The Black Consciousness Movement As Ontological Resistance
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The History of Southern Africa Kim Worthington
Princeton University Department of History HST 468 - Senior Seminar: The History of Southern Africa Kim Worthington Wednesdays 9-12 Aaron Burr Hall - Room 213 Contact Information Email: [email protected] Office: Dickinson Hall, Room 101 Office Hours: Thursday 2:00-4:00 (or by appointment through WASS) Course Description This course aims to equip students with an understanding of the history of Southern Africa, focusing in particular on South Africa from the 18th to the 20th century. Southern Africa is a large and diverse region, with a rich and complex history dating back to the cradle of civilization. We will therefore only be looking at certain key moments and events. We will consider how the history of the region has been written, and from whose perspective. The course will touch on a range of issues, from settlement and displacement, slavery, colonialism, and projects of empire, to institutionalized racism, industrialization and its implications for communities, workers, and migration, State control of people and movement, local political activism in a continental and global context, urbanization, and other topics. A key learning outcome will be to develop an understanding of historiographical debates: Who writes history? In what context? To what are historians responding? What are a scholar’s aims, and what earlier historical understanding does s/he engage? Does s/he support or challenge accepted interpretations of the past? Students are not expected to have an in-depth grasp of any particular debates, but more to gain insight into how understandings of history and the events and people historical writings describe change over time. -
Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons. -
Human Rights Violations in Apartheid South Africa
southern africa PERSPECTIVE, No. 1/83 HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA In 1982, the South African Government bought space in the Wall Street Journal for 13 ads at $24,000 each. A similar series in the Washington Post cost between $5,200 and $7,200 an ad. All ads showed blacks and whites together in settings implying full equality, as lawyers, students, sportsmen. The ads are part of a sophisticated prop aganda effort which is pushing "the changing face of South Africa." What is not changing in South Africa is the white minority government's commit ment to apartheid. This brief survey of human rights violations demonstrates that what is changing is only the particular methods employed to continue the policy of apartheid. The overwhelming majority of South Africa's people are victims of a racist system which inflicts deprivation, fear and oppression. Those who protest face detention, torture, imprisonment and even death. The Africa Fund (associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway 9 New York, NY 10038 POLITICAL CONTROL In South Africa the ruling parliament is elected solely by white voters. Blacks*, who outnumber whites by five to one, are completely disenfranchised. Under new constitutional proposals for a tri cameral parliament, those designated as Coloureds and Indians will be given separate institutions with the whites retaining the monopoly of power. The white chamber will have the largest number of members and will dominate the process of electing a president who will have wide-ranging executive power. The African majority remains totally excluded from this new structure. -
South Africa and the African Renaissance
South Africa and the African Renaissance PETER VALE* AND SIPHO MASEKO On May , immediately prior to the adoption of South Africa’s new con- stitution,Thabo Mbeki, Nelson Mandela’s chosen successor, opened his address to the country’s Constitutional Assembly with the words ‘I am an African!’. In an inclusionary speech, symptomatic of post-apartheid South Africa, Mbeki drew strands of the country’s many histories together. His words evoked great emotion within the assembly chamber, and later throughout the country: across the political spectrum, South Africans strongly associated themselves with the spirit of reconciliation and outreach caught in his words. South Africa’s reunification with the rest of the continent had been a significant sub-narrative within the processes which led to negotiation over the ending of apartheid. That South Africa would become part of the African community was, of course, beyond doubt; what was at issue was both the sequence of events by which this would happen and the conditionalities attached to its happening.The continent’s enthusiasm for the peace process in South Africa was initially uneven: the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June decided to retain sanctions against South Africa although the Nigerian leader, General Ibrahim Babingida, expressed an interest in meet- ing South Africa’s then President, F.W.de Klerk, if such an occasion ‘would help bring about majority rule.’ The political prize attached to uniting South Africa with the rest of the continent explains why South Africa’s outgoing minority government, despite energetic and expensive diplomatic effort, was unable to deliver its own version of South Africa in Africa. -
Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 415 168 SO 028 325 AUTHOR Warnsley, Johnnye R. TITLE Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future. A Curriculum Unit. Fulbright-Hays Summer Seminar Abroad 1996 (South Africa). INSTITUTION Center for International Education (ED), Washington, DC. PUB DATE 1996-00-00 NOTE 77p. PUB TYPE Guides Classroom Teacher (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC04 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *African Studies; *Apartheid; Black Studies; Foreign Countries; Global Education; Instructional Materials; Interdisciplinary Approach; Peace; *Racial Discrimination; *Racial Segregation; Secondary Education; Social Studies; Teaching Guides IDENTIFIERS African National Congress; Mandela (Nelson); *South Africa ABSTRACT This curriculum unit is designed for students to achieve a better understanding of the South African society and the numerous changes that have recently, occurred. The four-week unit can be modified to fit existing classroom needs. The nine lessons include: (1) "A Profile of South Africa"; (2) "South African Society"; (3) "Nelson Mandela: The Rivonia Trial Speech"; (4) "African National Congress Struggle for Justice"; (5) "Laws of South Africa"; (6) "The Pass Laws: How They Impacted the Lives of Black South Africans"; (7) "Homelands: A Key Feature of Apartheid"; (8) "Research Project: The Liberation Movement"; and (9)"A Time Line." Students readings, handouts, discussion questions, maps, and bibliography are included. (EH) ******************************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ******************************************************************************** 00 I- 4.1"Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future" A Curriculum Unit HERE SHALL watr- ALL 5 HALLENTOEQUALARTiii. 41"It AFiacAPLAYiB(D - Wad Lli -WIr_l clal4 I.4.4i-i PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY (4.)L.ct.0-Aou-S TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) Johnnye R. -
Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed. -
Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 12, Issue 3 1988 Article 2 Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa Winston P. Nagan∗ ∗ Copyright c 1988 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa Winston P. Nagan Abstract This Article examines South African perspectives on the legal system within South Africa post-Apartheid, in particular the new focus on human rights. LAW AND POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAt Winston P. Nagan* Introduction ............................................ 400 I. Law and the Unjust State ........................ 402 II. Post-Colonialism and the South African State .... 404 III. Theoretical Concerns About the Problem of P ow er ........................................... 406 IV. The Relevance of the Power Process to Constitutional Law ............................... 408 V. Conflict-Consensus, Pluralism, and the Constitutive Process ............................. 409 VI. Changes in the South African Power Process as Indicators of a Trend Towards an Alternative Legal O rder ..................................... 413 VII. The South African Power Processes .............. 413 VIII. Prescription as a Norm-Generating Process ...... 415 IX. Trends in Constitutive Expectations About Liberation and Human Rights in South Africa ... 418 A. The Altantic Charter ........................ 418 B. The Freedom Charter (1955) ................ 421 C. The UDF Declaration ...................... 425 D. Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic South A frica ................................ 427 X . A ppraisal ........................................ 433 The Struggle and the Future Legal Order: Concluding Considerations ............... ......... 436 Appendix A: The Freedom Charter .................... 439 t This Article is based on a speech that was given at the University of Pittsburgh on March 18, 1988. The views expressed are personal to the author. * Professor of I.aw, University of Florida. -
Botho/Ubuntu : Perspectives of Black Consciousness and Black Theology Ramathate TH Dolam University of South Africa, South Afri
The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 Official Conference Proceedings Osaka, Japan Botho/Ubuntu : Perspectives of Black Consciousness and Black Theology Ramathate TH Dolam University of South Africa, South Africa 0415 The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 Official Conference Proceedings 2013 Abstract Botho/ubuntu is a philosophy that is as old as humanity itself. In South Africa, it was a philosophy and a way of life of blacks. It was an African cultural trait that rallied individuals to become communal in outlook and thereby to look out for each other. Although botho or ubuntu concept became popularised only after the dawn of democracy in South Africa, the concept itself has been lived out by Africans for over a millennia. Colonialism, slavery and apartheid introduced materialism and individualism that denigrated the black identity and dignity. The Black Consciousness philosophy and Black Theology worked hand in hand since the middle of the nine- teen sixties to restore the human dignity of black people in South Africa. Key words: Botho/Ubuntu, Black Consciousness, Black Theology, religion, culture. iafor The International Academic Forum www.iafor.org 532 The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 Official Conference Proceedings Osaka, Japan 1. INTRODUCTION The contributions of Black Consciousness (BC) and Black Theology (BT) in the promotion and protection of botho/ubuntu values and principles are discussed in this article. The arrival of white people in South Africa has resulted in black people being subjected to historical injustices, cultural domination, religious vilification et cetera. BC and BT played an important role in identifying and analysing the problems that plagued blacks as a group in South Africa among the youth of the nineteen sixties that resulted in the unbanning of political organisations, release of political prisoners, the return of exiles and ultimately the inception of democracy. -
A Retrospective Study of the Effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Covenant University Repository A Retrospective Study of the effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations Oluyemi Fayomi, Felix Chidozie, Charles Ayo Abstract— The underlying causes of xenophobia are complex I. INTRODUCTION and varied. Xenophobia has to do with contemptuous of that which The perennial spate of attacks on foreign-owned shops in is foreign, especially of strangers or of people from different some South African townships raises uncomfortable countries or cultures. Unemployment and mounting poverty among South Africans at the bottom of the economic ladder have provoked questions about xenophobia in South Africa. fears of the competition that better educated and experienced This attitude generated the questions which include: To migrants can represent. South Africa’s long track-record of violence what extent can South Africa's inconsistent immigration as a means of protest and the targeting of foreigners in particular; policy be blamed for xenophobia? Do foreigners really 'steal' and, the documented tensions over migration policy and the scale of South African jobs? Do foreign-owned small businesses have repatriation serve a very good explanation for its xenophobia. It was an unfair advantage over those owned by South Africans? clear that while most of the attacks were directed against foreign, Xenophobia is becoming a prominent aspect of life in primarily African, migrants, that this was not the rule. Attacks were Africa. From Kenya to the Maghreb and across Southern also noted against Chinese-speakers, Pakistani migrants as well as Africa, discrimination against non-nationals, particularly against South Africans from minority language groups (in the conflict areas). -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7
The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 41 Alternative title The Black SashThe Black Sash Author/Creator The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Contributor Duncan, Sheena Publisher The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Date 1973-11 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1973 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Relation The Black Sash (1956-1969); continued by Sash (1969-1994) Rights By kind permission of Black Sash. Format extent 39 page(s) (length/size) Page 2 of 41 SASHVol. 16. No. 7Nov. 1973Price: 40cThe Black Sash magazine Page 3 of 41 BLACK SASH OFFICE BEARERSIlEADQUARTERSNational President: Mrs. -
Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- the Power Behind "Black on Black Violence"
Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.af000047 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" Alternative title Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" Author/Creator Fleshman, Mike Publisher Africa Fund Date 1990-10 Resource type Pamphlets Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1990 Source Africa Action Archive Rights By kind permission of Africa Action, incorporating the American Committee on Africa, The Africa Fund, and the Africa Policy Information Center.