Quaid-I-Azam University Parliamentary Democracy
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Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11 -
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Pakistan’s ‘Mainstreaming’ Jihadis Vinay Kaura, Aparna Pande The emergence of the religious right-wing as a formidable political force in Pakistan seems to be an outcome of direct and indirect patron- age of the dominant military over the years. Ever since the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1947, the military establishment has formed a quasi alliance with the conservative religious elements who define a strongly Islamic identity for the country. The alliance has provided Islamism with regional perspectives and encouraged it to exploit the concept of jihad. This trend found its most obvious man- ifestation through the Afghan War. Due to the centrality of Islam in Pakistan’s national identity, secular leaders and groups find it extreme- ly difficult to create a national consensus against groups that describe themselves as soldiers of Islam. Using two case studies, the article ar- gues that political survival of both the military and the radical Islamist parties is based on their tacit understanding. It contends that without de-radicalisation of jihadis, the efforts to ‘mainstream’ them through the electoral process have huge implications for Pakistan’s political sys- tem as well as for prospects of regional peace. Keywords: Islamist, Jihadist, Red Mosque, Taliban, blasphemy, ISI, TLP, Musharraf, Afghanistan Introduction In the last two decades, the relationship between the Islamic faith and political power has emerged as an interesting field of political anal- ysis. Particularly after the revival of the Taliban and the rise of ISIS, Author. Article. Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 14, no. 4: 51–73. -
Reforming the Judiciary in Pakistan
REFORMING THE JUDICIARY IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°160 – 16 October 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. BACKGROUND................................................................................................................ 3 A. ISLAMISING THE POLITY ..............................................................................................................3 B. VALIDATING MILITARY INTERVENTIONS .....................................................................................3 C. DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AND JUDICIAL REFORM......................................................................5 III. ISLAMISING THE LEGAL SYSTEM: INSTITUTIONALISED DISCRIMINATION.......................................................................................................... 6 A. THE BLASPHEMY LAW.................................................................................................................6 B. TARGETING AHMADIS..................................................................................................................8 C. WOMEN AND THE HUDOOD ORDINANCES ..................................................................................10 D. THE FEDERAL SHARIAT COURT .................................................................................................11 IV. RESTORING THE RULE OF LAW ........................................................................... -
2017 Spain Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Spain Report Ignacio Molina, Oriol Homs, César Colino (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2017 G etty Im ages/iStockphoto/ZC Liu Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2017 | 2 Spain Report Executive Summary After several years of recession, social unrest has eroded legitimacy and public trust in Spain’s political system. The shift from a traditional two-party into a multiparty system is a notable result of these developments. In addition to the traditional parties such as the Popular Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE), this multiparty system now includes the leftist anti- establishment party Podemos and the liberal progressive Ciudadanos (C’s). An inconclusive election in late 2015 led to another inconclusive election only six months later, resulting in a state of impasse under a caretaker government that had neither the willingness nor the legitimacy to pursue reforms. Nevertheless, policy outcomes in most economic domains continued to bear the fruits of economic reforms previously implemented. At the same time, however, centrifugal tensions in Catalonia remained strong. Spain’s economic recovery continued through 2016, showing 3.2% growth, the same figure as the previous year. This figure was much higher than other large euro zone economies (e.g., Germany reached 1.8% and Italy 0.9% in 2016) and the euro zone as a whole (1.8%). Spain was hit hard by a deep double-dip recession (2008 – 2013), but adjusted more quickly than expected after implementing a radical austerity program and some structural reforms (e.g., labor-market reforms, monitoring public finances, banking-sector recapitalization). Exports, foreign investment and domestic demand fueled this growth, along with a productivity increase following a painful process of internal devaluation. -
Group Identity and Civil-Military Relations in India and Pakistan By
Group identity and civil-military relations in India and Pakistan by Brent Scott Williams B.S., United States Military Academy, 2003 M.A., Kansas State University, 2010 M.M.A., Command and General Staff College, 2015 AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Security Studies College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2019 Abstract This dissertation asks why a military gives up power or never takes power when conditions favor a coup d’état in the cases of Pakistan and India. In most cases, civil-military relations literature focuses on civilian control in a democracy or the breakdown of that control. The focus of this research is the opposite: either the returning of civilian control or maintaining civilian control. Moreover, the approach taken in this dissertation is different because it assumes group identity, and the military’s inherent connection to society, determines the civil-military relationship. This dissertation provides a qualitative examination of two states, Pakistan and India, which have significant similarities, and attempts to discern if a group theory of civil-military relations helps to explain the actions of the militaries in both states. Both Pakistan and India inherited their military from the former British Raj. The British divided the British-Indian military into two militaries when Pakistan and India gained Independence. These events provide a solid foundation for a comparative study because both Pakistan’s and India’s militaries came from the same source. Second, the domestic events faced by both states are similar and range from famines to significant defeats in wars, ongoing insurgencies, and various other events. -
Washington's Handprints Found in Pakistan Crisis Management
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 20, Number 29, July 30, 1993 Washington's handprints found in Pakistan crisis management by Susan B. Maitra and Ramtanu Maitra The three-month crisis in Pakistan, which took a full-blown whom are retired Anny men, have also been named. fonn on April 18 with the President dissolving Parliament and sacking the prime minister, has gone into a temporary u.s. meddling lull, with both the President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, and the Prior to and throughout the crisis, one major player re prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, agreeing to step down. A mained in the shadows, namely Washington. Prime Minister caretaker prime minister and a caretaker President have as Sharif got on the wrong side of Washington when Arab lead sumed control at the center and four provinces of Pakistan, ers, allies of the United States, began complaining early this and preparations for the Oct. 6 national assembly and the year about the training of Muslim guerrillas in Pakistan by Oct. 9 provincial assembly elections have begun. the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence, under the tutelage The crisis had turned into a sordid drama and the country of Javed Nasir, an orthodox Muslim and a close follower of was increasingly ungovernable.During this period, the duly the prime minister. elected Nawaz Sharif governmentand the National Assembly Although Nawaz Sharif had supported the U.S. role in were dissolved by the President, who was already engaged the Gulf war and bent over backwards to accommodate the in a bitter feud with the prime minister. -
Opposition Alliances in Egypt and Pakistan
ABSTRACT Title of Document: DIVIDED WE STAND, BUT UNITEDWE OPPOSE? OPPOSITION ALLIANCES IN EGYPT AND PAKISTAN Neha Sahgal, Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Directed By: Dr. Mark Lichbach, Professor and Chair, Department of Government and Politics Why are opposition groups able to form alliances in their activism against the regime in some cases but not in others? Specifically, why did opposition groups in Pakistan engage in high levels of alliance building, regardless of ideological and other divides, while similar alliance patterns did not emerge in Egypt? I explain alliances among various opposition groups in Egypt and Pakistan as a result of two factors – the nature of group constituencies and the nature of the alliance. I argue that constituencies can be characterized as two kinds: Divided and Fluid . Under divided constituencies, different opposition groups receive consistent support from specific sections of the population. Under fluid constituencies, opposition groups have no consistent basis for support. Alliances can be of two kinds, Mobilization or Elite . Mobilization alliances are formed among two or more groups to bring constituents together to engage in collective action, for example, protest, sit-in or civil disobedience. Elite alliances are formed among group leaders to express grievances and/ or find solutions to issues without engaging their constituents in street politics. Groups may work together on an issue-based or value-based concern. Issue- based concerns focus on a specific aspect of the grievance being raised. For example, a law that imposes censorship on the press. Value-based concerns have a broader focus, for example media freedom. Mobilization alliances emerge among political groups that have divided constituencies and are unlikely among political groups that have fluid constituencies. -
Election in Greece
CRS INSIGHT Election in Greece September 14, 2015 (IN10356) | | Paul Belkin, Analyst in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0220) Fourth Election in Three Years Reflects Ongoing Political Instability Greece will hold a snap legislative election on September 20, only eight months after the country's last election. The new election comes as Greece continues to struggle with the negative repercussions of a sovereign debt and financial crisis that began in 2009. Over the past six years, Greece's economy has contracted by 25% and unemployment has tripled to above 25%. Economic challenges have in turn shaken the political system. This will be Greece's fourth parliamentary election since May 2012. Since 2009, the country has had six different governments (including two caretaker governments). Each has struggled—and three have collapsed—in the face of growing public and political pressure to halt the spending cuts, tax increases, and economic reforms that have been implemented in exchange for financial assistance from other European governments and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). For more information on the Greek debt crisis and the European response, see CRS Report R41167, Greece's Debt Crisis: Overview, Policy Responses, and Implications; and CRS Insight IN10303, Crisis in Greece: Political Implications. Why the Snap Election? Incumbent Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras took office in January 2015 following a campaign in which his far-left Syriza party pledged to reverse austerity measures and secure debt relief from creditors, but remain in the European Union's (EU) common currency, the Eurozone. This position ultimately proved untenable—Greece's creditors insisted that the government continue fiscal and structural reforms in exchange for the financial assistance Greece needed to stay in the Eurozone. -
Caretaker Cabinets in Belgium
This article from Politics of the Low Countries is published by Eleven international publishing and made available to anonieme bezoeker RESEARCH NOTE Caretaker Cabinets in Belgium A New Measurement and Typology Régis Dandoy & Lorenzo Terrière* Abstract Keywords: caretaker government, Belgium, cabinets, political crisis. Belgium is probably the world’s best known case of where caretaker gov‐ 1 Introduction ernments reside. Yet a clear scholarly definition and measurement of this Political scientists often use Belgium concept is missing. Based on a as an ideal case study for discussing detailed analysis of the Belgian fed‐ processes of government formation eral cabinets, this research note and of caretaker cabinets. Combined explores the main characteristics and with its complex multilevel institu‐ measures the length of the various tional architecture and its enduring caretaker periods. We find that Bel‐ regionalist tensions, these processes gium was governed for no less than have attracted much attention from 1,485 days by a caretaker govern‐ the international community. The var‐ ment between 2007 and 2020, which ious episodes of the lengthy federal equals more than four full calendar government formation even kept the years. This research note also pres‐ international media in suspense over ents a novel typology of caretaker the last decade. The fact that Belgium periods based on the institutional had a caretaker government through‐ and political practice within the Bel‐ out its successful EU presidency term gian legislative and executive in 2010 impressed many European branches. This typology can be used observers. to assess caretaker periods at other Caretaker periods mark the transi‐ levels of government as well as in tion between the termination of one other countries in order to improve government and the start of another. -
D-Company and the 1993 Mumbai Bombings: Rethinking a Case of ‘Crime-Terror Convergence’ in South Asia
Mahadevan – D-company & 1993 Mumbai Bombings 54 The European Review of Organised Crime Original article D-Company and the 1993 Mumbai Bombings: rethinking a case of ‘crime-terror convergence’ in South Asia Prem Mahadevan* Abstract: In 1993, a transnational crime organization known as D-Company carried out mass-casualty terrorist bombings in Mumbai, India. The reasons for this action have been attributed to religious grievances. However, little attention has been given to the role played by Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence in supporting the bombings. Taking into account what has emerged in the public domain over the last 28 years regarding ISI links with D-Company and with international jihadist groups more generally, a re-assessment of the 1993 bombings is required. Hitherto regarded as an example of ‘crime-terror convergence’, it appears that D-Company might be more aptly considered an instrument of covert action. Keywords: Terrorism, heroin, gold, intelligence, covert operations. * Prem Mahadevan is Senior Analyst, Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. Email: [email protected] The European Review of Organised Crime 6(1), 2021, pp. 54-98. ISSN: 2312-1653 © ECPR Standing Group of Organised Crime. For permissions please email: [email protected] 54 Mahadevan – D-company & 1993 Mumbai Bombings 55 Introduction This article examines why the transnational crime syndicate known as ‘D-Company’ bombed the city of Mumbai in 1993. In what remains the bloodiest-ever terror incident on Indian soil, 257 civilians were killed by 12 near-synchronous explosions. The bombs had been assembled using military-grade explosive smuggled from abroad. The events of that day, Friday 12 March 1993, are considered by scholars as an example of hybridity between organized crime and political terrorism (Rollins, Wyler and Rosen, 2010: 14-16). -
Pakistan's Nuclear Future
CHAPTER 1 PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR WOES Henry D. Sokolski Raise the issue of Pakistan’s nuclear program before almost any group of Western security analysts, and they are likely to throw up their hands. What might happen if the current Pakistani government is taken over by radicalized political forces sympathetic to the Taliban? Such a government, they fear, might share Pakistan’s nuclear weapons materials and know-how with others, including terrorist organizations. Then there is the possibility that a more radical government might pick a war again with India. Could Pakistan prevail against India’s superior conventional forces without threatening to resort to nuclear arms? If not, what, if anything, might persuade Pakistan to stand its nuclear forces down? There are no good answers to these questions and even fewer near or mid-term fixes against such contingencies. This, in turn, encourages a kind of policy fatalism with regard to Pakistan. This book, which reflects research that the Nonproliferation Policy Education Center commis- sioned over the last 2 years, takes a different tack. Instead of asking questions that have few or no good answers, this volume tries to characterize specific nuclear problems that the ruling Pakistani government faces with the aim of establishing a base line set of challenges for remedial action. Its point of departure is to consider what nuclear challenges Pakistan will face if moderate forces remain in control of the government and no hot war breaks out against India. A second volume of commissioned research planned for 1 publication in 2008 will consider how best to address these challenges. -
C05516700.Pdf
'C00175067 Page: 116 of 170 UNCLASSIFIED Document 61 CLAS UNCLASSIFIED CLAS UNCLASSIFIED APSN TB1506101591C PROM PaIS LONDON UK SUBJ TAKEALL-- Comllst: Moscow Consolidated 14 Jun 91 Full Text Super zone of Message 1 GLOBAL 2 1 "intl situation: questions and answers": viktor levin on nato's future as discussed in recent bessmertnykh-genscher talks (4 min, sent); in reply to two letters which regret loss of eastern europe to socialism and note onset of anarchy and famine there, gubernatorov talks to k. pat syuk , who does not believe that all the sacrificies made by soviet ppl to secure victory in VVII were made only to split germany and its ppl for an indefinite period and to try to implant soviet ways in europe (5 min); civil engineer from krasnodar kray asks why usa is so stubbornly seeking to retain their military bases in philippines? gubernatorov quotes armitage as saying that u.s. future is linked with asia, further quotes from intl herald tribune and u.s. marine general grey (4 min); letter from ventspils raises question of use of force abroad by usa on pretext of defending its interests, gubernator quotes from nixon's book "real war," published in 1980 in which he exhorts his successors on need to learn to make effective use of force for defending u.s. interests, casey quoted on range of these interests, quotes from white house document for u.s. ambassadors and cia issued 10 yeara ago as guide for action, from shultz stmt in '83 on usa having sent armed forces to developing countries VVII (5 min); gubernatorov chats to sergey pravdin in reply to kiev teacher's question about circumstances in which u.s.