 State Centric Governance………………………………………………………....97 5.7 National Strategy for Climate Change……………………………………………102 5.8 Indigenous Participation through Conceptual Appropriation…………………….109 5.9 National Development, REDD+ and Reforestation Plans……………………….112 5.10 Institutionalized Socio Bosque: A Bureaucratic Burden…………………………….122 5.11 Recruitment and Selection……………………………………………………….126 5.12 Institutionalized Rules through Monitoring and Evaluation……………………...129 5.13 An Unequal Contract…………………………………………………………….134 5.14 Conclusions……………………………………………………………………...137 Chapter
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