KNOW YOUR GOVERNMENT SERIES PRODUCER CAROL MADDO THE 122 Woodside PI. Ft. Thomas, KY 41075 Dan Smoot ReportO AAn ^ r\r\r\

Vol. 3, No. 2 Monday, January 14, 1957 ,

DAN SMOOT Twilight of the Republic or twenty years, many Americans have watched with anguish while their Republic was transformed, at times almost imperceptibly, into adictatorship. Yet, few were fully pre pared for the Eisenhower Doctrine — the Middle Eastern policy which Eisenhower outlined to a joint session of Congress on January 5, 1957. The President requested unlimited power to police the Middle East with American troops and to place all governments in that area on an American dole, whose size and distribution will be determined by the President. This was not Caesar standmg on the steps of the capitol hypocritically rejecting the crown of emperor. This was an American President standing in the capitol, requesting more power than Caesar ever dreamed of. And to read what the "conservative'* press of America had to say about it! "The President's calm, clear call for joint action by Congress with him on the perilous situation in the Middle-East demands the wholehearted approval of the entire'nation." That from a lead editorial in the Dallas Mornhjg Nexust And this from Bascom Timmons' usually fine column: "President Eisenhower's warning to Soviet Russia has a precedent more than 130 years old. That was the time that. . . President Monroe ... declared that any attempt on the part of European powers to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere would be ^dangerous to our peace and safety.' " rp 1 here is no similarity between the Eisenhower Doctrine and the old Monroe Doctrine —as the next issue of The Dan Smoot Report will attempt to show by an actual comparison of the two presidential statements: James Monroe's of December 2, 1823; and Dwight Eisenhower's of January 5, 1957. But right now, some more important questions: What has happened to the American mind? How did we get in such condition thateven American conservatives will applaud a Pres ident who asks for powers which he will use not in response to the controls of Congress or to THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, edited and published weekly by Dan Smoot, P. O. Box 1305, 1430 San Rafael pnve, Dallas, Texas, Telephone DAvis 7-6744. Subscriprion rates: $10 00 a year, 56.00 for 6 months $3.00 for 3months, $18.00 for two years. For first class mail $12.00 a year; by airmail (including APO and FPO) $H.00 a year. FOREIGN: by regular mail, $13.00 a year; airmail $18.00. Reprints of specific issues: 1 copy 25^, 6for $1.00; 10 for $1.50; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10.00 —each price for bulk mailing to one person. Copyright 1956 by Dan Smoot. Second class mail privileges authorized at Dallas, Texas Ae will of the American people, but which he W.1I use - as he himself bluntly puts it - i„ even know that a complete revolution has mendations 'sof"consonant...the United Nationswith any... subjectrecom- ican'nL'Tbetweenican people and their government? the Amer to the1 overriding; authorityiNauonsof the... Unitedsubject Tk- . • i Nations Security Council?" f.V, • of our inherited tradi- Th.The best way to answer these. questions American thought until a few to see where we are, how we got here and where such policies as the Eisenhower Doctrine sibihty•L'l- ofi- aself-governing,7 people.'12 will take us —IS to examine an essay, "The That doctrine has been swept away onlv the elders remember it. Now, in the name of democracy, it is accepted as apolitical fact that Saret G^rTtf people are the responsibility of government. Now the people pay for unlimited govern I- ' condensation of that essay pub- ment, whether they want it or not, L he howgovernmentthey are fedmindsand theirclothedlives-likingand housed^wto crossed the boundary that lies they provide for their old age; how the Z wh^^'^th If you ask own la^r,I shall.^J^chbe dividedIS theamongproductthem;of theirhow single stroke between day and night; the they shall buy and sell; how long a^d how precise moment does not matter. The Ronian Republic passed into the Roman tol. "" conditions they shall have said. That was yesterday."^ Roman,Technically,citizen This is the Welfare State. the Empire began with Augustus Caesar. But who pretended not to want the croWn.Caesar, couldcouTd''ni°"'"^®'Lno more have imagined aWelfareConstitutionState His heir was Octavian; yet neither did Oc- rising by sanction of its words than they tayian call himself emperor. He was most care- ful to observe the old legal forms. He restored smart the Constitution became i popular ex- the Sen«e. He made believe to restore the Re- public. Having acquired by universal consent, as he afterward wrote, "complete dominion There was one sentence of the Constim over everything both by land and sea," he ,h., ccM „ kng .„h, R,p„£ s^yinV '''' "And now I give back the Republic into war.^' Congress shall have power to declare your keeping. The laws, the troops, the treas ury, the province, are all restored to you. do. Only Congress could declarePresidentwar. couldThat May you guard them worthily." was the innermost safeguard of the Republic The r^ponse of the Senate was to crown him with oak leaves. After that, he reigned tor more than forty years and when he died eitwM"either the consent or knowledge of Congress^'thout the bones of the Republic were buried with aggressor, 7000 Afew months later, Mr. Truman sent Amer- D oes the younger half of this generation Irmv^dV-^?"'"^rmy, a^g,|lid it not only'1 without««™«ionalconsulting >• >4

s , Page'2 Cortgress, but challenged the power of Con- the President, nor in the hands of^he^ 'Con-i ' gress ^o stop him. .Congress made all of the gress alone, and naturally it did not belong to necessary sounds of anger and then poulticed the Supreme Court, for >t^t was a judicial ite dignity with a resolution saying it was Xbody. The solution was to put it in the hands all right for that one time. of the people. The Senate asked the State Department Only the people could say the last word. ' to set forth in writing what might be called If they really wanted a law which the Supreme the position of Executive Government. The Court said was unconstitutional they could State Department obligingly responded with have it by changing the Constitution. To a document entitled, "Powers of the Presi amend the Constitution takes time; but that dent to Send Troops Outside of the United also was intended, the idea being to make States." people reflect on what they are doing. Thiy document, in the year circa 2950, will So it worked, and worked extremely well, be a precious find for any historian who may for the Republic. It would not work for Em be trying then to trace the departing foot-' pire, because what Empire needs in govern prints of the vanished American Republic. ment is an executive power that can make It said: immediate decisions. discussion of the respective powers of the President and Congress has made clear, The Federal income-tax law of 1914 constitutional doctrine has been largely gave the government unlimited access to moulded by practical necessities. Use of the wealth and, moreover, power for the first time congressional power to declare war, for ex to levy taxes not for revenue only but for so ample, has fallen into abeyance because wars cial purposes. World War I immediately fol are no longer declared in advance." lowed. These two events marked the begin ning of a great rise in the executive power of Caesar might have said it to the Roman government. It was slow at first. Then came enate. If constitutional doctrine is moulded in rapid succession (1) the Great Depression by necessity, what is a written Constitution (2) the revolutionary Roosevelt regime, and for? (3) W^orld War II, all within an arc of twenty years. If you may have Empire with or without In those twenty years the sphere of Execu ^ within the form of a re tive Government increased with a kind of ex publican constitution, and if also you may plosive force. have Empire with or without an emperor, then ow may the true marks of Empire be dis A. few years ago if you had asked such a tinguished with certainty? question as, "Who speaks for the people?" the answer would have been "The Congress The first requisite of Empire is: of the ." The executive power of government shall Now, it is the President who says: "I speak 'j dominant, for the people," or "I have a mandate from What the Constitution created was a gov- the people." three coequal powers each with a check-rein on the other. Neither had sovereign The President acts directly upon the power over the other, or over the people. emotions and passions of the people to influ ence their thinking. As he controls Executive The founders had to put sovereignty some Government, so he controls the largest propa where, and they wished to make it safe. They ganda machine in the world. The Congress thought it would not be safe in the hands of finds itself under pressure from the people who

Page 3 have been moved for or against something by tional security, and Congress itself cannot the ideas broadcast in the land by the admin get it. istrative bureaus in Washington. Even information that is without any in trinsic military value may be classified, on the A second mark by which you may un ground that if it got out it might give rise to mistakably distinguish Empire is: Domestic popular criticism of the military establishment policy becomes subordinate to foreign policy. and cause bad public relations. That happened to Rome. It has happened to every Empire. It has happened also to us. If you want to know how it happened that this nation was legally converted into a gar As we convert the nation into a garrison rison state for perpetual war, and with what state to build the most terrible war machine anxiety the civilian mind made that surrender that has ever been imagined on earth, every to the military mind, you may read the story domestic policy is bound to be conditioned by in the Congressional Recordy (September 10, our foreign policy. 11 and 13, 1951), where the closing debate The voice of government is saying that if takes place on "Department of Defense Ap our foreign policy fails we are ruined. Our propriations, 1952." survival as a free nation is at hazard. The amount of money to be appropriated in that one bill was sixty-one billion dollars. In that case, there is no domestic policy Other appropriations would raise the total to that may not have to be sacrificed to the neces roughly eighty-five billion. sities of foreign policy — even freedom. It is no longer a question of what we can afford All the secretaries and chiefs of staff had appeared before committees of Congress to say to do. If the cost of defending not ourselves rhat their estimates had been reduced to the alone but the whole non-Russian world threat very granite of necessity. If Congress cut them ens to wreck our solvency, still we must go on. We cannot stand alone. The first premise of the Department of DeiFense could not be held our foreign policy is that without allies we answerable for the nation's security. If the worst happened, the wrath of the people are lost. would be terrible. Let the Congress beware. We have embraced perpetual war. We are Only eighteen months before, in March, no longer able to choose the time, the circum 1950, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of stance or the battlefield. Wherever and when Staff, General Bradley, had said to the Senate: ever the Russian aggressor attacks, in Europe, "Yes, thirteen billion dollars a year is suffi Asia, or Africa, there we must meet him. cient to provide for the security of the United Another brand mark of Empire is: As States. If I recommended as much as thirty cendancy of the military mind to such a point billion a year for the Armed Forces I ought to at last that the civilian mind is intimidated. be dismissed as Chief of Staff." The great symbol of the American military But now in one year they were asking for mind is the Pentagon. sixty-one billion. There global strategy is conceived; there, Senator Taft said: "We simply cannot nobody knows how, the estimates of what it keep thecountry in readiness to fight an all-out will cost are arrived at; and surrounding it is war unless we are willing to turn our country our own iron curtain. into a garrison state and abandon all the ideals The information that comes from the inner of freedom upon which this nation has been side is only such as the military authorities are erected. It is impossible to have such a thing willing to divulge, or have a reason for im in this world as absolute security." parting to the people. All the rest is stamped Nevertheless, in the end Taft voted for the "classified" or "restricted," in the name of na bill. Everybody knew that a great deal of the Senator Langer moved to send the bill back money would be spent wastefully. Senator to the Committee on Appropriations with in Douglas knew this. He also knew how quick structions to put a fifty-six billion dollar ceil the Department of Defense is to say that those ing on it. Senator Dirksen supported the mo who criticize its figures are trying to harm tion, saying: national defense. "There is a lotof guesswork in these figures. But," Senator Douglas said, "it is the There is nothing sacred about a military fig function of Congress to scrutinize these ure. Are we going to put the United States in expenditures." a strait jacket?" One by one, his innocent amendments were Senator Langer's motion was voted down. resisted by Senator O'Mahoney, who was in Both Langer and Dirksen voted for the bill. charge of the bill, and who kept repeating the Senator Case said: "We have the responsi argument of the Department of Defense: bility of saying how much of the national in "We cannot take every dollar of waste out come shall go to the national defense." ipf this bill. Waste is inherent in war and prep- Senator O'Mahoney said: "Who am I to iration for war." question the judgment of an admiral?" Finally, Senator Douglas was so overcome by a sense of hopeless frustration that he ran hen it came to a final vote the entire screaming from the Senate chamber. Senate said in effect: "Who are we to question Three days later, he voted for the bill, the judgment of the military mind? waste and all. Not a single vote was cast against the bill. Senator Flanders moved to send the bill The intimidation of the civilian mind was back to the Committee on Appropriations complete, and the Pentagon got its billions. with instructions to cut six billion out of it. Another historic feature of Empire is: Flanders said: "Unless we can set limits to the demands of A system of satellite nations. the Defense Establishment it will continue to We use that word only for nations that solidify its present control over our economy, have been captured in the Russian orbit. We over our standard of living and over our speak of our own satellites as allies and friends personal lives." or as freedom-loving nations. Nevertheless, Senator O'Mahoney replied: "Our commit satellite is the right word. The meaning of it tee will not know how to make these cuts. We is the hired guard. could not substitute our judgment for the When people say we have lost China or that judgment of military men." if we lose Europe it will be a disaster, what do Senator Flanders' motion was defeated. they mean? How could we lose China or Eu rope, since they never belonged to us? What He voted for the bill. they mean is that we have lost or may lose a Senator Wherry said: following of dependent people who act as an "It is very difficult for any Senator to vote outer guard. against a defense bill. But I believe the Amer The one fact common to all satellites is ican people should know what we are gettmg that their security is deemed vital to thesecur into. This program and these appropriations ity of the Empire. The Empire, in its superior will not stop this year or next year. The im strength, assumes responsibility for the secur pact will be terrific and terrible upon the ity and well-being of the satellite nation, and entire country." the satellite nation undertakes to help resist Wherry voted for the bill. the common enemy.

Page 5 By this definition our principal satellite the defense of the United States; four days is Great Britain. Between 1940 and 1952, the later he added China. When the war ended American government contributed to England Lend-Lease goods were flowing to every non- gifts and loans equal to more than one-fourth enemy port in the world. The total cost was of her entire national wealth, and there is yet roughly fifty billion dollars. The principal no end in sight. That could be justified to the beneficiaries were Great Britain, Russia, and American people only by the formula that the France, in that order. security of Great Britain is vital to the security of the United States. After the war, the American government All the foreign countries that adhere to the distributed billions for the relief of human North Atlantic Treaty are satellites. The distress everywhere. Then came the Marshall United States assumes responsibility for their Plan. security. If any one of them is attacked, that The Marshall Plan was to have expired in shall be deemed an attack upon the United 1951. It did not expire. Its name was changed. States itself. We give them billions for arma The Marshall Plan countries have become the ments, on the ground that if they will use the North Atlantic Treaty countries, all looking armaments to defend themselves they will at to the American Empire for arms, economic the same time be defending us. We underwrite aid and security.

their economic welfare and their solvency, on "fXl the theory that a wretched or insolvent satel 1 he security of each one of us is tied up lite is not much good. with the security of all of us, and therefore On the other side of the world, we assume strength and security is a common problem responsibility for the security of Australia, and a common task. So far as the United New Zealand and the Philippines; and we States is concerned, that is a really national undertake to protect Japan from her enemies policy." in return for military privileges. Mr. Acheson made that statement at a press It is along list. Satellite nations, looking to conference on December 22, 1950. the American government for arms and eco The basic idea here is simple. We cannot nomic aid, are scattered all over the body of stand alone. A capitalistic economy, though thesick world like festers. For any one of them fit possesses half the industrial power of the to involve us in warit is necessary only for the 'whole world, cannot defend its own hemis- Executive Powerat Washington to decide that fphere. It may be able to save the world; alone its defense is somehow essential to the security it cannot save itself. It must have allies. For of the United States. tunately, it is able to buy them, bribe them, rri 1 his vast system of entanglement, which arm them, feed and clothe them; it may cost makes a war anywhere in the world our war, us more than we can afford, yet we must have too, had its origin in the Lend-Lease Act, nine them or perish. This voice of fear is the voice months before Pearl Harbor. The American of government. people were resolved not to get into that war. Thus the historic pattern completes itself. Mr. Roosevelt persuaded them that the only No Empire is secure in itself; its security is in way to stay out of it was to adopt "measures the hands of its allies. short of war." Churchill had promised: "Give us the tools and we will do the job." A curious and characteristic emotional weakness of Empire is: On the day the bill passed the President A complex of vaunting and fear. declared the defense of Great Britain vital to The people of Empire are mighty. They

Page 6 yV ' have performed prodigious works. Reverses easy if he ceases to make a purring sound. they have known but never defeat. And then at last the secret, irreducible fear So those must have felt who lived out the grandeur that was Rome. So the British felt of foreign allies, generally, each with a life while they ruled the world. So now Americans of its own to save. How will they behave when the test comes — when they face the terrible feel. reality of becoming the European battlefield As we assume unlimited poHtical Habilities whereon the security of the United States shall all over the world, as billions in multiples of be defended? If they falter or fail, what,will ten are voted for the ever-expanding global become of the weapons with which we have intention, there is only scorn for the one who supplied them? What if they were surrendered says: "We are not infinite." or captured and turned against us? The possibility of having to face its own Conversely, the fear. Fear of the barbarian. weapons on a foreign field is one of the night Fear of standing alone. Fear of world opinion, mares of Empire. since we must have it on our side — the fear which is inseparable from a conviction that There is yet another sign that defines it security is no longer in our hands. self gradually. When it is clearly de£ned it A time comes when the guard itself, that is, may be already too late to do anything about your system of satellites, is a source of fear. it. That is to say, a time comes when Empire There is the fear of offending them. finds itself — Reflect on the subtle change that takes A prisoner of history, place in Anglo-American relations when we A Republic may change its course, or re ' have our atomic bomb outpost in England, verse it, and that will be its own business. But great bases there, a mighty air force in being, the history of Empire is world history and be and thirty thousand military personnel. The longs to many people. American Republic was not afraid to make A Republic is not obligated to act upon the ' the British lion roar when the lion was big world, either to change or instruct it. Empire, and strong; now the State Department is un on the other hand, must put forth its power.

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yi hat is it that now obliges the American first one is that Empire believes what it says people to act upon the world? on its banner; the second is that the word for It is not only our security we are thinking the ultimate end is invariably Peace. Peace by of. Beyond that lies a greater thought. grace of force. It is our turn. P erpetual war for perpetual peace —that Our turn to do what? sums up the Roosevelt-Truman-Eisenhower Our turn to assume the responsibilities or doctrines of feeding and defending the world moral leadership in the world. in the name of collective security. Our turn.to maintain a balance of power against the forces of evil everywhere —in Europe and Asia and Africa, in the Atlantic The People's Pottage and in the Pacific, by air and by sea — evil in this case being the Russian barbarian. The above article is a condensation from Our turn to keep the peace of the world. one section of a little book which was pub lished in 1953 and which I consider the great Our turn to save civilization. est political treatise of this century — Garet Our turn to serve mankind. Garrett's The Peoples Pottage. This is the language of Empire. The Roman It is an interesting commentary on our Empire never doubted that it was the defender times that this short, powerful and highly of civilization. Its good intentions were peace, readable book has sold a total of only 3,482 law and order. The Spanish Empire added copies. salvation. The British Empire added the noble The plates have been destroyed, and only a myth of the white man's burden. We have few copies of this great book now remain added freedom and democracy. , available for sale. Always the banners of Empire proclaim As long as they last, I will send the book to that the ends in view sanctify the means. The my subscribers at the regular book store price, ironies, sublime and pathetic, are two. The postpaid — $3.00.

WHO IS DAN SMOOT? Dan Smooc was born in . Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees l94rfc«T<"ned the^faralty^t^Harvard as aTeaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree hf .o ioin U.e FBI. At U.e close of U.e war. he stayed in the FBI. rather than return to Harvard. ... « l j He served as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handUn^ all kinds of assignments. But for t^e ® years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the industrial midwest. For t^ years following that, he was on FBI headquarters staff in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover. After nine and ahalf years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forom movement in Dallas. As Ae radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for ahnost four years, spoke to a nauonal audience giving both sides of great controversial issues. . j • i c:/i* In lulv 1955. he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side the side supportthat uUsfrom,foodamentaior connectionsAmericanwith,principlesany otheraspersona yardstickor organizauon.for ineasuTOgHis programall importantis financedissues.entirely fromnow salesb" of effective tools for those who ^n. to die side of freedom, you can help immensely by subscribing, and encouraging others to subscribe, to The Dan Smoot Report.

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