WORK IN WIP65 • April 1990

500 DEAD: WHO SET THE FUSE? WORK IN PROGRESS AprlM990No65 ...... EDITORIAL • -. •:• • .•••••• Published by the Southern African Research Service PO BOX 32176 Braamfonteln 2017 t is now clear that the price of each step on the path to democracy in South will be high.

South Africa . In addition lo the advance payment in thousands of lives and incalculable Lx, suffering in past years, more than 500 people have died in political strife this Auckland House Iyear - most of them since the legalisation of the African National Congress and other c/o Smlt and Blccard restricted organisations. Streets The ANC's insistence on retaining its capacity to wage an armed struggle and an Braamfonteln 2017 active commitment to mass action has led some to lay at its door responsibility for ihe current explosion of political violence. • • • • But any serious attempt to understand today and to plan for its tomorrow, Phone:(011)403-1912 must include an assessment of who benefits from the rising death-toll and associated Fax: (011)403-2534 political disruption. Clearly the toppling of 's fiefdoms opens windows of opportunity for the ANC and its allies. Equally clearly, conflicts within black communities and the resultant disruption of the ANC's nascent legal organisation does not. But there are other beneficiaries. And there is a growing body of evidence to suggest their actions have been consciously undertaken to achieve a political leverage beyond that to which their constituency support entitles them. But the awesome body-count and sometimes brutal manoeuvring for tactical advantage should not blind South Africans to the fact that their own efforts, coinciding with developments far beyond their borders, have presented them with a gift of history not often granted a nation. South Africa's final step towards democracy is being taken at a time of almost universal ideological fluidity. The steady replacement of calcified othodoxies is accompanied by growing international acceptance of the supremacy of the popular will. The value of this historic gift has, however, been obscured by the immediate political ••• • crisis. In a period that should be taken up with a national debate on the country's future, opposition leaders have been forced to divert most of their energies into the task of putting out political fires. Combined with the opposition's limited organisational capacity (a limitation it readily acknowledges) this has left the internal opposition leadership unable to capitalise on the liberation fervour unleashed by the freeing of . The addition of a handful of individuals, whatever their stature, to the domestic ' leadership of the democratic movement cannot make good the organisational stunting caused by years of repression.

L Much of the tactical planning for the immediate future is thus still directed from ANC Picture credits structures abroad. Cover: Avigail Uzi, The broad objective of these tactical thrusts is essentially no different from those of thi Afraplx. internal leadership's 'fire-fighting': to maintain and strengthen a broad and coherent Afrapix: Pages 9,13, political movement to end apanheid; and head off efforts to weaken support for 17,20,21,32,33,35, democracy. 3a A key proposal from the ANC is the establishment of a broad front, with the ANC at Dynamic Images: its head, based on the minimum demand for the eradication of and its Page 17. replacement with a political democracy. International Such fronts can never function without tension and a degree of political contest. But Defence and Aid this is far removed from the kind of political tension which exacts lives. Fund: Page 4. Nevertheless, alliances must be approached with caution. There is a powerful popular Herbert Mabuza, resonance for the argument that there is little benefit from alliances with one-time The Star: Pages 6/7, oppressors whose instant conversions have more to do with self-interest than belated 11. Parade: Pages 23 discovery of the moral supremacy of democracy. and 24. There is a real danger that alliances based on short-term expediency can win weak The Star: Page 16. friends at the cost of alienating committed supporters at the grass-roots. Paul Weinberg, This is most graphically demonstrated in the , where expectations and Afraplx: Page 22. demands are integrally linked to the total destruction of the bantustan system itself. CONTENTS

BRIEFS 2 Sayco eyes the ANC Moves on the LRA DP on privatisation War exiles look South NUM says no to

CHALLENGE AND CARNAGE 6 Looking beyond the political death toll

^^^"* •

CISKETS GQOZO 13 Pretoria's puppet or MDM's man?

ALLIANCE POLITICS 16 ANC paths to broadening support

DEMOCRACY TO THE FORE 18 Sachs on rights for whites

NAMIBIA LOOKS TO LIFE 20 Development prospects and problems

ZIMBABWE TEN YEARS ON 22 An election of vicious rhetoric

UNIONS UNDER 'SOCIALISM' 24 A view from inside

LESSONS OF EASTERN EUROPE 27 Socialism and the democratic imperative

THE WHITE RIGHT RE-ARMS 32 Does fiery rhetoric mean war?

LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGN 35 Numsa's fight for a single deal

LABOUR TRENDS 39 Strikes and disputes past, often loose, federal essential'. negotiations between the Sayco structure. But the result has been the democratic movement and But the recent formation of establishment of hundreds of Pretoria, attention will also eyes hundreds of local youth independent local youth focus on the issues of theANC congresses, particularly in the congresses and the 10 unemployment and socialism Northern and the regions, each with its own - which Say co sees as , has added to the constitution and priorities, interlinked. he South African Youth uncertainty. and an extremely Ifhe organisation draws much Congress (Sayco) is cumbersome consultative of its support from T Already Sayco's biggest process. likely 10 seek a merger with regional affiliate, the unemployed youths, for the youth section of the Northern Transvaal Youth In the current, more open whom the idea of non-racial African National Congress in period, says Ntombela, a capitalism appears to offer as Congress has seen its few prospects fora job and a the wake of their first-ever membership almost double to more centralised and open national congress on streamlined structure is both decent life as apartheid has April 13-15. an estimated 200 Out) since desirable and possible. done. December - the growth of The objective of the merger Therefore, post-congress And while the congress will organisation fed by and formations such as Cayco will be the re-establishment feeding into the waveof rural reassert Sayco's primary of the ANC Youth League - (Cape) and Styco (Southern commitment to the possibly before the ANC's resistance, particularly in the Transvaal) will become attainment of popular national conference on '*. Sayco's and political power and the December 16 - according to After the congress, officials Southern Transvaal regions. realisation of the demands of proposals to the Sayco Local youth congresses will the , congress, at Kabokwene near become branches - the Ntombela acknowledges: Nclspruit and at which Youth Congress •'I he youth likes socialism, Nelson Mandela, deputy becoming Sayco's Soweto but we want to understand the ANC president and a former branch. recent developments in Youth League president Eastern Europe. We want to himself, is scheduled to be The streamlining and draw lessons from it. As the key-note speaker. centralisation will facilitate a people who are going to 'Members arc already merger with the ANC's youth inherit the future, we want to agitating for it', says Sayco section, adds Ntombela. inherit it fully armed to tackle publicity secretary Simon Sowillihe introduction of an the problems. Ntombela. 'We're being age limit of 35 on Sayco •We have asked (SACP pestered all the time by membership - in the past general secretary) members asking "When are Sayco used the term 'youth' to give us an input on what wegoingtobeANC?'" more to describe a state of has brought about that Sayco is expectingupto40 Ntombela: Pestered over m ind than an actual age phenomenon (in Eastern ANC youth section the ANC bracket. 'I he age limit will Europe)*. representatives at its bring Sayco into line with the congress, as well as smaller will undertake the mammoth youth section. It is unlikely to An additional issue for the delegations from the ANC task of accurately have any immediate effect on congress will be the itself, the South African documenting Sayco's Sayco's leadership: president establishment of a non- Communist Party and membership. is 32 - giving sectarian federation of South Umkhonto weSizwe. At the same time, the him three clear years should African youth • a junior The small print of precisely organisation will be he choose to stand for the version of the anti-apartheid how Sayco will be restructuring. presidency again. alliance envisioned by the transformed into the ANC And whilea key debate in the ANC. This will include adding the congress will be on Youth League has not yet Transkei to Sayco's current 'Not all South African youth been resolved - it is a key 10 regions, and replacing share our political vision', issue given the ANC's Sayco's original federal says Ntombela, 'but we all insistence on direct, network with a centralised, faceacommon future. We individual membership, national organisation with a are. as a matter of urgency, rather than organisational single constitution. therefore going to be affiliation. But Sayco Launched in secret at the attempting to establish - with officials are confident it will height of state of emergency themembcrsof the Youth be (while acknowledging that repression in early 1987, the Summit (an alliance transforming the organisation loose federal structure was established in 1988 of Sayco, willbeamassivctask) given well suited to conditions at Nusas, Sansco and Cosas) as the sheer size of its the time, says Ntombela. the core - a national youth membership - which 'Communication between federation. Ultimately we Ntombela now estimates at local, regional and national would like to see all youth 500000. structures was extremely formations, even Azasm, difficult and at times Azanyu and possibly even impossible. So a high degree , as part of the The lack of an accurate of local and regional federation'. - David membership figure is autonomy and initiative was Niddrie partially the result of Sayco's Pag* 2 * WIP 65 BRIEFS

sensitive to right-wing be subject to interdict, but Saccola's constituent Edging pressure, there is now an interdicts would be limited bodies - including the official recognition that to exceptional Chamber of Mines and the towards new law must involve and circumstances and unions Steel and Engineering be acceptable to the major would be given reasonable Industries Federation - were agreement players in the labour field. opportunity to defend unlikely to buy the It is also seen as a themselves. agreement in its present he process of framing significant sign of growing The draft simplifies form. Industrial Court procedures labour law acceptable union unity and flexibility The provisions on strike T that Nactu assistant general by scrapping the current to unions, employers and interdicts were likely to be secretary Cunningham right of appeal to the the state has moved up a key stumbling-block, Ngcukane, a leading figure Appellate Division and several gears - but sources they said. in the Pan Africanist provides for the automatic warn that there are hurdles Movement, was prepared publication of court Employer rejection of the still to be crossed. to join the union delegation judgments except on draft deal, particularly if In break-through talks to Louw. special application. workers approve it, could between Cosatu, Nactu and Although the unions' provide the spark for Manpower Minister Eli The draft Saccola interim demand for one renewal of the LRA Louw last month, Louw agreement, leaked to the statute including farm, campaign, a move the pledged that he would try to press in mid-March, goes domestic and state labour movement has enact draft labour law a long way to meeting the employees is not embodied repeatedly threatened. - changes agreed between in the draft changes WIP Correspondent unions and the employer unions' interim demands on the LRA. intended for this body, Saccola. parliamentary session, the In a joint statement after the Its key proposal is that the unfair labour practice code agreement contains PRIVATISATION four-hour meeting, the 'charters' of employer and parties agreed that the draft introduced in 1988 - which bans sympathy strikes, union rights, drawn from deal should be submitted to the Wichahn (Commission, An Louw as soon as possible. 'repeat' strikes on the same issue and consumer recognising that all workers He would then refer it to the should be covered by unexpected national manpower boycotts - should be scrapped and the flexible labour law of some kind. committee for consideration The draft has been referred ally and give priority to pushing mandate of the Industrial Court to make labour law to the constituencies of both it through parliament this Saccola and the unions for pponents of Pretoria's session. by precedent restored. privatisation policies I "iic proposed definition of approval. O have found an unexpected, if an unfair labour practice Louw also agreed to speak would, however, be temporary, ally - the to the South African expanded in line with the Given the significant Democratic Party. Agricultural Union and to International Labour Saccola concessions on a Previewing a new DP facilitate a meeting between Organisation standards to range of issues formerly in economic policy document, the unions and I )r Wim dc bar dismissals without good dispute, workers may MP said the Villiers, the minister cause. endorse the draft. But party was concerned (hat state responsible for the public Unlawful strikes would still employer sources warned monopolies would simply sector, with a view to that top management of become privately-owned encouraging the widest monopolies. possible employer participation in the Saccola Ira DP believes the state's talks. shareof the economy is too large and sectors need to be The meeting, historic as privatised. the first encounter between But it does not support a minister of state and the blanket privatisation. major labour movement, 'Privatisation of such entities also marks a shift in the as Eskom should not proceed slate's approach to labour at this lime,' says Schwarz, law. 'and except for certain sectors The controversial 1988 i of Sals which, if privatised amendments to the LRA will enter a competitive were promulgated in the market, the remainder should teeth of employer and union be held back'. objections and while the The same principle applies to Saccola talks were still in the post office. progress. Schwarz criticised the Following 18 months of government's use of its mass-protest action by monopoly of political power workers and the to force through privatisation appointment of a new and impose other, equally- manpower minister less con lent ious, economic WIP 65 * Pag« 3 objectives. first group of war rcsisiers prepared to return we have realised that we If ihc government showed lo seek political asylum in immediately, feeling that must address the question of good faith by holding back, Britain. This first wave left doing this before any the future nature of the the chances of a future South Africa in response to amnesty was granted would military in South Africa. government using its access the uprisings in the mid- increase pressure on to political power to reverse 70s, ihc invasion of Angola, Pretoria. Others felt we W1P: Can you expand on the process would diminish. the introduction of two-year should continue to demand that - particularly following Schwarz also criticised the mililary service and the amncsiy from exile. And the spate of '' government's planned use of increasing militarisation of still oihers felt (hey did not coups or attempted coups? the funds generated by while South Africa by PW want to return until GC: Cosawr has no fixed privatisation - one suggestion Botha. conscript ion had been position as yet. But it is is that they be used to meet Fed by a steady flow of abolished. instructive to look at the dcGcils in pension funds. subsequent resisters, It was generally agreed that Namibian experience where 'TlKise who oppose Cosawr and its journal. The any returnees would there were very clear privatisation could more Resister, have kept resisters strengthen the democratic guidelines for the role of readily be persuaded lo in contact with each other. movement, and would the existing armed forces - change their views if the They have also helped put refuse to be conscripted into be they Plan (the Swapo proceeds were used to military conscription and (he SAI) I •' under any army), Swatf (the South establish socially desirable war resistance on the circumstances. Cosawr also African-controlled capital projects to help agenda of the international endorsed the ECC's Namibian unit) or the redress social inequalities'. anti-apartheid movement. demand for the safe return SADF. Primarily these Schwarz, in addition, believes Cosawr has contributed to of exiles, the release of involved the demobilisation that recent rail and air­ ANC thinking on imprisoned war resisters of Swatf and confinement transport tariff increases were conscientious objection and and an end to trials of war of Plan and the SADF to to prepare for Sats operations war resistance and, inside resisters. base. At the same time the to become privately-owned, South Africa, its regular force was laxpaying concerns. publications helped create a MT: Another issue is the allowed to be deployed Privatising liskom would climate for the selling up of role of the military during under the supervision of necessitate similar electricity organisations like the End the period of transition. And price increases. - WJP Conscription (Campaign Correspondent (ECC).

The legalisation of the ANC and associated The war developments have introduced new imperaiives SOUTH AFRICAN exiles for Cosawr. The organisation's founder look south Gavin Cawihra (GC), iis WAR RESISTS administrator Matthew ince the legalisation Temple (Ml), and Gerald S of the African Kraak(GK)ofThc National Congress, Resistcr's editorial board discussed these with Ingrid AGAINST m%? hundreds of young white Obery in I-ondon. men who left South Africa to avoid call-up for service in the South African W1P: What were ihc central Defence Force have begun issues at Cosawr's receni examining their future in a conference? new light. GC: We looked at the Members of the London- future of Cosawr, whether based Committee on South and when war resisters African War Resistance should return home, and our (Cosawr) met recently to relationship to internal discuss the role of Ihc organisations like the ECC. armed forces in a Cosawr definitely still has a transitional society, the role in exile - for as long as relationship between the conscription exists in South military and democratic Africa this will be the case. organisations and - most Also, we have never had a crucially for its members - base inside the country - if the possibility of their we went back as an return home. organisation at all it would be lo bolster internal With a network of resisters resistance movements. Burning his call-up papers: one of the South African throughout Europe, Cosawr Some delegates were men who left the country to avoid the call-up was formed in 1978 by ihc Pag«4*WlP65 BRIEFS

Uniied Nations forces to to people who had served in made no mention of those Racism and repression maintain law and order. the SADF over a spread of who had refused to serve in pervade working conditions In South Africa it appears 14 years. All the issues they the SADF. And I am not on the mines. Hostels are there will be no external raised were similar... pay, sure what SADF members surrounded by barbed wire; authority. This has not been leave, brutality and so on. would feel about serving workers must carry identity raised as a possibility and And where troops have with people who may now cards at all times; union Dc Klerk's government legally be members of the activities are severely i banded together it has been restricted, as are the display seems vehemently opposed ! over these issues in spite of ANC. If there is a large-scale of posters, the distribution to it. the army's mechanisms of of pamphlets and the So the question of internal division. return of war rcsisters the question of the status of the wearing of political T- monitoring and controlling shirts. security force operations W1P: If a new (democratic) asylum other countries have becomes paramount. How government decides to given them is raised. These Restrictions on the right lo does an interim introduce conscription what countries may well start organise arc backed up with kinds of provisions and refusing aslyum to newly the force of mine security. government, if and when arrived conscientious we reach that kind of stage, protections would be Says NUM press officer objectors on the basis of Jerry Majatladi: 'Violence control the armed forces? i necessary? changes in South Africa. And who will the monitors MT: At the very least, an is inherent in the system. It But it could be the case thai emanates from the be - the SADF. Umkhonto I entrenched right to while some rcsisters arc conscientious objection, or conditions created by the weSizwc or a mix? The reluming home, others arc migrant labour system. For SADF and the police can to do alternative non- leaving because they refuse us this is institutionalised hardly be regarded as military service, in areas to serve in the SADF. The violence. Our call for peace neutral forces. They have possibly totally unrelated to right to asylum must be is therefore a call to waged war against popular the state. protected. dismantle the migrant movements. GC: Conscription of the labour system and remove GC: The whole population would be mine security*. investigation is pertinent. unviable. At present The call to white miners to De Klerk is trying to conscripts arc only part of Defying join NUM is seen as central present himself as the the male section of the to the democratic aims of cleanser of the military and white population ... just 5% racist the campaign. Recently, police - so these forces will of the total. If the general become suitable population were conscripted regulations I while miners refused lo instruments to oversee law the army would be too big. work at President Steyn and order during transition. Also, who regionally is ithin a month of ihe mine in the Free Slate The investigation has also likely to threaten a newly W launch of NUM's because of conflict during undermined the previously const i luted South Africa? campaign for justice, peace hoisting, when black strong influence of the Perhaps the only advantage and democracy - aimed at workers defied segregated military. of a conscripted army is ending racial discrimination cage regulations. White An issue in the near future that a cross section of the and repression on the mines workers at Kriel colliery is the democratisation of the whole population is mixed ; - more than 20 000 went on strike after a white armed forces. One way of together in its ranks. In mincworkcrshad miner was dismissed for doing this is looking at many countries armies have participated in protest and i assaulting a black worker. structures which would often reflected popular will, strike action. ! Challenges to segregated represent the interests of refusing to carry out orders 1 "hey staged underground hoisting have been a major employees in the security unpopular with the civilian sit-ins and defied racist form of protest. White forces. An example is the population. A professional regulations, such as hostel miners are hoisted without police union set up by army has to be strictly rules, segregated queues for delay while blacks often Gregory Rockman. These controlled politically to rule cages and restrictions on have to queue for hours for structures would have to be out coup dangers. union activities. lifts to and from ihe surface. accountable in some way lo GK: National service could In addition to demanding an They are not paid for these the democratic movement. well be non-military. The i end to racial discrimination, hours spent waiting. Another issue is the way the ECC, for instance, has put the campaign calls for an Workers attempting to form organisations of popular forward a proposal for end to the migrant labour non-racial queues struggle engage with the voluntary national service system, the removal of underground have in many armed forces. We should be where people would mine securily guards and cases been disciplined and looking at the army as a site volunteer to show their recognition of workers' dismissed. This has of struggle and support for the process of rights to engage freely in provoked sit-in strikes mobilisation. ITie black reconstruction... both men union and political underground. troops* loyalty to the and women. activities. In attacking the migrant government cannot be Efforts arc being made to labour system, workers assumed . This is an area WIP: What is the persuade white miners lo I have demanded or defiantly where the MDM should be immediate future for join NUM on the grounds assumed the right to take working. conscripts and war thai their long-term their wives or girlfriends White troops arc a different rcsistcrs? interests lie in alignment into the single-sex hostels. - kettle of fish. Cosawr talked GK:Dc Klerk's speech with black workers. Carol Pawn WIP 65 ' Page 5 As De Klerk's government prepares to negotiate with its democratic opposition, an explosion of political violence has left 500 dead. Jo-Anne Collinge assesses the causes and effects of the convulsion £te

Who set the fuse? (and who benefits'?)

< -*<

U\ •

ore than 500 people have whom, the balance of forces between by this rhetoric. The local leader is died in political violence the parties to the talks, and what com­ concerned with his particular situation; in South Africa this year. promises have been forced on them in he's not thinking about over-all national On average each day has advance. problems. When the armed struggle is seen the addition of five Because the African National Con­ mentioned, he also applies it to his spe­ more victims. gress has been insistent on maintaining cific situation'. MThe fatality rate equals - and sometimes the armed struggle and encouraging mass But in a surprising rolc-rcversal, key exceeds - the monthly death tolls in the resistance in the run-up to negotiations, members of the security establishment. brutalrun-uptothc 1985and l986states there has been a tendency to lay respon­ like law and Order Minister Adriaan of emergency. sibility for the nation-wide upsurge of Vlok and police information chief Her­ The massive escalation in political violence at its door. man Stadler, have stressed that the roots slaughter comes just as the National One such accusing voice was that of of the violence are complex and that Party appears poised to do what it previ­ chief National Party negotiator Gcrrit socio-economic factors play a signifi­ ously found unthinkable, negotiate with Viljocn. 4The risk is now, I'm afraid, cant role in fostering grievances. the African National Congress. beginning to show up, thai unbanned What Stadler and Vlok will not admit, But reports on the killings create an organisations and released leaders may of course, is the extent to which the impression of inexplicable brutality. Tricy fail to sec that the need for violence has injury and death are caused by members obscure the roots of violence, the initia­ fallen away and still go on to use vio­ of their own forces. Sometimes this occurs tors and, most crucially, who gains po­ lence and the rhetoric of the armed in genuinely riotous conditions. litically from these brutal battles.. struggle', he told a British journalist. But sometimes - as an increasing In doing so they fail to acknowledge Subsequently, in I-eadership maga­ body of evidence shows - deadly force is how the violence may affect negotia­ zine, Viljoen added: 'More and more I used without provocation and even with­ tions between Pretoria and its oppo­ get ihe feeling thai the recent flarc-upof out warning. nents - when they take place, between violence and unrest has been influenced The role of the police, once uni-

Pog« 6 * WIP 65 formly repressive, is now unpredictable. government property. It appears there to politically engage Inkatha chief Gat- One day men in SAP uniform may were isolated episodes - several kilom­ sha Buthclc/i and acknowledge his right be seen coolly monitoring masses march­ etres from the court building - before the to a place at the negotiating table. ing through the streets of , shooting, and that attacks spread like The fact that, in the quest for peace Atteridgcvillc, Johannesburg or wildfire only afterwards. in Natal, deputy ANC President Nelson kwaThema. The next they have turned In Vcnda and there arc Mandela was prepared to meet Buthc- theirgunsagainst marchers in also reports of mere protest drawing a liv.i virtually on home turf also speaks or Scbokeng. lethal police response. volumes. Buthclc/i may or may not Apart from the armed forces of the Additionally, civilian pro-bantustan have a direct influence on the violence; central state, violence is also being per­ groups have been locked in bitter battle but he has undoubtedly become its main petrated by the forces of bant ustan lead­ with the United Democratic Front, political beneficiary. ers and by municipal police responsible membcrsofthc Congress of South Afri­ Buthelezi has attempted to dictate to unpopular lownship councils. There can Trade Unions and ANC supporters. the terms of any meeting with Mandela, was no violent provocation from the Pre-eminent among these is Inkatha, in a bid to obscure the unequal support crowd outside the Ga-Rankuwa magis­ whose struggle to keep its old grip on they command and to create the impres­ trate's court on 7 March when Bophuthat- Natal in the face of an expanding MDM sion that they meet as political equals. swana forces shot dead seven people has led to a virtual regional war, escalat­ It is ironic that he should attempt this and injured hundreds more, says Na­ ing sharply in recent weeks. when Inkatha's hegemonic control of tional Medical and Dental Association The impact of the Natal conflict on Natal has demonstrably been broken. vice-president Nkaki Matlala. the negotiating process has been less The massive crowd drawn to King's Elsewhere in Ga-Rankuwa-Ma- ambiguous than that of other violence. Park in to welcome Mandela bopane-Wintcrvcld area on 7 March, The sheer number of bodies lowered put paid to any notions that Natal is not there hadundoubtedly been a wild surge into Natal soil as a result of political ANC territory. of arson, stoning and destruction of strife compels ANC and MDM leaders The impact of widespread violence

WIP 65 * Pag« 7 Who set elson Mandela strode out of jail the fuse? N just nine days after President FW dc Klerk had lifted the ban on the African National Congress and other outlawed political organisations. on Dc Klerk's approach lo negotiations He could not help but absorb is more ambiguous. from the pressing, emotional crowds Much as his armed forces arc in­ their overwhelming support for the volved in violent action and indeed ANC - and recognise that this was provoke conflict on occasion, they arc not built in nine days. also confronted with popular violence If the unbanning of the ANC and and enraged, dangerous crowds. other organisations on 2 Earlier this year United Democratic February called forth only passing Front national secretary Popo Molefe celebration, perhaps this was warned that actual conditions of life because the people had already were deteriorating so rapidly that the effectively unbanned them. and Gazankulu, he said, bringing to government faced a repeat of the largely The , wilh its boiling point people's sense of spontaneous resistance of 1984 to 1986. mammoth marches dominated by the grievance about education, With one difference: the scale this time symbols and colours of the ANC, maladministration by chiefs and would be infinitely greater. It would had left to De Klerk the task of alleged witch-craft killings. make the earlier wave look like *a chil­ rubber-stamping a popular decision. And it has given them the dren's Sunday school picnic*. When it came to Mandela, of confidence to act. Indications are that the government course, there could be no dress In already-organised has read the signs - that its decision to rehearsal for the release. When he communities, where activists and negotiate with representative leaders crossed the threshold, unprecedented ordinary residents alike had suffered (albeit among other' leaders') is mainly political euphoria swept the country. the penalties of struggle, the due to its recognition of the danger of Most importantly, Nelson unquestionable victory that pressure from below becoming unat­ Mandela ignited a fervour for Mandela's release represented tainable. liberation in towns that had been allowed them to savour the joy of missed by the sweep of the struggle. Any perceived unwillingness by the democratic organisations. government to proceed with negotia­ For several days office workers in tions will simply increase that pressure. A development worker from the clock-watching, competitive On the other hand it is difficult to see Northern Transvaal compared the Johannesburg were diverted from how, in the current volatile atmosphere, release to a chemical reaction. The their work by toyi-toying, jubilant the government will meet the widely idea of a free Mandela had been like bands of people. supported demand for a lifting of the a catalyst in the villages of Vcnda Much has been made of the state of emergency before negotiations commence. The ANC and MDM are likely to be implacable on this. , Lekota observed: we can thoroughly defeat ihcm? For the resistance organisations, loo, 'Puppets like Mangope ... cannot halt The internal ANC leadership's an­ the current political strife has had mixed the drive towards democracy. Our people swer appears (o be yes. In his weekend political returns. sense now that power is slipping out of of rallies in kaNgwanc and at Turfloop ANC leaders like Mandela and Walter their unwanted rulers' hands and - as last month, Mandela appealed to ban- Sisulu and DOT publicity secretary Terror thai notion grows daily stronger - Man­ tustan leaders to forsake apartheid and Lekota have made it abundantly clear gope and his types will be swept aside to join the ANC. that they believe certain forms of vio­ by the sheer force of its impact*. But propaganda, apparently from the lence on the part of their organisations And he added: 4Wc call upon our ANC underground, calls for the masses are counter-productive. people to desist from violence, vandal­ to intensify iheir resistance for the over­ Mandela's 'throw your weapons into ism and all behaviour which disguises throw of bantustan leaders. And the the sea' call to 'comrades' in Natal was the direction of struggle. Destruction of spate of sabotage attacks in the Bophuthat­ perhaps the most eye-catching line on property and the killing of people in­ swana areas of Tonne and Ilsoseng shortly this. Lekota, speaking at an ANC rally creases suffering. They are not part of after the Ga-Rankuwa shootings appears in Lenasia, stated unequivocally that the tactics of our liberation movement to underline this approach. looting, arson and similar attacks 'do because it rejects anarchy'. There is greater consensus that the not promote our cause'. On the ground, however, in the heav­ cause of liberation has nothing to gain The achievement of maximum unity ily repressed bantustans where the first from violence which is purely intra- for the ANC position was a considera­ flexing of mass muscle is having as­ communal, pitting hostel dwellers, for tion to which other strategies - including tounding effects, there are those who instance, against residents or ANC sup­ the violent options - should be subordi­ ask: Is there a possibility of unity wilh porters against those of Azapo. nated. our former oppressors? Is it really in our There is widespread belief within Reacting to mass resistance in interests to have them join us. if instead the ANC, UDFand Cosatu and in church

Pag»8*WIP65 political violence that has been a 'daily record* files in a pile at the working lives. This found expression feature of this period. Justifiably. gates to the . in sit-ins, strikes and demonstrations Much more could be made of the At "niabong in the in various parts of the country. torrent of mass resistance - by far marching teachers were confronted Equally important was the mass the greater part of it peaceful - by a group of armed right-wingers, disaffection of civil servants in the against which the bloodshed must be who refused to allow the legal bantustans of the Transvaal, many of offset. demonstration against bantu whom went on strike. • In approximately 10 weeks, education to proceed. • Defiance has also characterised popu­ newspapers have recorded at least 50 • Gradual mobilisation against the lar solutions to the problem of homc- public marches, usually aimed at bantustans - evidenced in resistance lessncss and over-crowding. Gone arc conveying local grievances to the of communities to incorporation into the days of cautious family-by-family relevant authority. In more than a bantustans, the refusal to lake out occupation of vacant land. dozen of these marches participants membership of the ruling party, the In its place are organised land were to be counted in tens of revival of progressive MDM-aligncd invasions, conducted by popular thousands, rather than thousands. structures - burst into outright revolt. organisations who take responsibility • The ground-swell against Many of the direct grievances for a degree of planning, allocation of segregated education has seldom cited in strikes, stayaways, marches sites and negotiation with authorities been stronger. For the first time and other protests were socio­ after the event. black teachers arc at one with their economic. Residents tied them 'White* , for pupils in demonstrating their outrage unerringly to the bantustan system. instance, now has Tambo Square - an at the inferior education system in The golden thread which ran through orderly shack sciilement - on its which they are condemned to work. popular protest from Vcnda to Ciskci doorstep. In the Johannesburg region some was the eradication of bantustans Even the most dependent and 6 000 teachers went on a sustained from the face of post-apartheid South marginal have been moved to fight for strike and their action was supported Africa. their rights. In late February Guguletu by thousands of disciplined youths • On the labour front strikes were state pensioners held a mass protest and children who marched some numerous, increasingly protracted, meeting against the racial welfare 10km to the local office of the and in some instances violent. system. Department of Education and Workers became noticeably more And in the centre of Cape Town - Training. In rural Ncbo teachers and militant in opposing racism in the on the same day - eight Kalahari students marched against the work place. shepherds marched on parliament to government, which was Among the most significant protest against legislation threatening unable even to provide books. developments was the revolt by a the grazing rights of some 8 000 In the Potchefstroom township of relatively small, but growing, number herders in the remote Mier region. Ikageng, teachers took to the streets of policemen and prison guards The shepherds won. The under the red flag, to dump their against the racism that governs their legislation was shelved.

and rural organisations that there is "Hiis shows that the people were presently a systematic deployment of politically aware, even if they were not agents provocateur aimed at destroying organised. Their readiness tells us ev­ the cohesiveness of the MD M as a nego­ eryone was waiting for the ANC leader- tiating force. ship', reckons Malebo. Finally there is the question: what Makgalamele thinks similarly. Re­ are the political effects on the MDM of calling the immediate response to the state violence? The issue is particularly organisation of three protest marches in pertinent in rural areas - both in the the Temba area, he adds: 'They were a bantustans and 'white' South Africa. spontaneous, grassroot reaction to the Tebogo Mckgalamelc and Sckhopi political climate thai now exists in South Malebo are civic leaders who have been Africa*. This climate had made it im­ involved in organising in the Odi-More- perative for semi-clandestine civic struc­ lele area of Bophulhatswana and in the tures to come out openly and make Free State respectively. Both speak of a themselves available to the people. striking readiness on the part of the Sjamboks, tcargas and bullets have people to respond to organisation and been met with further resistance: stay­ not to be deterred by the first blast of aways and consumer boycotts. It has repression. even resulted in the resignation of pup­ Throughout the country, from Vcnda pet councillors and declarations by oth­ southwards, the release of Mandela led ers, after their first encounter with the to spontaneous celebrations, even in towns ANC, that they would be first in their where no political structures cxisicd. community to sign up with the ANC.

WIP 65 * Pago 9 ry as it will, the Mass Demo­ directed against taxi drivers and not cratic Movement is unable to against the council. T slay the dragon of 'black-on- The alignment of hostel dwellers black* violence. with the GDTA drivers is understood to It is often unclear precisely how - 'ZULUS' have occurred late in the conflict, after and through what agents - differences a taxi-load of migrants from Natal, headed between liberation forces and other com­ for the hostel, was mistakenly attacked munity groupings become inflamed to by some youths. the point of murder. But these explanations overlook how But id several cases it has afterwards deep a division of interests the boycott been possible to establish what precise itself created. If the taxi operators were act of provocation set people at each prepared to kill each other because of other's throats. Real and inroads on their trade, what would r<- • And, recent experience shows, the strain them from murdering those who reality of the Inkatha/MDM war in Natal removed their custom completely - as has become a powerful weapon in the imagined the boycottcrs did? hands of provocateurs elsewhere in the country. The aftermath of Katlehong In militant Transvaal townships - drivers. Peace had not yet been concluded in where councillors are outcasts, residents Two days later taxi operators at­ Katlehong when 1 000 hostel- dwellers refuse to pay rent and MDM organisa­ tacked schools and murdered five people in nearby Vosloorus went rampaging tions have coherent structures - the - school pupils and teachers. Many more through the township. This was followed 'Zulus'(oftcn equated with hostel dwell­ were injured. The township was in up­ by mass hysteria in another East Rand ers) have become the bogey with which roar. township, Tcmbisa, as rumours spread to instill panic or spark pre-emptive The burning of a house belonging to that 'the Zulus' were about to invade. action, among the people. an official of GDTA was cited as a When sim ilar rumours reached them Sometimes the 'Zulu' hostel dwell­ reason for the attack on nearby Katlc­ days later, the Vaal townships mobili- ers have actually attacked their neigh­ hong High School. But this was not the sacd with an astonishing array of weap­ bours; in other cases the threat alone has only school attacked by taxi operators. ons. caused chaos. Retribution followed. A day later, As women, children and the aged Because intra-community violence police put the number of taxis set alight took shelter at police stations and the often relies so strongly on suggestion at 25. hospital, youths took to the access roads, and prejudice, it may defy outside com­ On 7 March an estimated 85 000 manning roadblocks. Incensed by Natal prehension. Unless the agent provocateur residents look to the streets of Katlc­ licence plates and by anyone who tried and the interests he represents can be hong to m arch on the council offices and to run their roadblocks, they killed a identified.... demand housing and improved serv­ while motorist and attacked several others. ices. Police fired on the crowd, injuring In the Vaal. as in Tembisa, 'the Katlehong's taxi war 28. Zulus* failed to materialise. Taxi operators, who resorted to set­ They justified their action by saying ' In our assessment of the situation in tling their commercial rivalries by the there had been conflict in the crowd and Katlchong, ToKoza, Vosloorus and law of the gun, suddenly and apparently shots had been fired at them. Tcmbisa, we found a common factor. inexplicably diverted from their course By8March thedcathtollwassaidto The violence has been preceded by an and began butchering children and teach­ be 15, as GDTA-aligncdvigilantes went obvious call from communities to local ers in their schools. from house to house, seeking out youth­ black authorities to relinquish their It was the start of a sequence of ful targets. Youths fled to the hospital positions. Thereafter, there have been violence which left more than 40 people which was promptly attack by the vig­ rumours from certain quarters setting dead in the East Rand townshipof Katle- ilantes. communities at each other's throats', hong. Hostel inmates joined battle with or­ reflects Gideon Makhanya, organising By the weekend of 3/4 March at ganised youth bands. secretary of the Witwatcrsrand Council least seven people, mostly taxi passen­ After a week of mayhem, commu­ of Churches. gers, had been killed in the crossfire of nity leaders expressed the fear that as Against a background of the Inkatha- a war between drivers of the Germ iston many as 45 might have died. The kill­ MDM war in Natal, he says, people of and District Taxi Association (GDTA) ings were gruesome - one victim was Zulu origin are obvious material to be and the Katlchong Taxi Organisation tied to the railway tracks and run over by moulded into a (real or imaginary) tool (KTO). a train. to drive a wedge into the community. That weekend about 10 000 resi­ Eventually, through the ongoing In Ikageng near Potchcfsiroom the dents attended a meeting organised by efforts of the UDF, ANC and South actions of the police in cscortinga heav­ the Katlehong Civic and Crisis Com­ African Black Taxi Association peace ily-armed mass of hostel dwellers through mittee and resolved to boycott the taxis was restored. the township has laid them open to charges until it was safe to use them. Someof those closely involved with of abetting vigilante action. Pan of the crowd marched on the the peace-process isolate as the critical A member of the Ikageng People's offices of GDTA to demand an end to factor in Katlchong an alleged state­ Delegation recalled: 'These hostel the taxi war and, according to press ment from the township council that the dwellers - about 500of them - came into reports, were accosted by armed taxi mass march was in fact going to be the towaship heavily armed with pangas

PagelO*WlP65 SEBOKENG; In the aftermath of the police shooting, youths rescue wounded marchers. and kicries and even spears. Two vans settlement of Dricfontcin last month such matters. of police escorted them. could yet detonate an attack on a small Both Yende and Mjwago arc estab­ *This intimidation provoked the Inkatha-supporting section of the com­ lished police informers. Mjwago was people. Rumours were that they were munity. identified as such during evidence given from outside Ikagcng and it came into Dricfontcin leaders, lawyers and de­ in the trial of ihe policeman who shot residents' minds that the Zulus have velopment workers arc focusing their Driefontein leader Saul Mkh izc in 1983. come to kill us. People were feeling efforts on securing legal redress for the And Yende is identified as 'assisting the threatened, so they decided to attack murder of Tbcmba Dlamini. with information', these hostel people*. Ifthcy fail, they fear, the youth might in a letter dated April 1984 and signed The delegation member said after take things into their own hands and by a Sergeant GC de Bruyn of the Dirk i- shooting teargas at the residents the attack the well-guarded pro-Inkatha esdorp police station. police withdrew 'and it was war for the clique. It is perhaps not insignificant that: whole night*. Success, too, holds its dangers. Since • Despite the fact that Dlamini's body Many were injured in the dark. Next lawyers managed lo ensure that murder was found in Yende's house and despite day the battle continued and hostel charges were brought against Gilbert declarations given to the police, they dwellers killed a child, Velaphi Mandu. Mjwago and Gweje Yende, residents took no immediate action against Yende. *Thcn residents went right into the have noted an influx of Inkatha support­ Instead they appear to have protected hostel and drove the inhabitants out and ers into Driefontein. The newcomers him against possible attack by residents; started burning if. appear 10 be hunting a key witness to the • Lawyers had to secure the interven­ Community leaders approached the murder. tion of police in Pretoria to ensure that police to set up tri-partite talks - at­ The guilt of Mjwago and Yende local police would lay the charge of tended by the People's Delegation, a cannot be presumed - although it is murder; hostel committee and the police. Peace common knowledge that Dlamini was • The two accused were immediately was restored. found by his father inside Yende*s ga­ released on bail; But popular organisations have still rage shortly before dying there, still • Police have viewed popular Driefon­ to ponder: Who set the fuse to this ex­ bound at the wrists by a rope tied to the tein leaders, who were solidly supported plosion? rafters. by the people in their protracted fight The answer appears to lie in devel­ 'The rope was long so he was lying against removals, asradicaland danger­ opments a week before the hostel war, on the floor writhing in agony. He had ous. Police documcnisproducedincourt when a 'tsotsi element* ran riot after a only his underpants on. His ihighs and described the assassinated Mkhize as comrade's funeral, looting and attack­ bullocks were fullof wounds. 1 ricy were 'an outspoken Leftist, instigating resi­ ing hostel inmates among others. swollen upand full of blood. He saw me dents against removal*. Community leaders are still trying bui he couldn't speak*, the victim's fa­ Finally, the fact that Driefontein was to establish the identity of these provo­ ther, Meshack Dlamini, declared in a of interest to the police squad cateurs who set the scene not only for statement to lawyers. completes the perspective on Dlamini's ihe hostel war but for police action in But the fact lhal the two Inkatha sup­ murder. Recent evidence to the Harms which five people lost their lives, in­ porters have been charged lends cre­ Commission of inquiry into the death cluding a baby shot while lying in a dence to the possibility thai the 'Zulu' squads was (hat Mkhize's son, Bongani shack. factor features aggressively in conflict Paris Mkhizc, was assaulted and inter­ well beyond Natal. rogated by the several years Nipping it in Ihe bud And it supports the possibility of an ago. Police counsel challenged the de­ The abduction and murdcrof a youth identily of interests between elements tails of the alleged Askari assault on congress leader in the Eastern Transvaal of the police and Inkatha supporters in Mkhizc, but not its actual occurrence.

WIP65*Pag«U RESISTANCE

ront page pictures of people scram - from a construction company to grade bling out of the range of a hail of sites for a shack settlement established, F pellets told the world whai people under the coordination of the Ratanda of many townships already knew: I>e Civic Association, on vacant land sched­ Klerk's determination to negotiate has uled for private township development. not silenced the guns of his policemen. Several young people were injured. The shootings that drove this home According to Ratanda Civic Asso­ occurred in the Vaal township of Sc- ciation vice-president John Parkey the bokeng on 26 March. Witnesses say settlement started that day grew with in­ police opened fire without warning on credible rapidity - to more than 2 000 the front rows of a crowd of some 50 000 units within two weeks. whose leaders had just agreed to curtail The mass invasion of land was a re­ their march into the 'white' town of Back in the sponse to a housing shortage that has Vcrccniging. been growing since the last public hous­ A representative of the Vaal Civic forefront ing was supplied 20 years ago. Association, Bavumilc Vilakazi, had just Earlier in the year about 10 000 resi­ handed a memorandum to local police dents had marched peaccfullyto the police chief Major Othnicl Mazibuko, for for­ station to hand over a memorandum warding to the National Party in Vcr- they were trying to do so shots were addressed to the provincial authorities. ceniging. fired. It was about 5pm and people coming RCA secretary Daniel Nkosi said there Vilakazi says he was explaining the from work were injured. One of them, a had been no response to the memo, so worker for the provincial administra­ residents took matters into their own agreement reached with Mazibuko to a hands. newly arrived contingent of marchers tion, was fatally injured'. when the shots were fired. A four-day work stayaway and boy­ They were unimpressed by the offer 'It was sudden. 'Iricrc was no au­ cott of whiteshops resulted. 'The police of mayor Mickey Mokonanc who, ap­ dible order to fire, no notification and action brought our people together - parently learning of their plans, prom­ no request to disperse'. African and coloured residents united, ised to provide land for the homeless in He rejects the suggestion that people including the councillors and the mayor', October. threatened the police. 'There were off- said Malebo. In their daily 'unrest reports' police duty police marching with us. Mazibuko I Ic added, though, that a second clash made no mention of the death of Oupa was mingling with the people*. had been perilously close on the second Quincba. Thcabscnccof warning is con firmed day of the boycott. Ihc list of allegations of unprovoked by resident and journalist Thcmba Molefc. 'When we arrived we realised the police violence is lengthy. To the above Running for cover he turned to sec an situation was very volatile - the people examples could be added: old man, who had been sitting on the were marching to town. White residents * the breaking up of Mas­ curb, shot between the eyes. 'As he were armed. The police and the army sacre commemorations at places as far collapsed face down, another shot hit were out'. removed as Hartebeesfontein in the him on the right hip. He was dead'. Regional MDM leaders managed to Western Transvaal and Piet Relief in Photographer Herbert Mabuza, who persuade people to hold a mass meeting the cast; kept his camera clicking as he lay flat on in place of the march. * the dispersal of 10 000 Tcmbisa march­ his stomach, insists: 'There was abso­ ' We told them our armed struggle is ers, some of whom subsequently burnt lutely no reason why it happened. Iricre always in defence', said Malcbo. 'and the property of mayor Solomon More. was certainly no warning. we went with the councillors (who were More blamed the police. 'Whether the 'And afterwards, ihey laughed - the part of the people's boycott) to meet the march was illegal or not. police had no guys from the laughed'. military, the police and representatives right to act because it was peaceful'. Three died instantly. Within 24 hours of the white community'. A mutual * the fatal shooting of Witbank baby the death toll had risen to 11 - some from agreement to refrain from violence was Angelina Mathebula while strapped to injuries from the original shooting, oth­ reached, but residents refused to cut the back of her mother, Betty Matheb­ ers as violence swept the Vaal town­ short their stayaway and boycott. ula - who was quite evidently retreating ships. But all these deaths can he traced The police version of the events at from the police, not confronting them. to that single, short burst of fire. Zastron was that widespread rioting had The Mathcbulas and the police differ - The Scbokeng shootings call forth occurred in the township and that police predictably - on whether there was vio­ echoes from obscure places across the action had left 30 injured. They said a lence among the people when the police platteland. Among them arc Zastron and house had been set alight and vehicles opened fire. Jagcrsfontcin, cast of Bloemfontein, stoned. Just a month after his dramatic open­ where Bloemfontein activists have in­ Malebo concedes he wasn't there at ing of parliament President FWde Klerk tervened to restore calm. the time but says the police account runs said the police would have a Mower but One such activist is Mangaung Civic contrary to statements by residents. not weaker' profile in times to come. Association secretary Sckhopi Malcbo. 'All of a sudden its an ANC area', ' We have now passed to a new phase in In Zastron. he says, Mandela's re­ said Malebo. 'Everyone is saying, "we which we must manage the problems of lease led to days of street celebrations in are directed and led by the ANC*.' the country by political and economic the township.'Normal education didn't In Ratanda, near Heidelberg, 12- steps and no longer with security forces take place for about three days. Eventu­ ycar-okl Oupa John Quincba was alleg­ at the forefront*. ally police came into the township and edly shot dead by police on 19 March Were the police not told of this? Or ordered the youth lo disperse. While after youths had commandeered vehicles did they refuse to hear? Pag«12*WIP65

The coup which ousted has left the soul of the Ciskei homeland government up for grabs. Peter auf der Heyde and Ashwin Desai report

nen Oupa Gqozo addressed his ing ally. But its benefit for the mass first public meeting just hours democratic movement is potentially Wafter ousting Ciskei president- GQOZO even greater. for-lifc Lennox Scbe, he stood ramrod When Scbe boarded a Hong Kong- stiff, as a soldier should. bound plane at East London airport days His fist stayed rigidly at his side in before the coup, he left behind him a response to the salutes of the 20 000- Pretoria's puppet bantustan rife with resistance - not only strong crowd at the Independence Sta­ or MDlVTs man? in the many rural villages where the dium in Bisho, and he ignored their latest wave of opposition had its roots, 'amandlas' to deliver his message in fcrrcd into the homeland defence force. but in the urban centres of Mdantsanc, formal military fashion. At the time of the coup, Gqozo had Zwelilsha and Dimbaza. Three hours later at his second pub­ been head of Ciskei military intelli­ In response Scbe had imposed two lic meeting, and under the fluttering gence for just (wo months - an appoint­ stales of emergency: the first late last banners of the African National Con­ ment that followed a lengthy period as year in the rural districts of Pcelton and gress and the South the homeland's military attache in Pre­ Balasi; the second, far harsher, early Party, his fist was raised as high as any toria. this year in Mdantsanc and Zwelitsha. among the tens of thousands in As military attache, he would have Sporadic and isolated rural resis­ Mdantsane'sSisa Dukashe Stadium. He been in constant contact with South Af­ tance occurred throughout the 1980s. dropped anyreference to' Ciskeians* - a rican military and civilian authorities. Taking many forms, it included refusal term which earned him boos in Bisho - This would have made him a logical by villagers to pay taxes demanded from and he delivered the message the people focus for any strategy by South African them by rural chiefs. wanted to hear: that the homeland would to rid thcmsclvcsof the increasingly un­ Also widespread was the demand by reclaim its rightful place as part of South popular Sebe at a time when president communities for reincorporation into Africa. FW de Klerk's reformism urgently needed South Africa. In 1987 the people of A newcomer to popular polit ics, 36- credible black allies. Potsdam packed their belongings and ycar-old Brigadier Oupa Josh Gqozo is This possibility has been strength­ simply left the Ciskei - preferring the nevertheless a fast learner. ened by strong speculation that Pretoria uncertain future of life in makeshift Born in Kroonstad, his first job was actually encouraged Sebe to leave the shelters on the South African side of the with the South African prisons depart­ homeland at a time when rumours of a road leading to East London to life under ment. He joined the SA Defence Force coup-plot were rife. Sebe. in 1975 and six years later, when Sebe I Certainly the coup has conveniently Sebe responded harshly to signs of accepted* independence', he was trans- ' rid Dc Klerk of a potentially embarrass­ rural opposition. WIP65*Pagel3 In some cases his security forces I ensure that the Sebe dynasty continued. simply uprooted whole communities at There has been widespread speculation gunpoint and dumped them across the I that Sebe and his son Kwane, head of border in South Africa. Ciskei's hated Elite Unit, had planned a In others, Scbe sent in his troops to I coup of their own, which would simply sort it out. After police action in the vil­ replace one Sebe with another. lage of Tyokxnnqa, Ciskci police spokes­ This theory is strengthened by the person Brigadier Avery Ngaki said, 'It fact that South African officials called has been noted that they (the villagers) Sebe off his Hong Kong-bound plane in don't like their chief. The police will Johannesburg and warned him of a make them love their chief*. There has been speculation that pending coup. Sebe shrugged off the Ngaki described vigilantes who were Sebe and his son had planned a warning, apparently believing they were involved in a number of attacks on Sebc's coup of their own referring to his son's plans. opponents as members of the commu­ When the coup did take place, he nity who support the police. his internal power base. was thus thousands of kilometres away. Interestingly, Ngaki retained his post High-ranking police officers in All he could do was make a pathetic after thecoupand now issues statements Mdantsane met and, according to one, plea to Pretoria in a hand-written mes­ about the detention of policemen for decided not to enforce the state of emer­ sage from Hong Kong. Stating that 'a their misuse of power during the reign gency. few members of the army have caused of Scbe. Similarly many magistrates decided some disruption', he requested South Sebe's repressive measures, includ­ not to jail people prosecuted under re­ Africa's 'speedy intervention'. ing the detention of more than 700 people pressive legislation - imposing suspended in the last four months of his rule, failed sentences instead. he'disruption'occurred late on to stem the tide. The rural revolt not Even the traditionally conservative the night of-Saturday, 3 March. only spread but, late last year, found a Ciskei Teachers' Union - at the time T Ironically, it was not Ciskei's in­ new focus. scorned as an appendage of the Scbe creasingly rebellious people who deliv­ The main thrust of this, according to regime - complained when a high school ered the coup de grace, but Sebe's own the Grahamstown Rural Committee, was principal was detained. They demanded men • Ciskci defence force officers who the widespread collection and return to action against Scbe and, for the first until a few weeks earlier had been a tribal authorities of Ciskei National time, sided with students in their struggle central element of his repressive ma­ Independence Party (CNIP) member­ against the regime. chinery. ship cards. In some cases the cards were By this stage urban and rural resis­ Indeed.afuU 12 hours after the coup collected and defiantly burned. tance were showing unmistakable signs had been announced, people in Mdantsane Rejecting CNIP membership repre­ of jelling into a combined assault on and the rural villages went about their sented a great sacrifice. Sebe's rule. business unaware Scbe had been de­ Researchers Pippa Green and Alan Sebe, who had staved off a militant posed. Only later did the masses take to Hirsch noted in 1982: 'For the mass of challenge by the South African Allied the streets and proclaim the downfall of people living in resettlement camps or Workers* Union in the early 80s, a sub­ Scbe as their victory. the rural areas, membership of CNIP, sequent plot to unseat him by his brother I "he plotters' first action, late on Sat­ loyalty to the local chief or headman Charles, and a Transkei-sponsored coup urday night, was to cut telephone lines and dutiful payment of party dues are led by former Selous Scouts, now faced to Sebe's top aides, including police­ ways to secure houses, pensions, land, the most formidable challenge to his men and MPs. local jobs, unemployment insurance fund rule. At first nobody knew why. When payments and sometimes labour con­ When he realised his traditional fol­ youths approached a police spokesper­ tracts'. lowing was turning against him, Sebe son at Sam on Sunday and told him started calling in past favours. I Ic sharply there had been a military coup, his s rural rebellion quickened, ur­ reminded police officers that many of comment was, 'It is just some young ban areas - especially the sprawl­ them owned businesses which could be boys who want too much power'. A ing township of Mdantsane - affected by their refusal to comply with By then Gqozo's men had taken began to show signs of dissent. The his orders. control of all government buildings, the Mdantsane Residents' Association But opposition continued and the radio station and other strategic points. (MKA) called on people to hand back death-toll mounted amid a scries of de­ They had detained Kwane Sebe and the CNIP cards, hospital workers went on monstrations and rallies focussing on headsofthe defence forceand placed 18 strike and the home of a police officer the return of CNIP cards. cabinet ministers under house arrest. was attacked with handgrenades. Suddenly, at the height of these ten­ Some houre later, with word spread­ Matters came to a head with the sions and with his grip on the territory ing that Scbe had been ousted, crowds release of Nelson Mandela on 11 Febru­ loosening daily, Scbe flew off on an began to gather in the streets of Zwclitsha, ary, when police opened Tire on cele­ official visit to Hong Kong. across the highway from the capital, brating Mdantsane residents, killing 10. Exactly why he did so is unclear. Bisho. According to minutes of a meeting South Africa may have encouraged him About 2 000 youths began toyi-toy- between Scbe and senior police officers to do so, intending to replace him with a ing towards the capital, gathering others afterwards, the president-for-life con­ less unpopular alternative. along the way. As they danced and sang gratulated the police for their actions. A second possib le explanat ion is that : their way through the street of Bisho, The brutality with which Scbe crushed Scbe himself - recognising that his t ime i they were joined by soldiers of the any form of opposition began to erode was limited - had contrived a way to 1 Ciskcian defence force, transformed Pagel4*WIP65 CISKEI overnight in the popular view into an ing both the South African Defence Force clauses to prevent a new government army of liberation. and the MDM for help. Both rallied to unilaterally scrapping the bantustans. At a press conference that artemoon, support him. Thus Gqozo's position on a unitary Brigadier Gqoza announced that the MDM leader and UDFBorder presi­ South Africa and his apparent enthusi­ military had taken control of Ciskei. A dent Mluleki George shared a platform asm for sharing platforms and ideas four-person executive committee - with Gqozo in Bisho on Tuesday and I with the MDM represent a dramatic himself (as chairman). Colonel OM called for an end to violence. And United | departure for the democratic movement. Guzana, Commandant SS Pita and Major Democratic Front general secretary Popo It is too early to pass final judgment pp Hauser - had been elected, he said. Molcfe led a high-powered delegation on Gqozo. But the UDF has already Gqoza and Mauser then rushed to to the Ciskei to intervene. handed in its interim opinion: Gqozo is Bisho's Independence Stadium to de­ South African police and more than up for grabs. liver their first address to the people. 200 SADF troops moved in to protect They received a tumultuous welcome The UDF plans to win him over, but government buildings, factories and simultaneously to create conditions in from a 20 000-strong crowd chanting shops. 'Viva ANC!* and '!' the Ciskei making it impossible for Gqozo The situation gradually returned to to reverse himself and restore pre-coup Gqozo announced that the Ciskei normal and Gqozo and his colleagues levels of political control. military had taken control of the coun­ turned to the more mundane tasks of Thus a UDF press statement on March try because Ciskeians had suffered long running a 'country'. 7 hailed 'the change in government in enough under Sebe. The armed forces One of his first acts was to hire two the region of Ciskei as a victory of the and business community had lost confi­ members of Lawyers for Human Rights toiling masses in the region and indeed dence in Scbe's government. lo draft a new constitution and revise for the forces of progress, peace and 'The final straw was the action of the legislation. justice*. previous president who despite the grave Days later the pair was fired. Head­ UDF support extended beyond the situation in Ciskei saw fit to leave the man Somtunzi, who survived the coup press statement. Standing shouldcr-to- country when it most needed strong, fair as chief government spokesperson, point­ shouldcr with Gqozo at a rally in Bisho, and democratic leadership*. edly denied their dismissal had been the UDPs George, said the coup was a Tnc crowd booed Gqozo several times 'step towards freedom*. He called on - when he addressed them as Ciskeians the masses to work with the military or spoke about Ciskei. But he drew a It Is too early to pass final council. large cheer when he announced the im­ judgment on Gqozo. But Significantly, though, the UDFpress mediate release of all political prisoners statement urged people to 'take advan­ held under section 26of theCiskei Inter­ the UDF has already tage of the political space created by the nal Security Act and the appointment of handed in its interim new administration to rebuild our street a judge to ensure the safety and well- opinion: Gqozo is committees, block and area commit­ being of all other detainees. tees, our youth, women's, residents' and Gqozo then rushed to Mdantsane up for grabs trade union organisations*. where tens of thousands of people had These structures, the UDF said, would taken to the streets to celebrate. At a allow people in the region to 'contribute meeting hastily organised in the Sisa prompted by South African pressure. meaningfully to the process of building Dukashc Stadium he shared a platform The military council expanded with a single non-racial democratic South with ANC and MDM activists. the inclusion of an army chaplain and Africa envisioned in the Freedom Char­ Speaking under the flags of the ANC six non-military members - all but one ter*. and SACP, he said the ultimate goal of former government officials were sacked UDF activists have responded to the his government was reincorporation of by Gqozo. call and have begun the process of de­ Ciskei into South Africa - although not Gqozo disbanded the presidential veloping progressive structures. In immediately, but 'in its time1. I guard and Kwane Sebe's "elite Unit and Mdantsane, street committees with a Shortly after the military rulers left posted their members to other areas. j representative from every household, Mdantsane thousands of people went on The new government has embarked i have begun to flourish. The street com­ the rampage. Using a list issued earlier on a major campaign to investigate mittees feed into area committees and by the MRA in its call for a boycott of corruption. It has also confiscated sev­ then intounitcommittecs. Activists plan shops belonging to people close to Sebe, eral cards allocated lo civil servants. to launch a Mdantsane Congress that the crowds starting burning those shops. While most of those described by the has its roots in the street and area com­ Soon, however, the attacks became Grahamstown Rural Committee as hang­ mittees. The South African government indiscriminate and the crowds looted ers-on of Sebe have retained their posi­ has, by contrast, lost an unpleasant but the businesses before setting them alight- tions, there have been several transfers. guaranteed ally, and is now forced to By Monday most of the shops and Gqozo's views on reincorporation share access to his replacement with the petrol si.iiioiis in the township were burnt also stand in sharp contrast to that of democratic movement. to the ground. Sebe which was outlined in a confiden­ With still firmly Many factories in the small indus­ tial paper presented to De Klerk earlier entrenched in the Transkei, and recent trial arcaof Fort Jackson were also burnt this year (See WIP 64). The document protests demonstrating that no home­ shells. An estimated 18000 people were argues for rapid establishment - either land head is invulnerable. Gqozo'scoup left jobless, damage ran to more than I before or during De Klerk's negotia­ is a further indication that De Klerk's RlOO-million and more than 26 people tions with the ANC - of a five-member insistance that bantusian leaders be had been killed in Mdantsane alone. federation. South Africa and the four guaranteed a seat at the negotiating table Gqozo solved his dilemma by ask­ TBVC 'homelands*, with entrenched was a not a wise move. W!P65*Pag» 15 Anti-apartheid alliance

TheANC is planning he African National Congress is treading new po­ litical ground as it prepares to formally lead, for to establish a broad Tthe first time in its history, a broad ami-apartheid anti-apartheid front. front. Alliances with political groupings closely sharing the Jenny Cargill reports ANC's objectives and ideals is nothing new. But coming together with a wide range of organisations sharing only from Lusaka on its the broadest strategic objective- the transferor power for likely form and a non-racial democratic South Africa - is a new challenge and throws up many questions. content How does the ANC ensure its revolutionary character is not seriously diluted by such a front? Who are accept­ able participants? What conditions must they meet? What is the future of the United Democratic Front (UDF) and other political organisations sharing the ANC's ob­ jectives? The changing political climate has also thrown up for review the ANC'scxistingalliances- principally with the South African Communist Party (SACP). New alliances are also in the making, some potentially sensitive and complex. So far the ANC has not openly addressed these issues in detail. Its officials say the current political fluidity make it impossible for the organisation to come up with a blueprint on the precise machinations of a front. Added to that is the practical problem that the ANC is not yet organisationally established, although there is little doubt that the liberation movement already has the political legitimacy to be the undisputed head of a new anti-apartheid front. So far the character the ANC has suggested for a new front is one that is broadly anti-apartheid and pro-democ­ racy, with no extra conditional clauses such as support for the Freedom Charter. Said National Executive Committee (NEC) member Steve Tshwele in an interview with WIP: 'It is impossible for the ANC to wage the struggle by itself. We have to be broadening the anti-apartheid base. We can't be content with what we have got. And so the front concept is a very powerful one in the present era". A broad coalition also constitutes for the ANC a means for starting to build tomorrow's non-racial South Africa today. The successful creation of such a front would ensure a de facto two-sided negotiating table which, in the ANC's view, would weigh heavily in favour of anli- aparthcid forces. But, says an ANC functionary, such a front also needed to facilitate mass action. 'If we arc to build the

PcJ9«16*WIP65 ANC right kind of front, this must be done in For the first time in almost 30 years, conjunction with mass struggle. an internal party membership will soon 'A new front', he adds, 'should in­ move above board and some party cad­ ject discipline into mass action without res (though not all) will become visible atoss of m ilitancy. The negotiators must as they build legal SACP structures. feel the pressure of the masses'. But both the ANC and SACP remain Thefront, says another official, needs committed in their liberation alliance, to be guided by three key principles: with the core group changing to include • the need for all organisations within the Congress of South African Trade the front to retain their independence; Unions (Cosatu). Sactu is to be incorpo­ • the need to ensure that organisations rated into Cosatu structures. joining the front bring an clement of Alongside this alliance, the ANC is additional power into it; and looking at bringing together into a new • the need to avoid building a front at the front quite a disparate group of anti- expense of the ANC's own organisa­ apartheid forces - although the bulk will tional attempts at strengthening itself. be the familiar MDM organisations. The principles appear straightfor­ For instance, the white liberal Demo­ ward. But treading the tactical terrain cratic Party is one group 'the ANC must will require some deft political foot­ encourage into the front', an official work, as the new political conditions Tshwete: 'It Is impossible for the insists. change, in part, the character of the ANC to wage the struggle by Itself It is important for whites, he says, to ANC and the Mass Democratic Move­ sec non-racialism in pract ice - and so rid ment (MDM). thcmsclvesof the fears that bind them to So far the ANC has moved cau­ notions of 'group* protection. tiously on the question of enanges to the The possible participation of group­ MDM's face. Some in the ANC favour ings like Inkatha and the Pan-Africanist caution while the anti-apartheid forces Congress (PAC) is more contentious. get a more precise reading of the politi­ Inkatha's involvement in a front, say cal climate. But, adds an official, the ANC officials, cannot be decided now. ANC's lack of an organised political Says Tshwetc: 'Inkatha has to earn its base at the moment demands that others place in an alliance through its struggle do not hastily disband already-existing against apartheid. At the moment there structures and so leavean organisational is not the slightest indication that it can vacuum. join a coalition'. Nonetheless, says the official, shifts ANC officials believe the PAC is in the MDM's character would proba­ likely to exclude itself from a new front. bly take place soon - if not within a * If they (the PAC) want to, we'll talk to matter of weeks. As a new front lakes them, for we are open to all organisa­ form, the logic of maintaining the UDF tions engaged in the struggle to end in its old form as an affiliate of a new apartheid,' says Tshwetc. 'But we're front falls away. Why contain one na­ Pahad: 'A front cannot Just be a not going to drag them into an alliance tional front within another? get-together of all tendencies or front*. The official also anticipates the in­ where there are no ideological There arc signs that the PAC will try corporation of the UDFs political af­ battles taking place'. to build a support base through the kind filiates - such as the Johannesburg of militant rhetoric and behaviour that Democratic Action Committee and the ment of the people' - into that of a will be absent in a broad front. And so. Transvaal Indian Congress - into the political party. say some observers, the PAC can only ANC Nonetheless in the new political cli­ be expected to enter the mainstream Besides (he political rationale for mate, the ANC also faces a change in settlement initiatives when it sees itself such changes, the ANC is faced with a character, as docs its alliance with the becoming totally marginalised by stay­ pressing practical demand: the need for SACP and Sactu. In the past, with its ing out. experienced MDM political organisers illegal status, the liberation movement As yet, the ANC has not formulated to join it to help build its own structures. largely attracted into its ranks the most a structure for the proposed front. But Officials emphasise, however, that militant elements of both black and white one official argues persuasively in fa­ consultations between the ANC and the South Africans. vour of one with strong regional and MDM will determine the final outcome. Now, as the ANC broadens its base, local components. That, he says, is 'We cannot be prescriptive,' says it is likely to find a section of its mem­ necessary 'to bring as many people into Tshwetc. bership • including for instance black action as possible. For the most conten­ Whatever the outcome, officials point i businessmen - not sharing its revolu­ tious issues for mobilising are found at out that the ANC will not drop the right I tionary perspective. This, argues the regional and local level*. ofindividualstoholdANCmcmbership SACP. necessarily means a sharpening Tshwetc says the ANC is also look­ jointly with that of other front affiliates. of the ideological contest in the months ing at creating sectional fronts or coali­ The ANC, they argue, has not traas- ahead, with the SACP still asserting - tions. The ANC's youth and women's formed its status as a liberation move­ perhaps even more than in the past - its Leagues will soon be rooted internally. ment - or as some term it, 'the parlia- independence. he says. As a result, some alrcady- WIP65*Pag«17 established organisations may become | homelands in part through a scries of incorporated into the ANC. meetings. The movement hopes to But Tshwete pointed out that there sec this process kick off with a meet­ arc hundreds of these groups, many ing of homeland leaders, called by the Fighting without a political bias, that will remain more progressive among them. independent. As a result 'the (ANC) As regards the business commu­ Youth League may establish a youth nity, ihe ANC is not 'looking for a to be movement to work against apartheid. formal relationship', according to its But it would have to first consolidate officials. While there would probably itself to bring leadership' to such a be some formal link indirectly through the same coalition. the DP, the ANC is rather seeking 'a 'Similarly with the women. After minimum consensus* with business - forming the Women's League, are we for example, on the need to restruc­ - and going to say this is the end of the story?' ture the South African economy to asks Tshwete. The same thinking could break the current crisis. be applied to civic organisations. ANC officials admit that inherent different But he believes it is too early to say in broad fronts is the risk of a struggle's whether these organisations would come revolutionary content being diluted, under the umbrella of a national front and of getting side-tracked into petty through their membership of sectional internal differences. 'Ihe proposed new fronts or as individual affiliates. ANC-led front will be no exception. 'We build from our day-to-day ex­ Last year's Conference for a Demo­ perience. The objective reality must shape cratic Future (CDF) already highlighted the front*. some of the difficulties in moulding a Besides seeking front partners, and broad but effective democratic force. retaining a structured liberation alliance, On this issue NEC member Aziz outh Africa perhaps ranks as unique the ANC anticipates building a number I Pahad argues: 'A front cannot just be in the world for its constitutional of loose alliances with other groupings a get-together of all tendencies where S contortions called upon to guaran­ and individuals. Perhaps the most im­ there are no ideological battles taking tee domination under the guise of de­ portant among these will be the ANC's place. The very nature of a front is relationship with sympathetic bantus- mocracy. that you fight for positions'. The guilty party here, of course, is tan leaders and the business commu­ In Pahad's view, the guarantor of nity. the government. a progressive thrust to a new broad It has thrown into the constitutional Says an ANC official: 'There are front will be the liberation alliance. debate so much jargon and constitu­ two doors through which people come 'That must be the core of the front. tional gerrymandering as to nullify the to the negotiating table - President FW With that strong grouping ... we are debate itself and create a mystique that dc Klerk's and ours. We want to ensure able (o ensure that our perspectives scares off all but the most determined that as many bantustan leaders as pos­ are the ones that become the deter­ citizen. sible come through our door'. mining influence. That was perhaps - at least in part Sympathetic bantustan leaders also 1 We are not saying that we have to - the intention. But fortunately, the other offer the liberation alliance the possibil­ lower our positions to the minimum side of the political spectrum has in the ity of strengthening its structures on the common denominator. We have got last two years engaged with the govern­ ground. Commanding government ma­ I to lake them to the higher level and ment on this level of political struggle. chineries and resources, these once- that will be the essence of the battle*. In what at first appeared to be a puppct administrations have the poten­ Nonetheless, Pahad points out that rather ratified exercise when measured tial of providing effective liberated zones , therjresenceofineANQSACPyCosatu against the first fires of township resis­ - but only as long as their power is I core is not an automatic guarantee of tance, the African National Congress prcmisedon popular support, rather than a revolutionary perspective. 'We need (ANC) entered the constitutional de­ the coups which gave at least some of to ensure that our activities are in the bate. In so doing, it sought to spell out them their positions of authority. ascendency*. not just what people were fighting against, If the more progressive homeland And this perhaps is the greatest but what they were fighting for. leaders can consolidate themselves in challenge facing the ANC at the mo­ By drawingupaset of constitutional thisway.saysanANCofficial, they will ment. It has to find both the resources guidelines, it hoped to involve not only be able to assist the ANC from a more and the personnel to adequately ad­ the experts, but the street fighter, guer­ secure positon. dress its dual political thrust: tackling illa, union member, political activist, As such, the ANC is not demanding Dc Klerk at the negotiations table youth and woman in the making of a the immediate reincorporation of Tran- and building an organised political new legal and political framework for skci and Ciskei into South Africa. 'Re­ base, capable of providing leadership, South Africa. discipline and militancy to mass ac­ incorporation on liberation' is the slo­ Not to bring the people in close tions. gan for them, an official argues. But for touch with the making of a new the pro-Pretoria homelands, the ANC But the effectiveness of the for­ constitution would - in the ANC's view advocates their destruction. mer hinges on the latter, with the - be to abandon this terrain of struggle to While the ANC already has close proposed front offering the possibil­ the ruling group. For, as majority rule contact with individual bantustan lead­ ity of strengthening both these cle- has increasingly struck while South Af­ ers, it hopes to strengthen its hold in the I menis in the ANC approach. ricans as inevitable, they have become

Pag«18*WIP65 ANC

ment, being highly distorted ones. The prospect of majority rule throws But almost everywhere else in the up two particular ogres in white - and world, and confederalism have particularly Afrikaner - minds: a chal­ grown out of situations where there al­ lenge to identity and property. ready exists regions with some degree Sachs addresses both these and of­ of autonomy. fers a teaser to those so appalled by the South Africa, says Sachs, does not ANC's policy of nationalisation. fit the mould. It is a 'common society', What if a future government intro­ where 'the army, the police, the prison duced anti-trust legislation along the services arc organised on a nation-wide United States lines to curb monopolisa­ basis; so arc transport and telecommu- tion? With economic power in South nicalions; there is one stock exchange Africa concentrated in the hands of just for the country, one basic electricity a few giant corporations, such legisla­ grid' and so on. The trade unions are tion 'could in fact have more dramatic implications than a drive towards na­ nationally organised, and the ANC was tionalisation', says Sachs. formed in 1912 'precisely to overcome Jenny Cargill reports on tribal and regional divisions*. The UK-based lawyer is clearly du­ So, argues Sachs, drawing bounda­ bious of attempts to write a constitution ANC constitutional expert ries to meet a federal constitutional model along ideological lines, as South Afri­ can business is currently keen on. The AlbieSachs' contribution would 'be a highly artificial process*. Checks and balances can far better socialist countries, says Sachs, have long been criticised for 'putting ideologi­ to the group rights debate be guaranteed by a Bill of Rights. cally-motivated programmes into their Sachs throws out separate voters' constitutions, and thereby removing the rolls as perpetuating the divisions in issues from public debate*. The critics South African society which have caused 'are now themselves planning to do just particularly interested in a constitution so much harm and discord. that, though from the opposite point of being the vehicle for guaranteeing secu­ 'What South Africans need above view*. rity and privilege all is to acquire the habits and practices As a result it has also become impor­ of living together, and doing so as equals. For Sachs, the central issue is not tant to engage on A common voters roll is the most funda­ whether South Africa has a market or just this issue. And ANC lawyer Albie mental indication of a shared citizen­ planned economy.but 'what todoabout Sachs has attempted todo that in a paper ship and shared loyalty*. apartheid-induced inequality*. entitled The constitutional position of As the country gears itself for enter­ The question of identity - so sensi­ white South Africans in a democratic ing what could be a long process of ne­ tive to the Afrikaner - has become prob­ South Africa. gotiations, ANC leaders - and Nelson lematic because the right of political With intellectual rigour - premised Mandela in particular - have been no­ equality is confused with the right of on strong moral convictions and a sym­ ticeably sensitive to white fears. cultural differences. pathetic understanding of white fears of Sachs says: 'From a purely moral Says Sachs:*We are struggling in majority rule - Sachs argues that the point of view, it is not easy to accept that South Africa for the right to be the same. future of whites is best secured by a the fears of the white minority... should Wc are also fighting for the right to be constitution that makes no special guar­ merit special attention. different'. antees for whites as a group. 'Nevertheless, if wc are to build a 'Identity', argues Sachs, 'relates to Sachs, injured in a car bomb attack new nation on the ruins of apartheid, wc personality, culture, tastes, beliefs and in in 1988, argues that it is not have to address ourselves seriously to ways of seeing and doing things. Merc the quality of being white that needs all the preoccupations of all the people*. we struggle for the right to be different*. protection 'but the quality of human ' Sameness refers to one's status as a being, of being a citizen'. citizen, voter, scholar, patient or em­ The best way to allay white fears, ployee*. says Sachs, 'is to ensure that democracy The implication of Sachs'argument and its institutions arc firmly planted in is: understand this difference and fear South Africa; the worst way is to under­ nothing. mine democracy from the start and subvert But, in fact, argues Sachs, fear noth­ it with a complicated and unworkable ing as long as South Africa has a set of institutions based on notions de­ constitution that defends the liberty of signed to keep racially defined groups all, with a Bill of Rights being central. locked in endless battle*. 'This is really the guarantee of guaran­ South Africa's history is littered with tees for whites, as for everyone else, constitutional proposals, all premised namely that their deepest interests coin­ on white fears of a changed society and cide with the deepest interests of their the desire for continued white hegem­ fellow citizens. What all South Africans ony. should be trying to do is to strengthen The federal, confederal and conso- the institutions of non-racial democ­ ciational constitutional models all have racy, so that they become deeply im­ a South Africa version with these prem­ planted in the country and part of its ises - some, like the tricameral parlia­ general culture'. WlP65*Pag«19 The independence celebration party is over. Now faces a future with few economic options and the looming shadow of its giant neighbour to tlie south. Susan Brown reports from Windhoek Life in the shadow of the big banana

he shouiing is dying down, the sembled. Its new shape and pattern will, captains and Icings depart. as ever, have a crucial effect on Na­ T So too do the heads of stale, the mibia's future. foreign ministers, lop Untag officials Just as the diplomatic breakthroughs like Martti Ahtisaari, the Special Repre­ which began the independence process sentative of the UN Secretary General, here last year had more to do with US. and General Dcwan Prem Chand, com­ Soviet and South African manoeuvre, mander of the UN's military forces. so external factors will continue to have Namibia's independence celebra­ a disproportionate impact on Namibia. tions were in many ways typical of the Given that the country's aid, invest­ way things arc happening here: the public ment and trade opportunities will, like events were in most cases amiably low- those of the rest of the Third World, be key, with the emphasis on national heavily affected by the changing face of symbols rather than party ones. Half of eastern Europe, the biggest and most the festivities was paid for by South important piece of the jigsaw for the Africa - as is traditional - but the Nam ib- countries in the region remains South ian costs were partly carried by public Africa. and corporate donations. On the map, Namibia looks nearly As always, a time of focus on as big as South Africa. This is a m islead- Namibia was occasion for other nations ing image if ever there was one. Na­ to get on with their agendas. There was mibia has a population of about 1,5- a great deal of background summiteer- million and a gross domestic product ing between visiting dignitaries, includ­ (GDP) of about R3,5-billion. ing both FW de Klerk's delegation and Soulh Africa's are respectively about Nelson Mandela's. Whether an Angola 34-million and R237-billion. peace accord will be one of the products The second largest national econ­ of such meetings remains to be seen, but omy in Southern Africa. Zimbabwe's, it appears that the US position may be has a GDP of less than R8 billion. shifting to something less irrationally South Africa's industries, its finance. destructive. its technicians and technocrats - though, The jigsaw of Southern African inter­ one hopes, no longer its military and relations is being redefined and reas­ I securocrats - have exerted, and will

Page 20 * WIP 65 NAMIBIA continue 10 exert, a massive gravita­ cal platform. For each, it can be seen as tional pull. an opportunity to strengthen the struc­ Like the US in the Americas, though tures of their bases, which in time will on a smaller scale, if South Africa sneezes, give them another kind of political lev­ Namibia gets pneumonia. And that will erage. But that doesn't mean they have continue to be the case, however long to like exiting from the limelight. majority rule takes to come down south. There are other dilemmas: the land Many of the potential investors who question, on which there is no policy have visited Namibia in the past year clarity so far. Again, the government have recoiled at the size of the country's docs not want to scare off investors by domestic market, which makes it al­ expropriating land. Nor docs it want to most impossible to develop econom ies- decrease exportrevenues b y increasing of-scale planning on exporting from the the amount of subsistence farm ing at the word go. Several who planned to be in expense of commercial production - or place to access the South African mar­ lose the tax revenues from the latter. But ket have decided in view of develop­ it docs need to be seen to feed at least ments to await a settlement there, and De Klerk: Nujoma praises his some of the land hunger of the dispos­ invest in the Big Banana rather than on statemanshlp sessed. the periphery. Most aid committed to Namibia by Tnc Swapo government's policies Relations are courtly between Nujoma major donor nations is designated for on a number of key issues are not spelled and Minister of Mines Toivo ja Toivo services like health and education. But, out, and in some cases arc still being on the one hand, and the major mining as more and more of the Swapo central formulated. But the slogans of exile investors - Rossing, Consolidated Dia­ committee are coming to see, there is notwithstanding, there are not a great mond Mines and Gold Fields' Tsumcb little political future in having a highly educated younger generation hungry for many economic options. And it is the copper m incs. Gcncor is said to be inter­ non-existent jobs - and angry at the shrewdness of manoeuvre in this arena, ested in investing in base metal devel­ opment. government whose job, they think, it is and especially the number of jobs cre­ to make sure there are jobs. ated, that will ultimately determine There are mutters of 'sell-out', which whether the Swapo government gets will no doubt grow louder. The unions The tribulations of the Zimbabwean itself re-elected after its first five years and the churches, so prominent in cam­ government in the present elections arc - or whether it dares to hold elections at paigning for the nationalist movement an object lesson which at least some of all. within the country before the exiles' those now in power in Namibia are And if it does not, that will put in­ return, are being ushered off the politi­ watching carefully. vestors off still further. The present rate of unemployment is 50% and upward - and half the population is under 18 years old. The new Nam ibia has not that many economic choices. South Africa buys between 70 and 80% of what Namibia produces, and sells about 80% of what it consumes. Certainly this country will work to di­ versify its markets through the South­ ern African Development Co-ordina­ tion Conference (SADCQ. through the larger African Preferential Trade Area (PTA), through the Lome Convention. But it cannot undertake import substitu­ tion programmes that will push infla­ tion through the roof - another sure recipe for political disaster. So President Sam Nujoma talks cordially to Dc Klerk, praising his states­ manship. The government is courting inves­ tors, and is looking hopefully toward its fishing industry and the prospect of processing and selling fish to the many cast and west European nations that were busily depleting the Namibian deep- searesources durin g the nation's years in limbo. The ink is not yet dry on a con­ tract allowing Lonrho to develop sugar Smiling at Slovo: But mining minister Toivoja Toivo Is saving his big grin for plantations in the Caprivi. the major mining Investors.

WIP 65 * Pog« 21 he choice facing voters in Zim­ litical debate. babwe's crucial second general Zimbabwe's second The anxiety was well placed: 4 T election on March 28 was bleak. election came after a If you don't vote for Zanu (PF) it On the one hand the ruling party means you want to go back to war', said Zanu (PF) is controlled by a group who vicious election campaign a candidate in the rural constituency. do not have democracy at the forefront characterised by warlike President was equally of their minds. rhetoric - despite the forthright: 'People must not listen to On the other is Edgar Tckere's Zim­ small, petty little ants which wc can babwe Unity Movement (Zum), even absence of any real threat crush'. further right and party to a grubby alli­ to Mugabe's ruling Zanu Tekcrc's message was also loaded ance with former Rhodcsian Prime (PF). A WIP correspondent with violent innuendo. 'He (Mugabe) Minister 's all-white Conser­ can go back to Slate House and form a vative Alliance. reports government. But come 12 months and Senior law lecturer Kcmpton they will be out. The choice is theirs: to Makamura, who was detained briefly get out freely or get out the painful last year, believes election week and its way'. immediate aftermath is destined to be Seeking votes from thearmy.Tckere the most critical period in Zimbabwe's promised to withdraw Zimbabwe's troops post-independence history. from Mozambique if voted into power. *If both parties accept the results, Mugabe then accused Tekere of plan • democracy will have been entrenched. ning to assassinate Zanu (PF) leaders If cither docs not acknowledge the will and stage a coup if Zanu (PF) was re­ of the people, we will be in deep trouble turned to government. and will lose the small gains we have Whites who voted for Zum were made and it will spell the end of the going to have their heads 'chopped off. beginning of our struggle for a demo­ Zum supporters would be' moved' from cratic Zimbabwe*. their houses after the ruling party vic­ He was speaking to WIP a week tory and Mugabe threatened to sack before polling day, a week of anxiety civil servants who voted for Tekere. among those intellectuals, trade union­ While the cut and thrust of pre-pol! ists and human rightsactivist s who have made a substantial contribution to po-

A party in panic

Page 22 * WIP 65 ZIMBABWE electioneering was initially quite invigo­ crowds. vet primary results. In several constitu­ rating - if lop-sided in the state media But at rallies where he was not pres­ encies, they over-rode the vote, or sim­ where Zum struggles for reportage - its ent to prop up candidates the turn-out ply transferred unpopular candidates 1 degeneration into slogans of war haunted was sparse, a reflection of the apathy favoured by the party to other constitu­ those who remembered the violence of ! which pervaded the political climate. encies. The process was described as the 1985 elections. The voter stayaways are broadly di­ 'guided democracy', and the flame of Then Zanu (PF) supporters, mainly vided into two camps. local political passion was extinguished its youth and the harridans in the - The first were registering a protest wherever it was used. clone women's league, destroyed hun­ no-vote. For them the choice was too Optimists hope these first, flawed dreds of homes belonging to opposition bleak. primaries mark the beginning of some­ Zapu members. One Zapu candidate The second group no longer sec thing which could mature into future was killed and scores of rank-and-file politics as a panacea to their deteriorat­ grassroots democracy within Zanu (PF). Zapu cardholders severely beaten. In ing economic circumstances. For them Others, looking back at ZanuPFsdicta- the fortnight before this year's election the prospect of owning or renting a torial style, are less sanguine. Zum supporters have been the target of modest modem house has receded into The run-up to the general election a lesser wave of violence. And the ag­ distant memory. For them politicians' highlighted how far Zimbabwe still has gression has not been one-sided. promises can no longer be believed. to go to separate the government from 'A call to arms among a sophisti­ This group also noted, in spontaneous the party. cated constituency in a five-star hotel is interviews with WIP in the poll run-up, a far cry from electioneering using the that their MPs have not reported back to lection broadcasts on the state- same slogans among Zimbabwe's vot­ them, have not made themselves ac­ run television were conducted by ers in the rural areas, who arc veterans countable, preferring to remain in the Ethe ministry of political affairs, of a bush war*, said one analyst. Like relative comfort of Harare. which has been commanded by the Zanu many others, he declined to be named, A cynical commentator wrote in a | (PF) central committee to give the party for fear of ruling party reprisals. local magazine: 'Government should I its full support. That the ministry is An hourly-paid worker in Harare close all national parks until after the funded by the taxpayer is ignored. with war-time combat experience said, general election and use the game war­ Mugabe's threat to fire civil ser­ in response to the politicking of the dens and guide to show MPs where their vants suspected of voting for Zum was week earlier:' We killed before, we can constituencies arc and, if necessary, take an even cruder example of Zanu (PF)'s do it again. Zum is confusing the people*. them there'. failure to accept that government and Democrats were at a loss for a ra­ There was a moment before the in­ party arc separate institutions. tional explanation for Zanu (PPs) pre­ ter-party slanging match got underway It is not clear yet whether the state or election panic. when some of the old political fervour Zanu (PF) paid Air Zimbabwe's charter Zum was never a serious threat. Its returned. costs when, for three days in a row. support came from a variety of small, Zanu (PF) decided in the face of vote | Mugabe took an aircraft off its regular mainly urban groups, many of whom no-shows at five by-elections last year [ flights to get to party rallies in Matabele- were prepared to support Tekere as a to expand the democratic process and f land. That hundreds of local and inter­ protest against a possible future one- introduce primaries. Party candidates | national passengers were stranded to party state. would be chosen by their const ituencies make way for Zanu (PF) was not a and no longer be imposed by provincial consideration to a party in panic. thers voted for Zum because they hierarchies. Uppermost in the minds of many is have seen war-time leaders ac­ Some of the results were deeply shock­ that a vote for Zanu (PF) is endorsement O cumulating wealth while calling ing to established Zanu (PF) politicians. for an eventual legal one-party state. for land redistribution. Many urban un­ In several constituencies the popular Before the end of the constraints of employed voted for hope - of a job* vote rejected MPs who had enjoyed the British-designed Lancaster House which Zum would have been even less Mugabe's patronage for 10 years. Constitution in April, Zimbabwe had a equipped to provide than Zanu (PF). But the Zanu (PF) central committee house of assembly and a Senate. In In the rural areas memories have and politburo retained the authority to preparation for the end of Lancaster, the lasted longer and for voters there, who Senate was abolished and the 100-seat bore the brunt of the Rhodesian war, life parliament extended to include 120 has improved. elected MPs and a further 30 appointed There is peace in rural Zimbabwe, by the president - made up of appointed and broadly, there are thousands more provincial governors, chiefs and repre­ schools, clinics, electrified growth points, sentatives of special interest groups. agricultural extensions and credit facili­ In the old parliament, Zanu (PF) ties for farmers. And it is out in the rural held 98 out of those 100 scats. Zum had areas where 70% of Zimbabwe's popu­ one and Zanu. led by self-exiled Nda- lation still lives. dabingi Sitholc's representative in the Zanu (PF) panic was probably more eastern border, another. responsible for Mugabe's stayaway from Tekere stood against Mugabe for the Namibian independence celebrations than executive presidency and, predictably, his consistent refusal to meet South lost by a landslide. Tekere had prepared Africa's President PW dc Klerk. Tekere: promised to withdraw for this probability - he had been count­ I n provinces of traditional Zanu (PF) Zimbabwe's troops from ing on the single Zum MP winning his support, Mugabe was still able to draw Mozambique old seat, then standing down and make

WIP 65 * Pag« 23 way for Tckerc lo be elected to parlia­ Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union's secretary-general ment. It is unlikely that Zum would win more than a couple of seats at best. Morgan Tsvangirayi reviews the union federation's first The constitution can now be changed 10 years under a formally socialist goverment with a simple two-thirds majority. Robert Mugabe has never adequately explained why he wants a one-party slate. In 1984 his uncertain reply to a question on the issue was that Zim- babwedid not want to emulate 'chaotic' western democracies which had spawned organisations like the Red Brigades. A one-party state is seen in some quarters as the logical result of unity be­ tween the former opposition Zapu and the ruling party. Carving In December 1989 when that unity was formalised into a merger, Mugabe insisted the constitution of the united a place Zanu (PF) would include a mandate for the party to 'seek a one-party slate guided by Marxist-Leninist principles'. for the Three days later the Romanian dic­ tator Nicolae Ceasceau and his equally dreadful wife Elena were executed. unions The unattractive pair had been the first foreigners to be given the freedom WIP: You were detained in October and form your national labour centre'. of Harare. Mugabe reportedly went off 1989. Why? The government did not want a na­ his food for a couple of days. He was Tsvangirayi: The ZCTU became a sym - tional federation in the interests of the shocked to the core. bol and target of the general disenchant­ labour movement; they wanted a fed­ He immediately distanced Zim­ ment in the country, arising out of the eration which was loyal to the party. babwe's rhetorical commitment to so­ Willowgatc scandal and the tarnishing WIP: In the late 1980s, there have cialism, saying it would be achieved of the image of the party and the leader­ been growing tensions, sometimes open taking into account historical and cul­ ship. Because the students and the ZCTU conflict, between the ZCTU and Zanu. tural realities. had taken a stand, we became the tar­ What caused these problems? Politicians, notably from the coun­ gets. Tsvangirayi: The first ZCTU admini­ try's small left wing, have been coura­ WIP: What is your own trade union stration was subservient, it did not warn geous in their public rejection of any history? to be seen in conflict with the party, legal one-party state. Tsvangirayi: I was elected as chairman especially a party which has espoused a And the party faithful have been at of the Mincworkcrs' branch after inde­ socialist position. pains to tell voters that support for Zanu pendence, as well as chairman of the WIP: At independence there was a lot (PF) at the election was not a mandate workers'committee in Bindura. In 1983, of union-government hostility and sev­ for a one-party state. I was elected on lo the national execu­ eral strikes were smashed by the new Zanu (PF) political commissar Moven tive of the Mineworkcrs'Union. In 1985 Zanu administration. Mahachi says the party would hold a I was elected national Vice-President of Tsvangirayi: The unions were totally referendum and seek an 'acclamation' the Mineworkcrs' union so I had to powerless to control those initial out­ vote for a legal one-party state, if and move away from the mine in Bindura. bursts. They were organisationally very when a decision on the issue was made. In 1988. following the ZCTU'scxtraor- weak. But Didymus Mutasa, Speaker of dinary congress, I was elected secre­ WIP: What was the extent of worker the old parliament, said during the cam­ tary-general. participation in the liberation struggle? paign that countries in Africa with a WIP: How did the ZCTU itself come Tsvangirayi: The workers were cer­ legal one-party state had political sta­ into being? tainly not central to the nationalist bility and named Malawi, Kenya, Tan­ Tsvangirayi: At independence there movement's struggle. Both nationalist zania and Zambia as examples. He listed were five national labour centres: each parties had the support of the peasants. Nigeria and Ghana as two which had one with a different party affiliation. but they did not have a strategy of opted for a multi-party democracy after But when Zanu came into power, it mobilising the workers to complement independence and had suffered political issued a policy of 'one union, one indus­ the liberation struggle. So the blame misfortune. try*. But the unions had already had falls on both: on the nationalists and the Mused law lecturer Makamura: 'This several meetings to form a national labour movement. has been the first real test - in 1985 the federation. The government realised WIP: One of the obvious attacks on (20) protected white seals were still that if it allowed the unions to join by the labour movement took place in there, and the war was going on in themselves, the Zanu component would 1985 when some union organisers were Matabclcland. We have no tradition of not dominate. So Zanu said, 'Look, we detained and later deported. democracy, and clearly will still have a are following this interim strategy: eve­ Tsvangirayi: Because Zimbabwe had long way logo*. rybody join in on it, and then you can go cultivated an image of being a socialist

Page 24* WIP 65 ZIMBABWE state, it attracted a lot of sympathisers. tion to the way in which the laws of the making process. On the other hand, When this group of British teachers came, co-operative movement have been prom­ mainly on the rhetorical aspect, where it started agitating for a real Marxist ulgated. We also want to research how statements for public consumption on mobilisation. Apparently they didn't co-operatives have been organised and the question of socialism and so forth, understand the real situation ... that I sec whether we can make them more they talk quite differently! In actual Zimbabwe is actually a capitalist state, j collective in operation and more effec­ fact, the government is not interested in W IP: Would it be fair to say that the tive for marketing produce. allowing us any significant input into ZCTU was rather weak in the mid- Students arc a force that is margi­ debates and discussion on socialism, 1980s? nalised in society. Thus, they are natural and the role of workers in the Zimbab­ Tsvangiyari: There were several rea­ allies of workers. wean socialist society. That's especially sons for this. One is the division (of But when it comes to other inslilu- the situation when it comes to legisla­ trade-unionists) into different labour tionsand organisations, we have to iden­ tion relating to workers: legislation that federations affiliated to different politi­ tify which ones are progressive. And helps to control organised labour, but cal parties. That helped to divide the we do have contact with individual pro­ not in the interests of workers. working class here. gressive intellectuals, who help us in In terms of controlling labour, we Secondly, the financial viability of policy matters and keep us informed of arc the most controlled labour unions, I the unions themselves: they were not al­ economic and political analyses. would say in the whole world! At the lowed to mobilise properly and ended We arc having an important con­ moment it's practically impossible to up depending on international donor ! gress this year and for the first time, we institute a strike action. I find their funding. are addressing ourselves to the struc­ position very hypocritical, because al­ The rivalry between the Ndebelcs tural problems of the organisation. We though what they say is not exactly and Shonas, and Zapu and Zanu also af­ will discuss the issue of affiliate mem­ threatening, it's what they do after they've fected the unions. bership from progressive organisations said it which really affects and hurts us. Then there was the corruption and and want to see the ZCTU break the WIP: Zanu(PF) is a party led by the in-fighting within the ZCTU, and some logjam between it and various grass­ petty-bourgeoisie, with a membership in the government have struggled to roots organisations in this country. We | consisting mainly of the peasantry, use this against the ZCTU. This did a lot want to see grassroots groups and work- armed with a Marxist-Leninist 'pro­ of damage to the image of the ZCTU in | ITS organised more closely in the re­ letarian' ideology. Where do the in­ the 1980s. gions and district committees. When terests of trade unionists fit in, at the WIP: Toe ZCTU has Increasingly taken issues like corruption and price in­ heart of this heterogenous political the lead in different 'popular' cam- ' creases come up publicly, the ZCTU configuration? paigns • against the$100-miIUoncivic docs not have the national organisa­ Tsvangiyari: The workers will always centre in Harare, against price in­ tional ability to mobilise people fully have a role, since they arc the produc­ creases and wage freezes. It has also around that. 1 Tie most we can usually do ers. They should not advocate worker- criticised recent budgets and govern­ to reach out across the country is to ism because 80 percent of our popula­ ment policies, like the new 'invest­ rcleasca position statement, but without tion are peasants. What they should do ment code*. The ZCTU seems to have supporting grassroots structures, it just is to try and link up workers and peas­ targeted specific areas of government becomes a statement of a position. ants into strong structures to advance activity like urban councils, as part of WIP: Since 1988 there seems to have their interests. Thai's the only way wc these 'campaigns*. Does this reflect a developed some ambiguity and ten­ can draw the ruling party away from the new strategy on the part of the ZCTU? sion in relations between the govern­ right wing and convert it to our own Mow successful has it been? ment and trade unions. The govern­ purpose. Tsvangiyari: It is a new strategy, but I ment has introduced an economic pro­ WIP: Is there room for a worker- don't know if we've been totally sue- gramme and legislation which has at peasant party outside of Zanu? ccssful. Our strategy has been twofold: times been hostile to workers: the in­ Tsvangiyari: It would be premature and it was meant to draw attention from the vestment code, the unwinding of the reckless lo do this and it would only negative aspect of the ZCTU. We also price freeze and tlie Labour Relations furthcrdividesocialists in Zimbabwe. It wanted the labour movement to realise Act have undermined the position of ' would be better to work within the unity that it had a role to play in articulating unionists. But at the same time. Presi­ framework. and fighting those grievances. dent Mugabe has called on workers to WIP: What have been the achieve­ WII': What is the growth potential of •flex their muscle' and defend their ments of Zimbabwean socialism in the ZCTU In this regard? Are you rights and for more power for unions, the first 10 years? Where will the planning to link up with other popu- i though he did say he did not want or­ country go In the next 10 years? lar organisations such as the Organ- I ganised workers to become part of an Tsvangiyari: One is perhaps assuming Isation of Collective Co-operatives in opposition party. How do you explain too much in asking about the achievc- Zimbabwe (OCCZIM) and sympa­ and work within this ambiguous rela­ I ments of socialism in Zimbabwe's first thetic groups like students and intel­ tionship? 10 years: one should rather ask whether lectuals? Tsvangiyari: Wc have gained some there has been any serious attempt at Tsvangiyari: The OCCZIM is an affili­ strength from this government position. undertaking a transformation to social­ ate of the ZCTU. But we would like lo But there is difficulty with the govern­ ism in Zimbabwe. see that link reinforced through day-to- ment's concept of trade unions. On the There has not been any sincere at­ dayworkandcampaigns.Theco-opera- i one hand, the government does not want tempt at socialist transition. Zimbabwe's tives have largely been marginalised to establish a firm role for the trade main achievement since 1980 has in and it is our responsibility to make sure unions, both in social and economic fact been the attainment of national in- that the government gives some atten­ policy making, and in the decision- j dependence and majority rule.

WIP 65 * Page 25 ZIMBABWE

There have been gains during the j inspiring and directing local investment, parliament? past decade, mainly in education and and exercising more, not less, control Tsvangiyari: It is essential forall people health. More generally, there has been over private investment in theeconom y. to participate democratically in policy, an improvement in black social devel­ To do this is a long process. This coun­ making. But whether it is in the best opment, with more funds being put into try has said that for the next ten years interests of the working class to be part the mass sections of society than has what we are going to do is whatever we of the party, experience everywhere shows previously been the case. retain for ourselves is going to be-di­ that the results would be negative. And with regard to the failure of rected into replacement of old machin- Workers have to fight in parliament 'socialism'? Basically, these relate to | ery, into factories, investment in manu­ to advance their interests effectively. economic policy. We are now seeing a facturing so that a wider cconom ic basis But whether we are going to be in (par­ serious deterioration in the economic is created for employment, so that more liament) is a different matter! climate and the standard of living of the people can enjoy the fruit of public WIP: Finally, recent developments in masses in Zimbabwe. We see it in the investment. Tliat is, instead of investing South Africa have been followed dowly rising cost of living and the shortage of in services. by Zimbabweans. If a political settle­ housing. People are getting desperate WIP: Is the ZCTU satisfied with the ment is reached in South Africa in the because they realise that the govern­ existing Labour Relations Act? near future, how will this affect Zim­ ment's initial promises that education, Tsvangiyari: No. It has never been babwe and the different political forces health and other services would be free amended, after all of ourcomplaintsand In this country? or nearly free can no longer be believed. attempts at negotiating changes to it. Tsvangiyari: What happens in South One of the biggest economic fail­ Quite plainly, they are holding back Africa will be crucial for us. It is already ures involves unemployment and the because of the investment code. (Zim­ clear that the ANC will not opt for the government's inability to absorb the babwe Minister of Finance, Economic one-party state, and this, is an excellent spiralling numbers of school-leavers who Planning and Development) Chidzcro example for us. Wc also need open par­ are coming on the job market. This is wants to remove all of the controls which ticipation by the masses in government. partly due to seriously declining invest­ are important for us, such as the right to A new South Africa should be held up as ment levels in the domestic economy. hire and fire. What has already hap­ an indicator. If there are significant Economically, after 10 years of inde­ pened is that the government instituted changes in South Africa, there will be pendence wc have a society which is serious repercussions for us here. more thoroughly capitalist than in 1980, emergency power regulations, which ab­ with more deference given to private rogated trie Labour Relations Act -* that Zimbabwe has built its considerable companies by the government. was last year. Managers now have more security apparatus, and has maintained WIP: A major Issue now seems to be power than before. If they fall under an a 25-year-old state of emergency on the the growing unemployment crisis. 'essential service* category, they can basis of 'the South African threat. 'Ihis What should the government do about I easily suspend the Labour Relations Act has cost us huge amounts of money, and this? and push unions around. has enabled the stifling of civil rights Tsvangiyari: Again, it's a matter of | WIP: Is It desirable that the ZCTU be from time to time, in the name of na­ • represented within Zanu, or even in tional security.

SUBSCRIPTION RATES - 1990 Rates for 8 issues

South Africa USA, , Australasia Please send subscriptions for South Individuals, trade unions and Individuals, trade unions and Africa, Southern Africa, USA, New community organisations R33 community organisations $50 Zealand, Canada and Australia to: Companies, libraries and Companies, libraries and Southern African Research Service institutions R°0 institutions $100 PO Box 32716 Donorsubscripttons R°0 Donor subscriptions $100 Braamfontein 2017 Southern Africa UK and Western Europe Johannesburg Individuals, trade unions and Individuals, trade unions and community organisations R43 community organisations „./ 20 Please send subscriptions for Companies, libraries and Companies, libraries and United Kingdom and Western institutions R100 institutions / 40 Europe to: Donorsubscripttons R100 Donor subscriptions £ 40 Central Books Att: Bill Norris Enclosed tind payment of for 8 issues ot WIP. 1A The Leathermarket London SE 1 3ER NAME: Cheques should be crossed and made payable to: ADDRESS: Southern African Research Service. Enclose payment with order. Subscriptions begin with current issue unless otherwise specified.

Pago 26 * WIP 65 PERSPECTIVES i

A key lesson from Eastern Europe is that socialism must win majority support in a free clash of ideas - or not win at all. Daryl Glaser discusses the implications Putting democracy back into democratic socialism

ll democrats should welcome the ising multi-party democracy and the the midst of imperialist encirclement collapse of the so-called com­ latter's proposed Worker's Charter re­ and internal scarcity. A munist regimes of Eastern Eu­ cognising, among other things, the right It is not now a question of apologis­ rope - regimes which were an affront to of workers to strike in a post-apartheid ing for having endorsed totalitarian and any conception of democracy, 'bour­ South Africa. often murderous regimes. It is neces­ geois' or socialist. These shifts are welcome but it sary to ask how that endorsement could The revolutions of 1989 have brought remains to be seen whether enough has have been given in the first place. What basic democratic rights within reach of been done to extirpate the legacy of misguided faith in the wisdom of those millions who have never enjoyed them, Stalinism from the language and meth­ in power, what kind of deep distrust of or enjoyed them only briefly. ods of Congress politics. the masses, what theoretical and moral Socialists, and indeed liberals, may For their part the far Left, while sure lacunae, conspired to make#it possible? not like all that they see in the emerging to claim the Eastern European revolu­ Many ex-Stalinists now accept the Eastern Europe: the revival of ethnic tions as vindication of their past anti- popular verdict on the communist re­ hatreds, the surge of religious and social Stalinist postures, fail to recognise Sta­ gimes of Eastern Europe. But how many conservatism, naive faith in the 'free linist elements in their own theory and are ready to accept the full implications market'. But these are prejudices which practice - for instance, in their vanguar- of their collapse? How many would join Stalinism merely bottled up, manipu­ dism and undifferentiated hostility to the demand for multi-party democracy lated or encouraged inadvertently. 'liberalism*. They too have still to ab­ in the Soviet Union and for the break-up The vanquishing of Stalinism now sorb the many lessons of Eastern Eu­ of the old Czarist empire into independ­ opens a space for socialists around the rope. ent republics? world to reconstruct socialist ideas and The first of these lessons is surely I low many accept that the implanta­ practices and begin to restore social­ (hat socialists should never again be tion of Soviet-derived institutional models ism's popular prestige on a radically found apologising for anti-popular, anti­ drained the democratic vitality of a democratic and anti-Stalinist basis. democratic regimes. succession of Third World liberation The lessons of Eastern Europe will Most Western Marxists and social­ struggles - and the implication of this be at the centre of socialist debates for a ists have been critical of the Stalinist admission: that multi-party democracy long time to come. Their impact will experience for several decades, albeit must come also to Cuba and Vietnam, surely be felt in the South African Ixfl, with varying vehemence. But a signifi­ Mozambique and Angola? the more so because of the unstinting cant minority, a lot of them in South The far Left, too, has got away far support which Stalinist regimes received Africa, have been willing to excuse or loo easily with glib critiques of 'degen­ over the years from their 'allies' in the defend these regimes through one out­ erate workers states* or 'state capital­ South African liberation movement. rage after another - Hungary 1956, ism' in the East Bloc. Already the shifting international Chechoslovakia 1968, Poland 1981. Such These approaches systematically climate has forced the ANC and SACP repression as they would admit existed subordinated the issue of institutional to rethink basic positions - hence the under Stalinist rule was ascribed to the forms and guarantees (political plural­ former's constitutional guidelines prom- imperatives of defending socialism in ism, civil liberties and democratic real-

WIP 65 * Page 27 n-i/v l&2dAiA.ti: ^^./AMS^-N j&l/Au.ti Jgg^WiS^flrf^lF > J

ity) to the question of the class character the desired 'end' can be known in ad­ logical cloak to reveal the 'advantages' of the state. The dangers in this are vance to be both feasible and desirable of socialism. obvious: it was on the basis of a similar enough to justify almost any cost. In both situations the temptation '.o ranking that Stalinists justified their own Secondly, it depends on 'optimistic* take power and begin to implement priori tisat ion of'substantive' over 'for­ assumptions that citizens of the revolu­ socialism without popular support must mal* rights and their own violation of tionary society can actually be trans­ be resisted. socialist legality in pursuit of 'class formed into what the ruling vanguard In the former, populations may remain enemies'. The far Left may disavow deems 'socialist men*, capable of gov­ available to reactionary mobilisation, such practices, but many in their own erning themselves. If the mctamorpha- compelling modernising elites to rule ranks remain deeply suspicious of any sis fails (as is probable), the state is by the indefinite use of military force extension of democracy and pluralism likely to find itself isolated from, and and bureaucratic diktat, as in Afghani­ contemptuous of, its stubbornly 'un­ beyond the socialist camp. stan. wise' and 'reactionary' subjects. Its vision of democracy hasoftcn not In the latter case, the forcible seizure gone beyond a plurality of factions within The supension of democracy on the of power by a minority could lead not the dominant 'vanguard' party. Is it now grounds of some external threat is even merely to it having to preside rcpres- ready to accept the popular demand for more hazardous. sively over its post-revolutionary order, genuine freedom of expression and as­ In the Third World especially, socie­ but to the extinction of such limited but sociation, even where these give rise to ties building socialism are likely to remain genuine democratic rights as existed in anti-socialist parties? lastingly vulnerable to economic and the previous order. This is what hap­ A second message from Eastern military encirclement, offering politi­ pened in Czechoslovakia. Europe is that from now on socialism cal elites convenient pretexts for ex­ Where there is evidence of substan­ will either win out in a free clash of tending indefinitely 'temporary* dicta­ tial support for a democratic revolution ideas - or not win at all. torships. and at the same time an absence of In addition, habits of government constitutional means of expression, there ocialism is not some over-rid­ acquired and vested interests generated can be no path to democracy other than ing) y inevitable and desirable 'end' during periods of dictatorship have a through seizure of power or coercive S whose pursuit justifies trampling tendency to entrench themselves. assault upon it. underfoot anyone who gets in its his­ In short, democratic rights cannot But revolutionaries who seize power torical path. It is one particular con­ then be suspended until some future in these circumstances are not entitled ception of the Good Life and cannot be generation emerges, judged by the van­ to impose a particular programme or imposed on a people who hold a differ­ guard to be worthy of them. Democratic ideology on their newly emancipated ent conception. It can only compete for entitlement can only ever belong to actual, subjects. Within some reasonable space their support. existing populations. Paths to a genu­ of time they must - like the Sandinistas Socialists can govern democratically inely democratic socialist future must in Nicaragua - convene free elections to where they persuade a majority or plu­ always pass through the consent of iden­ determine and legitimate the post-revo­ rality to accept (and preferably partici­ tifiable majorities or pluralities. lutionary choice of social system. pate in implementing) their vision. It is true that in reactionary orders, By contrast, in bourgeois democra­ Where they do not enjoy popular lacking basic democratic rights, people cies it is difficult to see how revolution­ consent they can only govern with a buried in traditionalism or ignorance aries could ever justify forcibly seizing semblance of democracy as long as are not ideally placed to make informed power if they arc not also able to win a their reserves of charisma, the hyperac­ choices about which historical path to majority in formally free elections. tivity of their supporters, the passivity follow. of their opponents and their capacity to Faced with popular hostility or scep­ xtra-parliamentary mobilisation deliver the goods lasts. As soon as these ticism, revolutionary oppositions in such is crucial in prefiguring direct ebb, yesterday's revolutionary regime societies may be tempted to opt for E democracy and an active civil is likely to look like a beached whale, forcible seizure of power, backed per­ society, but the activism of an 'advanced' increasingly isolated on its post-revolu­ haps by a small urban working class or minority of the population cannot sub­ tionary shores. intelligentsia. stitute for the consent of an electoral Such a regime will be able to hold Even in democratic capitalist socie­ majority. Of course, having won elec­ on only through repression and the bu­ ties, substantive freedom of choice is toral support, a socialist party may be reaucratic pacification of civil society - lim ited by the capacity of the capitalist prevented from occupying government by means such as denying its subjects class tocontrol the means of ideological or giving effect to its democratic man­ the right to travel and access to infor­ production, influence elections, buy date. In such circumstances it would be mation. politicians and veto the economic pol­ justified in mobilising its mass of sup­ Nor is there any justification for icy choices of elected governments. Here, porters to secure in reality the power temporary suppression of political plu­ too, the tern ptat ion exists to seize power that should accompany its winning the ralism on the grounds that it makes as a vanguard, backed by a minority of election. possible higher forms of democracy in 'advanced' workers and intellectuals - A decision to go down a socialist the future. and only then to win over the population path is not made oncc-and-for-all. So­ Such reasoning assumes, firstly, that as a whole by removing capitalist ideo­ cialists in power must provide mecha-

Pag» 28 * WIP 65 f 'fl ihfiMi>i^VfWl'w JBB&fAligk^ l£rt.O 1A*, n»T^fr^.r.ltJS'n.NF V

nisms whereby a socialist course may of those incumbents of power who would riding human priority. Not only can it be democratically rev erscd.This entails, use physical force against all whom be surrendered, there are times when it at least, mechanisms of multi-party they choose to label as enemies of so­ must be let go, no matter how appalling competition through regular free elec­ cialism and the working class. Such the alternative. The mission of social­ tions. labelling is likely to become increas­ ism is to project possibilities before Ihe "Hie preconditions of truly free elec­ ingly arbitrary and abusive over time. human race, not to save human beings tions include universal franchise, secret Ixt us not forget that Stalinists have from themselves. ballot, direct election from base to centre, been known to label as an I i-socialist, Moreover, Eastern Europe cautions some degree of proportionality-of-rep- even fascist, doctrines as diverse as socialists that even when they govern resentation - and of course a context of Trotskyism and social democracy; and with popular consent they are not en­ constitutionally guaranteed freedomsof that some Trotskyites view as anti-so­ titled to use state power (and in particu­ the press, assembly and association. cialist anyone who advocates popular lar central state power) to regulatean d Of course constructing socialist fronts, peaceful roads or two-stage theo­ control all aspects of civil and econom ic democracy involves more than devel­ ries of revolution. life. oping institutions of representative To deny the possibility of capitalist They may have a mandate to deter­ democracy. It must also involve the restoration is also to disenfranchise those mine a society's overall collective proj­ elaboration of instruments of local sections of society who stubbornly ref­ ect; to make macroscopic decisions about democracy and mass participation. It use socialism. They may include not economic planning and redistribution; must encourage an active voluntary civil only the bourgeoisie but wide elements and to manage political and economic society between the state and the indi­ of the peasantry, petit bourgeoisie and relationships with other societies. vidual. It must extend on the principles even the working class. But majority rule must be kept within of political democracy to the workplace Denied democratic rights, the disen­ bounds to ensure its compatibility with and the economy generally. franchised will be eager to challenge the multiple centres of political power, with But institutionally guaranteed liber­ legitimacy of the regime and will pro­ voluntary activity and individual initia­ ties and pluralism are as crucial to 'di­ vide ready recruits for armed counter­ tive and with the right to privacy. rect democracy' or to the activation of revolution or external invasion. This means, in the first instance, a civil society as they are to representa­ Democratically speaking, there is separation of powers at Ihe centre itself: tive democracy itself. no choice but to untcthcr a democratic an independent judiciary; strong pow­ citizenry from the bandwagon of'inevi­ ers of legislative scrutiny over the ex­ t all levels of democratic life - table' socialist victory. ecutive; freedom of access to bureau­ local, central, societal - the right Socialists who are genuinely demo­ cratic information; the scaling down Ato organise politically, to com­ cratic might newer win majorities in're­ and democratic political control of the pete for popular support and to stand in actionary' populations. state's coercive arms; and fair electoral elections must be conferred on the wid­ In that case they are fated to perma­ rules. est range of forces, cutting across both nent opposition. This is not without its In the second instance it means the class and ideological boundaries. own rewards and opportunities nor in­ decentralisation of state structures, the In such a democracy ami -socialist compatible with winning local or short- extension of workers' self-management forces could come to power and com­ term victories. Socialists can, from their and the democratisation of public insti­ mence a 'counter-revolutionary' resto­ position as fightingopposii ion, domuch tutions at local level. ration of capitalism. They must be per­ to advance democratic and social prog­ Finally, it entails answering the mitted to do so. ress. demand insistently made by the Eastern The post-revolutionary rules of the Alternatively, socialists who come European opposition for an autonom ous game may legitimately require that the to power with popular support may civil society. majority favouringarcslorationofcapi- subsequently lose it. People arc fickle. lalism should be substantial and du­ From enjoying the challenges and ad­ y this East European opposition rable. And they should encode the right vantages of power, socialists may sud­ groups mean, broadly speaking, of pro-socialist sectors peacefully to denly find themselves thrust into oppo­ B a social realmi n which individu­ protest against the reversion to capital­ sition and their noble schemes reversed. als and groups can engage in voluntary ism. So be it. forms of association, self-organisation But at the end of the day capitalist As the opposition, socialists can (hen and exchange, constained by law but restoration must be possible. To rule it again, from a morally secure position, beyond the control of the state. out completely would require ideologi­ propogatc their own alternatives. This notion is not unproblematic. cal policing of political life -especially Societies once socialist can become Firstly, the extra-state character of dangerous in a world where boundaries capitalist, just as societies once capital­ civil society docs not guarantee its free­ between rival social systems have be­ ist can become socialist. Seen in this dom from internal pressures for confor­ come blurred, and where definitions of way, 'counter-revolution' loses at least mity and discipline. In fact, the discipli­ class loyalty and ideological purity arc some of its menace and fending it off nary role of the patriarchal family, the contested. ceases to justify revolutionary milita­ church and the capitalist enterprise is To legally exclude pro-capita list rism and bureaucratic domination. central to the New Right's vision of politics is to put a weapon in the hands Retaining stale power is not an over­ 'free' civil society.

WJP 65 * Page 29 [fj^u^S jTv^ ,.) i *, T r MTftfAtfSMi>IAffV\ft^t *i 11 rn»i* r

Secondly, civil society can be a I Freed of its naive free m arkct conno­ problems and contradictions. But the domain of glaring and self-reproducing tations, the idea of an autonomous civil transformation of Eastern Europe and inequalities in the distribution of power society is a crucial counter-weight to Ihe now, possibly, the USSR, alters the and wealth. The absence of state mo­ ambitions of any state. premise of its complacency in three nopolies offers no guarantees against The foregoing has focused on the ways. private monopolies, like party machines, preconditions and the limits of socialist Firstly, it eliminates Cold War ex­ bureaucratic trade unions, clicntilist power - on the cautionary message from cuses for the nurturing of military in­ networks and capitalist corporations. Eastern Europe. The question remains dustrial complexes, the build-up of West­ These can prove just as effective in 10 be asked whether Eastern Europe's ern military arsenals and the United alienating and disempowcring individ­ revolutions offer any encouragement for Statcs's continued domination of its I aiin ual citizens. egalitarian social radicalism? Or for forms American 'sphere of influence'. Tor many East European reformers, of democracy that extend beyond those containable within capitalist liberal an autonomous civil society clearly econdly. Ihe supposed ideologi­ democracy? embraces the idea of a self-regulating cal triumph of the West and the free market economy - a naive defini­ Many of East Europe's new revolu­ S abolition of the threat from an tion that democratic socialists justifia­ tionaries arc seeking their fortunes in 'enemy' whose manifestly worse record bly reject. Unregulated markets quickly Western-style market capitalism. So­ on economic social and environmental fall under the sway of minorities able to cialism, even with a 'human face", in­ issues allowed advanced capitalism to excrciscdisproponionate market power creasingly appears an anachronistic goal bask in comparative glory could mark, and to reproduce their power across in Eastern Europe, oui of touch with the not the 'end of history", but a new rcadi- generations. popular mood or the evidence of recent nessof the part of Western citizenslo re­ They also leave productive enter­ history. examine the quality of their own lives prises under ihc despotic authority of The very discussion of socialism and Ihc deficiencies of their own demo­ small groups of owners and managers. seems, in the current circumstances of cratic institutions. The capitalist economy is a realm in Eastern Europe, impossible - a foreclo­ And thirdly, the dramatic ovcrtum- which small numbers exercise massive sure that threatens the democratic achieve­ ingof the Eastern European order offers social power - just as in the state. But, ment of the new revolutionaries. a reminder that, even in advanced in­ unlike in (he democratic state, those Across the world a complacent, pro- dustrial countries, popular aspiration wielding capitalist economic power are capitalist consensus threatens to engulf for democracy, environmental conser­ insulated from any semblance of popu­ debate about our possible human fu­ vation and a belter quality of life can lar political accountability. tures. result in massive popular explosions. Ihe complacency of the capitalist The revolts of 1968 hit ihc West at a any socialists correctly argue world is not justified. Many of its deep­ time of economic prosperity but grow­ for extending the rules of the est problems remain unresolved. In the ing hostility to consumcrist material­ Mdemocratic political game to United States and Britain, poverty, ine­ ism, the permanent arms economy and the economy, both to democratise the quality and homclcssness have grown Western domination in the Third World. economy and to generate a distribution throughout a decade of unprecedented Thesame factorscould emerge today as of social power compatible with equal prosperity. growing numbers of young people (in political citizenship. I^atin America and Africa remain particular) question the need for vast All the same there arc areas, perhaps buried in debt and stagnation despite military spending at a lime of disarma including parts of the economy, that repeated monetarist experiments and meni, and poverty in the midst of new should be kept off-limit to the direct austerity programmes imposed by inter­ found prosperity. control of even a democratic state. These national aid agencies. The economic Even the Third World might prove arc areas in which freedom of expres­ succcssof attempts to introduce capital­ difficult to ignore as its economic crisis sion and association should be encour­ ism in Eastern Europe is itself far from drives it to export to ihc West every­ aged, along with dense networks of guaranteed, while the social costs arc thing from cocaine and carbon dioxide voluntary activity, encompassing all sure to be enormous. to human immigrants - and in unprece­ layers of the population. In muchof the Third World, notably dented quantities. This positive vision of civil society Latin America and East Asia, fragile The experience of Eastern Europe - goes beyond the call for individual free­ democratic experiments remain vulner­ its planning system, its social and envi­ doms, since it urges active use of other­ able to the continued influence of au- ronmental policies, for instance - may wise formal' rights* to establish the rich­ thoritarianoligarchsand impatient mili­ appear to cancel socialism's capacity to est possible array of voluntary activity, tarists. From most of sub-Saharan Af­ offer humanity viable or attractive perhaps supported by the state. rica and the Middle East even the basic models. But it is not at all clear that thi>/ It is also distinct from the (also rudiments of democracy are absent. is the case. important) demand for 'direct democ­ Capitalist development continues to inflict To be sure socialists cannot divest racy*, since it docs not render individu­ uncontrolled damage on the global themselves of all moral and intellectual als and voluntary organisations account­ environment. rcspoasibility for the Stalinist experi­ able to local majorities or spontaneous The capitalist world has, of course, ence or refuse now to re-examine their crowds. been remarkably adept at managing these most basic theoretical and philosophi-

Pago30*WIP65 f/y.l usi,s 1M eAi/sft IgfllfiiA lilSka -^* *. JBB&LWJSM^ •"> Fliftli ail premises in ihc light of it. cratic socialist solutions at precisely the and redistributive interventions in the But Ihc model of socialism pursued time when the break-up of the Stalinist workings of the market - still have a in the USSR and Eastern Europe was in log-jam should be opening up new so­ place in this kind of world. fact a very distinctive one, drawing on cialist possibilities. Nowhere can the case for socialism one socialist tradition among others and So does socialism - a genuinely be made more persuasively than in the the result of quite particular political democratic one, willing to subject itself area where it has thus far arguably been choices. It docs not constitute the only to popular arbitration - have persuasive weakest: that of democracy. path that socialism, even radical social­ vision to offer to the future? If Eastern Europe's revolutions have ism to the left of social democracy, A viablesocialist democracy will, of underlined the indispcnsibility of politi­ might follow. course, have to offer some degree of cal pluralism and civil liberties to any TTicdistinctive features of socialism economic efficiency, especially in de­ conception of democracy, it remains in Eastern Europe - the establishment of livering essential consumer goods. It true that in most of the capitalist democ­ a single leading party, the fusion of that will have to be environmentally sustain­ racies, really effective access to its lev­ party with the state and the attempt to able. It will have to advance social and ers of power remains limited to a small absorb all autonomous social activity distributive justice. number of citizens. into this party-state - were not unavoid­ In addition - and this is the core of its Workers and poor people do not able historical accompaniments to the promise - it will have to deliver higher enjoy equal access to the education, the buildingof socialism. Nonetheless, they levels of democracy, including all the lime, the money and the self-confidence appeared lo implicate many legitimate benefits of existing formsof democratic needed for effective political participa­ socialist themes in their disastrous fail­ government, but much deepcrand much tion. Such power or influence as they do ure: themes such as economic planning, wider in its reach. achieve, through their parties or trade social equality, ihc erection of a social Right now it is not certain that so­ unions, is no match for that of an in­ welfare state, political intervention in cialism can deliver these things. creasingly global, hyper-mobile capi­ eonomic life - and so on. What is clear is that any future so­ talist class. These important areas of socialist cialism will have to be radically and concern and debate must now be res­ fundamentally different to the models he capitalist class remains capable cued from the totalitarian discourses provided by the USSR and Eastern of undermining not only the and practices within which Stalinism Europe, or indeed China, Cuba or Yu­ Tcountervailing power of organi­ embedded them. goslavia. sed labour, but the sovereignty of whole The lesson of Eastern Europe is not ; A great deal of debate and experi­ governments. At the same time power that it is 'Stalinist' to envisage a role for mentation, learning and rclcaming - within its 'own' domain - the private planning or for political direction of subject always to democratic control - sphere of production - remains, if not parts of the economy, or for greater will be necessary in the years ahead to unchallenged, at least preponderant and social equality and individual econom ic discovcrwhat formssuchsocialism may secure. security than can be guaranteed under take. All of these inequalities arc inherent capitalism. These arc legitimate socio­ Socialists will have to explore fresh in capitalism. Though they can be ame­ economic and philosophical goals en­ juxtapositions of planning and market; liorated by strong labour movements, titled to compete for popular support. hybrid forms of ownership; novel ways they systematically limit the democratic of measuring and constraining growth; potential of capitalist societies. hat is not legitimate is the pur­ and many things beside. If there is an argument today for so­ suit of these goals in a pater­ At a time when the Western capital­ cialism, it is above all this: that only so­ W nalistic and disempowcring ist imagination is being deadened by cialism can complete the democratic manner. Subject to the strictures of public complacency, the socialist imagination revolution which the bourgeois socie­ debate, vigorous pluralism and elec­ must be unleashed. ties underwent over the last three centu­ toral com pctitition, predicated on popu­ We are moving into a world where ries and which is convulsing Eastern lar support and genuine participation, the fetish of economic growth and of Europe today. and premised on the enablement rather consumerism will have to give way, in Only socialism can confer on its than pacification of society, social West and East alike, to new qualitative subjects the genuine equality of politi­ equality, economic security and, within concerns, like ecology; and to a consid­ cal citizenship - of political power and limits, political regulation of economic eration of how to bring ihc benefits of political capacity - needed to bring the life continue to be perfectly defensible development to the Third World and democratic idea to its fullest flowering. human aspirations. Eastern Europe, without destroying the Moreover, socialism has a much richer The conflation of democracy and global environment or the human fabric tradition of thinking about popular par­ capitalism, the assumption that going in the process. ticipation, as well as industrial and for democracy means abandoning so­ All this will demand new kinds of economic democracy, than its pro-capi­ cial radicalism or transformative visions, international co-ordination and planning, talist rivals. is as wrong now as it ever was. Its as well as a global redistribution of Socialism might therefore have a acceptance even by reforming elites in economic resources. Socialist values and future - not in spite of, but because of, Ihe USSR and Eastern Europe threatens ideas - concerned with need above profit the upsurge of popular agitation for to demoralise those searching for demo­ or growth, and committed to political democracy now sweeping the world.

WIP 65 * Page 31 The white Right re-arms Ons kies om te konfronteer!

he solution is weerstand, weer­ ganism that had become a predictable stand, weerstand (resistance); component of meetings of the white T stryd, stryd, stryd (struggle). We Right. say to De Klerk: You arc playing with How serious are the warnings and fire! Wc shall fight you with every pos­ rhetoric of armed uprising? Is this merely sible means'! another round of sabre-rattling? Or is As one, the crowd responds ...cheer­ the Right in the process of forging long- ing, clapping, stomping, waving hands term battle plans? in the air. Some roar: 'Skiet horn! Skiet In the aftermath of initial right-wing horn'I anger, two distinct responses have And when, after two full minutes, evolved. the window-shaking applause dies down, The CP, having warned initially of a the speaker calls up yet another cres­ violent response from Afrikancrdom. cendo with the cry: *Ons kies om tc declared that it would negotiate for a konfronteer! (Wc choose to confront)'. and. by all accounts, seemed The speaker is the Hcrstigte Nasion- set to forge alliances with mid-Right ale Party (MNP) leader Jaap Marais. The 'trek again' organisations such as Carol crowd, Boksburg Afrikaner Wccr- BoshofTs Afrikaner Volkswag and a standsbeweging (AWB). On the plat­ breakaway AWB group, the Bocr- form. AWB chief Eugene TerreBlan- evryheidsbeweging, led by Alkma;ir che, with a contingent of jackbootcd Swart. Aquila guards. CP and allied leaders continue to After the unbanning of liberation warn of potential violence, but this seems organisations on 2 February, battle cries to be intended to add clout to the Volkstaat like those raised by Marais became cause. 'The tiger in the Afrikaner is commonplace. Even in parliament friendly", warned CP leader Andries Conservative Party (CP) member Cas­ Trcurnichl in Parow. 'But do not try to par Uys warned that Nationalists would tangle with this tiger'. be compelled to subjugate their own In contrast, the 20-odd organisations people by means of violence. on the far Right seem increasingly 'I have given these words careful committed to planning long-term low- consideration*, he said, 'and I mean intcnsiiy conflict. Four key factors sup­ every word I am saying. We in the CP port this contention. will not surrender. We shall mobilise the Afrikaner on every level of their irstly, the core ultra-Right coali­ existence'. tion - the AWB. HNP, Bocres- Right-wing reactions like these were F laat Party (BSP) and the Transvaal relayed with spectral fascination by Separatiste (TS) - failed to achieve a progressive media. And, concerned to deal with the CP, which might have prove their conversion from Verwoerd's afforded (hem access to the politics of cause, pro-government Nasionale Pers negotiation. newspapers reacted sharply against veiled The coalition, which commanded threats of violence emanating from CP strong support at meetings, offered to leadership and highlighted the hooli- pay the salaries of all CP M Ps and town councillors for several months if they Docs fiery right-wing rhetoric translate into a careful strategy would resign in order to force by-elec­ for low-intensity conflict ? Could resistant conservatives derail tions. The strategy was evidently in­ tended not only to tic the fortunes of the political change?Lesley Fordred weighs the odds far Right to those of the CP but to force

Page32*W1P65 THE RIGHT WING the NP to confront a loss of voter sup­ general, to prepare for the military port. struggle. When it failed tomaterialisc, it came 'In the coming struggle we will be as little surprise to hear Eugene Tcr- able to count on the support of the ma­ reBlanchc tell an AWB gathering in jority of our compatriots (volksgenotc) Goodwood in the Cape that the time for in the SAP and the SADF. De Klerk is 'the politics of little crosses is over. It is leading this country into a civil war'. now the time for the politics of the Van Tonder's words arc unlikely to bulkf. be mere bravado. The BSP is the politi­ Former security policeman and sen­ cal wing of the AWB, which is essen­ ior AWB executive member Pict Rudolph tially a cultural organisation. The struc­ shared TerrcBlanchc's platform in tures of the AWB military machine arc Goodwood. Rudolph, alsodeputy leader public knowledge: Aquila, the body­ of the BSP, announced that the AWB guard; the brandwagtc, which are out­ and his party had planned a loan scheme Treurnlcht: The tiger In the Afrikaner posts at most large towns outside of the to provide arms to one million whites in Is friendly. But do not try to tangle Cape Province; and the Storm valke, the the next five years. with this tiger'. elite paramilitary wing. Citing unspecified atrocities of the Van Tonder's words are also consis­ war in Angola, he told his audience that Free State and northern Natal, minus tent with statements by TerreBlanchc. African National Congress (ANC) lead­ enlarged bantustans) to the control of Speaking in Boksburg, TerreBlanchc ers would approve the same deeds against Bocre on historical grounds, Bocrestaat said the day thai Mandela 'and his braves' whites in South Africa. 'From now on', organisations have repeatedly declared sat at the negotiating table would be the he said, 'a white man in Africa without that warfare is their only option should day that the revolution would begin. a gun is a dead man*. reform proceed. 'What is the answer"? he asked a Questioned later about the apparent '(Violence) is not a likelihood, it's a spellbound audience. 'The answer lies increase in AWB militancy, Rudolph definite certainty i f Dc Klerk goes ahead in Bocre and being pre­ admitted there had been a hardening of and changes the constitution before he pared to die for their country*. strategy in AWB/BSP circles during calls another election', says BSP leader February. Robert van Tondcr. Since it is unlikely t an impromptu press confer­ There are many who appear to be­ that there will be another whites-only ence afterwards, TerreBlanchc lieve this far-right 'logic' - at least in election. Van Tonder's words are omi­ A told a persistent foreign jour­ part. In the week before the Sharpeville nous indeed. nalist: 'Yes, I am going to take up guns. anniversary, arms sales in parts of the At a meeting in Bethal in February, We arc preparing for the revolution which Reef jumped by as much as 50%. with TerreBlanchc at his side. Van Tondcr Mandela will start. Every nation has the Secondly, the far-Right - more ac­ spelt out exactly what he meant. 'The right u > defend itself against people who curately, (he Boercstaat Right - makes BSP is prepared to fight', he was quoted will rape, maim, kill and destroy them. demands which are not achievable by assaying. 'The Bocre will fight back for This means war, lady*. normal processes of negotiation. their freedom and in every town a field Sources close to the movement sug­ Demanding the return of the Boer comet will be named, in every region a gest that the far Right has been investi­ Republics (comprising Transvaal, the commandant and in every main area a gating obtaining arms abroad. This sce­ nario gains a small measure of credence from attempts to gain international support for the Boer nationalist cause. Having petitioned United Nation secre­ tary-general Javier Perez dc Cuellar, the BSP aims to meet British premier Mar­ garet *I hatcher. In an interview in which he denied the existence of AWB training camps, Van Tonder said: 'We have already started contact lists overseas to get help from overseas governments to help the Boer Freedom Movement*. A third factor adding to the possibil­ ity of protracted conflict instigated by the ultra-Right, is the existence of sev­ eral splinter groups which are deter­ mined to outdo the AWB and undercut its hold on the ultra-Right. Eddie von Maltitz is a good ex­ ample. As leader of the Nuwe AWB, which has adopted the AWB's exten­ sive symbolism - including a reworked The 20-odd organisations on the far Right seem increasingly committed to triple seven logo. Von Maltitz claims to planning long-term low-intensity conflict be more militant than the AWB.

WIP 65 * Page 33 THE RIGHT WING

At a Boksburg meeting he called for mobilise business executives. They arc people to commit themselves to the Nuwc more likely to choose strategics like AWB.' Like Gideon (an Old Testament corporate lobbying to secure their long- warrior) we will show this nation what term interests in South Africa. we can do with a handful of committed Failing that, their best option might men', he declared. be emigration - perhaps to a Volkstaat 'I say, give me just 300 men who arc or (more likely) to a country- willing to willing to lay down their lives, who arc host conservative South African emigres. willing to stand up to say to radical If neither of these options finds ac­ blacks, "I hate you because you are ceptable realisation, it may well be that destroying my country," and we will substantial numbers of middle-class change things here*. will resort to strategiscd Disturbingly quiet is the recently conflict to forcibly reclaim what is 'theirs'. unbanned Blanke Bevrydingsbeweging Centring round a group which claims a (BBB), whose leader, Professor Johan patent on guerilla warfare and whose Schabort, announced shortly before the per capita ownership of weapons is among BBB's restriction in 1988 that they the highest in the world, this scenario planned to set up 60 commandos in 19 cannot simply be wished away. regions across South Africa. The success or failure of the far- Negotiation with these fringe groups Right's strategics depends largely on would be extremely difficult. 1 heir small the level of support it commands in ihc support bases would deny them a scat at security forces and the civil service. the negotiating table. And it is not in the For decades whites in the public interests of the larger right-wing groups sector have enjoyed privileged employ­ to restrain the excesses of the new for­ ment under the National Party, imple­ mations, much less to call for such strate­ menting the ideals of Afrikaner nation­ gics as avoidance of soft targets. Even in alism. Most of them - and particularly the ultra-Right there is a battle for the the securocrats - have been schooled in moral high ground. the 'communist demoniac' mythology The fourth reason for concern is (hat The answer lies In Boere and white that the NP has since abandoned. It Boerc ideology makes so heavy a claim people being prepared to die for seems improbable that they will, uni­ to divine inspiration that it assumes many their country'. formly and without a murmur, turn their of the dimensions of a holy war. Blood, backs on this system (for which some God, soil and sacrifice feature promi­ saulted black pedestrians. have been prepared to die). nently in speeches of the mid- and far- It is difficult to assess the mobilising The vast numbers of police who Right. potential of ihe ultra-Right, especially resigned from the force early this year During the mass CP march in Preto­ in the absence of an election. Certainly cannot be motivated only by pay griev­ ria on February 15, the AWB has shown itself consistently ances, as I aw and Order Minister Adriaan opened proceedings with phrases like, capable of drawing crowds of several Vlok has claimed. 'we bow only before God, the Almighty thousand even in small places like In recent years, a secret right-wing - wc shall lay everything we have on the Klcrksdorp, where 3 000 were reported alternative to the Brocdcrbond has been altar'. And Trcurnicht told his Parow to have taken to the streets in mid- set up. Known as Tockomsgesprek audience: 'Wc would die rather than March. (Dialogue on the Future), it has the submit todomination. Nobody can force Have supporters of the Right se­ express task of infiltrating civic, reli­ their will on the Almighty*. cured enough private sector power and gious and public bodies. Predictably, The emotionalism engendered in this have they infiltrated the public sector office bearers in right-wing organisa­ way is a powerful spur to would-be folk and the security establishment sufficiently tions are tight-lipped about the activi­ heroes. The adulation of 'son of the to derail the process of change in South ties and leadership of Tokomsgesprck. nation' Barcnd Sirydom and his new Africa? But it is suggested that (here is a wife, Karin Rautcnbach, is sobering proof Amid the blazing rhetoric it is im­ large feedback loop from national secu­ of this - as was Strydom 's testimony in portant to remember that the Right rity forces to the right-wing organisa­ court that God had led him to kill black remains a fractional minority of South tions. people. Africans. So a coup from the far Right is How else would a leader of a small Instances of whitc-on-black violence - in the short-term - unlikely. right-wing organisation have been able complete the talc. Attacks on blacks, To increase their strength substan­ to relay to a journalist the contents of a journalists and drunks at a number of tially, the far Right would have to net private telephone call that journalist had right-wing marches have been high­ those CP supporters who are more made to an opposition Johannesburg lighted. Other whitc-on-black violence comm itted to their class position than to paper some days earlier? is less well covered. In Krugcrsdorp ethnicity - people who are not willing to And how, without help from inside, alone, a 30-year-old black man was shot trek again because of the financial risk. could three 'dangerous* AWB prisoners in the foot after four whites asked him if The middle classes are notoriously - about to be tried for illegal possession was a member of the ANC; four white committed to the politics of expedi­ of arms and explosives - 'remove a teenagers beat to death a 30-year-old ency . Appeals tocthnicity and sacrifice, panel' from the police van in which they black man; and a group of whites as- as well as calls to arms, are unlikely to were being transported and escape?

Pag«34*WIP65 LABOUR One union, one industry

As part of its living wage campaign, Numsa /s attempting i?? ram to set - and win - the same wage and working-con dition demands in the four industriai sectors in which its members operate and negotiate. Union national organiser

.; Alistair Smith spoke to t Robyn Rafel about

: the campaign and the practical difficulties of formulating uniform demands One demand or Cosatu's National Union of union held the first of what will in future affiliates with a strong tradition of mili­ Metalworkers of South Africa be bi-annual National Bargaining Con­ tancy, and Micwu (motor components, F (Numsa), winning equal condi­ ferences (NBCs). garage, panelbeating and repair shop tions of employment for all its members sector). Micwu had split from Tucsa in is not a simple task. W1P: Please outline the historical the early 1980s, and did not have a The union operates in a number of background to the LWC. militant tradition. different sectors and collective bargain­ Smith: The LWC is one of the union's The other major problem was that ing for each takes place in different major campaigns and part of Cosatu's conditions and terms of employment in forums. overall LWC. these sectors varied enormously. Auto National bargaining for the engi­ At our founding congress in 1987 assembly workers are fairly skilled and neering sector takes place through the national demands were adopted as key therefore have greater collective bar­ metal industrial council; for its motor issues for the LWC: a m inimum wage of gaining power. At that stage they were sector members through the national R4.50 in the industry; national industry earning in the region of R4/R4.50 an industrial council for the components bargaining; maternity and paternity leave; hour. In the engineering sector workers industry; in the auto-assembly sector equal technical and vocational training weregcttingsomethinglikeR3an hour. through the Eastern Province auto coun­ for women and youth; and job security, The intention was that the National cil; in the tyre and rubber sector through the emphasis being on protection from Campaign Co-ordinating Committee the Eastern Province lyre and rubber retrenchment, and where that was un­ (NCC), established in 1988 to co-ordi- council; and in the case of workers not avoidable severance pay of one month's nate the union's national campaigns, covered by the two Eastern Province wages per year of service. would co-ordinate the LWC. But other councils - with the exception of Dunlop At that stage there were three tradi­ national campaigns absorbed our time workers - there is provision for the re­ tions in the union, largely a reflection of that year - the 'Free Mayekiso' cam­ gional agreements to be extended to the way the three major unions involved paign and the anti-LRA (labour Rela­ cover workers nationally. in the merger that created Numsa oper­ tions Act) drive. To ensure common demands for all ated. These were Naawu (auto assembly WIP: And last year? its members and to iron out difficulties and tyre and rubber sectors), Mawu (en­ Smith: The NCC had more experience. its cross-sector membership creates, the gineering sector), both former Fosatu But again we struck the problem of dif-

WIP 65 * Pag« 35 fering conceptions within the different come together twice a year and these ; liaise with the NOCC. sectors. meetings constitute our National Bar­ WII*: How many workers are COY. In auto assembly, for instance, work­ gaining Conference (NBC), which for­ ered by the agreements for the sec. ers lake strike action for wages. In the mulates demands for the whole union. tors In which Numsa operates? engineering sector the strategy is to scitlc There are two components to the Smith: The metal council covers be- the ncgotiaiions. There were two rea­ NBC: a plenary session where the na­ tween 350 000 and 380 000 workers sons for this. The first comes out of tional demands and guidelines are for­ under the Main Agreement or the house lessons of our selective strike in 1988. mulated and national LWC and collec­ agreements negotiated under the coun­ Overall, the union views the strike as a tive bargaining priorities established; cil, with Iscor, Highland Steel, Mid- success although the employers in Seifea then sectors meet separately to formu­ dclburg Steel and others. We don'i did not raise their wage offer. But they late demands specific to themselves. have an estimate for the number of did move in other areas, conceding June W1P: Have there been any changes In workers in this sector not covered by 16 as a paid holiday and an attendance Numsa's structures to accommodate those agreements. bonus amounting to an increase of be­ the LWC? A significant majority of workers in tween 2 cents to 4 cents an hour. Seifsa Smith: This year being our first really both the auto assembly and the tyre and also agreed to a procedure to address serious effort to co-ordinate the LWC, rubber sectors are covered by national racial discrimination in the industry. we plan to hold three NBCs. In future centralised bargaining. The same ap- But in the ballots which preceded they will take place twice a year - once plies to the motor sector. But we want the strike, the overwhelming majority at the beginning of the year to set na­ homeland workers covered as well. of our members voted against strike tional demands and again around June WIP: Numsa claims that neither the. action. The strike therefore had to be se­ to co-ordinate our national response and metal nor the motor components coun­ lective. strategy. In between it is the Regional cils function democratically. Secondly, the campaign against the Shop Stewards Councils(RSSCs)which Smith: In both these councils Numsa LRA amendments had gained momen­ tum and became the focusof the Worker Summit. The analysis in the engineer­

ing sector was that the LRA threat took • precedence over the LWC and a con­ scious decision was made to throw all Numsa's LWC our weight behind the anti-LRA cam­ paign instead. Workers in the auto-assembly sector WAGES saw things differently. In the strikes R2-an-hour across-the-board increase for all Numsa members. which occurred in virtually all the facto­ JOB SECURrnr ries last year, they combined the two Negotiations on all aspects of retrenchment, redundancy, factory issues. The strikes ended with the em­ closures, relocations and sales of factories. ployers making concessions, but not on - Severance pay: minimum one-month's wages for every year of changing the LRA. This was what the service; UFO (last-in, first-out) the only criterion for retrenchment or engineering sector had tried to avoid. redundancy. In the motor sector the workers were All workers hired on a permanent basis; no probationary perioda. not tightly organised. There has never LABOUR RELATIONS ACT been strike action and they are not used No employer to use the LRA; Numsa will continue to support anti-LRA to the militant union tradition. Trie un­ campaign until all demands are met by Saccola and the state. ion was too weak to even consider strik­ JOB CREATION ing. All workers must have the right to work. The industry must undertake All of this showed that we needed to to create jobs. break out of these sectoral divisions. Normal hours of work - 40 hours a week. Last year, once the bargaining sea­ Maximum five hours overtime a week for emergencies - overtime rates son was over, we established a National during the week double normal pay and triple at weekends. Employers Organising and Campaign Committee must hire more workers Instead of pushing for overtime. (NOCC). Numsa's four sectors will no Employers to notify shop stewards of vacancies and consult the shop longer undertake collective bargaining stewards when employing. separately. There is now one depart­ NATIONAL BARGAINING ment responsible for all wage negotia­ Industrial councils must operate democratically. Representation to be tions - the Organising and Collective proportional to union membership. Shop stewards must be informed Bargaining Department headed by Bemic when council sends agents on factory inspections and must receive Fanaroff. copiee of inspection reports. No national wage exemptions from industrial council wage The NOCC has representatives from agreements. each of the regions in each sector. Each All workers, scheduled or not, covered by industrial council sector has a National Industry Council (NIC) and elects a bargaining commit­ agreements. tee to conduct negotiations and imple­ TRAINING, EDUCATION AND SKILLS UPGRADING ment national strategics and decisions. Immediate steps should be taken to end discrimination and Four representatives of each bargaining segregation in training. These must include: committee sit on the NOCC. The NICs

Page 36 * WIP 65 LABOUR has more members than all ihe other pulled out of the employer's associa­ council's Main Agreement and that the unions pot together, yet because wc tion, precipitating its collapse. Wc be­ negotiations therefore did have a bear­ have only one seat wc are often out­ lieve Barlows has a similar strategy for ing on the workers at Barlow Manufac­ voted on important issues. Seifsa recog­ the metal industrial council even though turing. Numsa also argued that since the nised us as the majority union on the they deny it. Over the past few years Main Agreement only provides for metal council after the 1988 strike, but Barlows has pulled out of employer minimum wages, and that wages nego­ has since then dragged its feet in re­ associations within Seifsa and has left tiated at plant level are usually higher structuring the council. Seifsa itself. than that, the Barlows Manufacturing In the motor components council it Our experience with Barlow Manu­ workers had a decided interest in the is even worse. I.ast year the agreement facturing in Kew has also made us wary. outcome of those negotiations. was gazetted although Numsa disputed Numsa has a recognition agreement at Barlows, scared about the implica­ the agreement. Wage increases in the the plant. In 1988, just prior to our legal tions of the judgment - that wc could sector, especially in the rural areas, were national wage strike. Barlow Manufac­ strike in its factories if there is a national very low. turing obtained an urgent Industrial Court strike - took the matter to the Supreme We demand proportional represent order interdicting our members there Court. In December the court ruled that tation on the council. from striking on the grounds that astrikc the strike would have been illegal be­ W1P: Barlow Rand appears to hav* over national negotiations on wages - cause the union had failed to prove that become the unions' public enemy num­ which arc determined at the metal coun­ there was reasonable prospect of suc­ ber one. Why? cil - would be illegal. cess in getting the company to improve Smith: Last year when Paper, Print, On the return date Numsa got the its offer. Wood and Allied Workers' Union at­ interdict dismissed using the argument As Supreme Court rulings automati­ tempted to win representation on print­ that all the issues not covered by the cally become law this had important ing industrial council. Barlow Rand plant agreement were covered by the implications for us. The judgment had the potential to render every strike ille­ gal. Even some management lawyers have been horrified by it. We are ap­ * pealing. Barlows has indicated that it willoppose. All this has coloured our at­ demands for 1990 titude. WD?: TT»e Manpower Department has for several years been paying stricter * Development of guidelines for non-discriminatory recruitment, attention to employer and union repre­ selection, training and testing. sentativeness on industrial councils * Pressure on the state and training institutions to end all racist and before agreeing to gazette agreements sexist entry requirements. Where companies have seats on the and extending to them to non-parties. governing bodies or give assistance to segregated training institu­ It has also indicated that it would like tions, they should withdraw by year-end If such institutions do not see small businesses exempt from their open their doors to all. Guidelines to be adopted by the industry and provisions. The unions in the engi­ endorsed by individual companies. neering sector have become increas­ Shop stewards to be entitled to 15 days paid leave for union-organised ingly representative of the workforce, training events. while Seifsa appears to be becoming Black workers to get training to upgrade their skills. less representative of the employers. PROVIDENT FUND What implications does this have? Conversion of industry pension funds into provident funds to be Smith: The Barlows strategy exacer­ finalised by June 1990. Company funds merged with industry funds. bates this. But the problem is exagger­ LEAVE ated. We are convinced - and Seifsa Six months' paid maternity leave; 20 days childcare leave for men and agrees - that the council's figures re­ women; free, compulsory pap test once a year at the factory; no quali­ garding the number of employers within fying periods for maternity leave and no limits on the number of preg­ Seifsa are inaccurate. nancies. But even if Seifsa represents less 14 days paid paternity leave a year. than 50% of the employers in the indus­ Five days' compassionate leave per occurrence (death or illness In the try wc don't think it will be a problem family). because those employers employ over 14 days' paid sick leave a year. Certificate from doctor or traditional 60% of the employees in the industry. healer to be provided. The companies that arc not part of Seifsa PUBLIC HOUDAYS arc likely to be smaller concerns. Bar­ May 1, June 16, March 21 as unconditional paid holidays. ring Barlow Rand all the major players Political detainees arc represented. Full pay and jobs guaranteed for all political detainees and prisoners. WIP: What about small businesses? Smith: Last year Seifsa and the Minister To achieve Numsa's objective of uniform pay-scales in all sectors in of Manpower tried to force us to exclude which the union is represented, workers in the tyre and rubber and all small businesses from the metal coun­ auto sectors will not be asking for an Increase in their minimum wage cil's Main Agreement. This would have this year: they are holding back to enable other sectors to catch up. meant that more than 90 000 workers had no minimum wage.

WIP 65 * Page 37 LABOUR

control will have to address that. It win also have to address the problem of unemployment. And there are other socio- cconom ic problems that have to be tack­ led - health and housing. These are the immediate priorities. Looking even further, we also re­ cognise that the economy is not an is­ land, that it is affected by events in the world economy. Worker control will have to address this imperialism, nco- impcrialisrn, or whatever you want to call it. WIP: All this suggests that there is concern in Numsa that workers' in­ terests could be subsumed to the na­ tional liberation struggle now that the ANC, SACPf PAC and other organ- isatioas have been unbanned, Is this correct? Smith: We are concerned that things 'We ore fighting for worker control. That Is the only guarantee that workers couldgoastray. We have seen problems will have a say In how the economy is run'. in Namibia recently with Swapo and the National Union of Namibian Workers. Seifsa's motive was twofold: the ers from minimum protections. We have also leami from Zimbabwe's bosses argue that deregulation of small W1P: At the NBC it was said that experience. businesses will be stimulatory and cre­ Numsa members must not see their Our position is that the only real ate more employment; the second leg collective bargaining demands in safeguard for workers is if we in fact touches on Seifsa's alleged lack of rcprc- narrow economistic terms but as fight for certain guarantees now. That is scntivity. Scifsa argues that if smaller contributing to the process of estab­ why wc arc gearing our national cam­ companies arc excluded it will become lishing socialism. Can you please paigns - and the LWC in particular - more representative and theoretically expand on this? towards a more overtly political arena. have more power to influence the Min­ Smith: The union has adopted the slo­ Wc are fighting for worker control. That ister to gazette the agreement. gan 'Our Industry, Our Country, For­ is the only guarantee that workers will We were not prepared to counte­ ward to Workers' Control* for this year. have a say in how the economy is run nance this. Scifsa members employ the Wc arc not just fighting for narrow and how wealth is distributed. The majority of the industry's workers so we ! economic demands but for something Workers' Charter is also very important don't think their argument holds water. . broader, for worker control. The struggle in this respect. And secondly, wedon't think the Minis­ for worker control in a future South WIP: In his speech to the NBC Fana- ter should have anything to do with ex­ African economy is taking place now. roff said that if Numsa is honest it tending the agreement. That is some­ Through our collective bargaining must admit that its structures are thing that should be settled by the par­ wc arc raising demands for the re-struc­ weaker than ever. ties themselves. turing of industry. That is why at the Smith: Numsa is now very big and our The fact that Seifsa in 1988 recog­ metal council wc have placed a priority factory structures have become weak nised that we arc the majority union at on completely eradicating racial dis­ because organisationally we are over­ the council meant that we were able to crimination in the industry. whelmed with work. This probably means block the attempt. The employers now We are demanding to have more that the union will have to do some re­ know that they cannot have an agree­ control in terms of job security and job structuring. I think Bemie was also ment for the industry if there is noagrcc- creation. Wc also believe wc should making a very important political state­ ment with Numsa. In that sense the have a say in corporate investment poli­ ment - that wc arc not taking up day-to­ balance of power has shifted. cies and have raised demands for the day struggles in the factories very seri­ But if employers again insist that employers to establish job creation proj­ ously. The two problems arc, however, small businesses arc excluded, there ects with us. inter-related. would probably be a dispute on the Over 100 000 jobs were lost in the WIP: In the light of this, is a coordi­ issue, ft is also possible that even if the industry during the 1980s. We reject nated strike in all four of Numsa*s employers back down, the Manpower deregulation as a way of creating jobs. sectors a real possibility this year? Department may decide to block publi­ In the metal industry only a handful of Smith: It is a huge challenge but not im­ cation of the agreement. jobs have been created this way. possible. There was a fighting mood in There is a third possibility: the gov­ WIP: What do you mean by worker the NBC. There is also a greater sense of ernment may, on its own, decree that control? unity and resolve coming from workers. employers with less than a certain num­ Smith: We don't think workers taking The possibility of a coordinated strike ber of workers should be excluded. control is some kind of magical process, cannot be ruled out. But it will depend Numsa is not prepared to have de­ or that socialism can come overnight. on the feeling of members at the time regulation in the industry and won't There is a serious problem as far as skills and what happens with the Cosatu/Nactu entertain proposals (hat exclude work­ and education arc concerned. Workers' discussions with Saccola.

Page 38 * WIP 65 Labour Trends

igh levels of Bruply, Mondiply, Sappi far as our economic needs to grow at 2,3% a political and Sappi Novoboard were activities arc concemed'. year just to maintain present H mobilisation and still to be resolved. For workers, prospects as levels of unemployment. conflict - along with Despite a well-coordinated suggested in the budget do The unprecedented action increased expectations - national strike and high not look that positive. Wage in recent weeks by public made an impact in the losses in production, in both increases are likely to be service workers can be labour arena where unusual settlements management low, unemployment is set to attributed both to the levels of strike and protest refused to improve its pre- rise and retrenchment will political climate and to poor action often culminated in strike wage offer. The increase as the state conditions of service and violent confrontation. hardline by employers was proceeds with privatisation extremely low wages. The Unprecedented militant also reflected in Sappi and deregulation in an government has consistently action emanated from management at Springs attempt to achieve a more failed to address the previously unmobilised using police and company market-oriented economy grievances of these workers. sectors, notably the public security to break up a legal with a smaller, more Sectors mobilised into service and bantustan picket, killing one worker; efficient public sector. strike action included: workers. Labour militancy and the attempt by Sappi Underlying the budget is teachers, prison warders, also manifested in Novoboard to obtain an the view that 'work and police, municipal workers, widespread action on the interdict against the wealth creation comes first homeland civil servants, shopfloor: stoppages, Nelspruit strike, using the and foremost by way of parks board workers and protests, marching and LRA. investment in the private staff in the health sector. singing. sector'. The budget aims to Racial discrimination Unusually high strike action stimulate the private played a pan in most of Another significant factor - 23 strikes - took place in sector's capacity lo create ihese sectors. In ihc lowest- has been action on the . The wealth through lax cuts of paid sectors workers earned mines, inspired by the generally high militancy in R4-billion and through less lhan half the average NUM campaign against the area was probably lifting capital gains lax on industrial wage. Cleaners in racial discrimination and influential plus the fact that shares held for longer than Cape hospitals, for instance, repression (see Briefs). many of the strikers were at 10 years. earned on average R300 to In the six weeks under newly organised plants and R400 a monih. Municipal review, WIP monitored 114 were acting in support of Investment advisors reckon workers earned an average strikes. Conservatively- plant-level wage demands. this will free between R8 - of R330 a monih. calculated these involved Port Elizabeth featured billion and Rl8-billion for According to SAMWU, the 71 155 workers, of which several long and highly new investmeni. The state's lowest grades in some 23 814 were mineworkers. conflictual strikes at: role in the economy is councils earned R160 a Tne two main strike triggers Abcrdare Cables (1 month); limited to improving month. Municipal strikes remained wages (36%) and Chemserve Cholloids (5 conditions for investment - were recorded ai Rini, disciplinary procedures/ weeks); EI I Walton (4 and privatisation and Ibayi, Kroonstad, dismissals (20%). months); Rcpco (2 months); deregulation are a necessary Butierworth and Umtata. Racism in the workplace - and Wclfil (5 weeks). part of the strategy. Responses to strikes varied assaults, discriminatory Management resorted to Du Plessis also called on from sector lo sector. application of disciplinary lock-outs, interdicts and employers to keep wage Where legislation clearly codes, racist supervisors, mass dismissals. In one case increases down. He said the prohibits strikes - as in the segregated facilities and police were called and a average 1989 increase of police and prisons service - discriminatory pay - was a large number of arrests 18% was inflationary since workers were dismissed. major factor in strikes and made in relation to alleged it was not supported by Teachers and hospital stoppages. It is likely to intimidation and damage to gains in productivity. workers won ihcir demands trigger further action as the property. He expressed the hope that for meetings with NUM campaign gets under the low 10% increase government ministers only way and public sector Many wage disputes in this granted public servants after strikes had militancy grows. period centred on would be a moderating substantially disrupted Most industrial action management's refusal to influence. services. occurred in the metal negotiate plant-level sector, followed by the increases in addition to chemical and paper/wood In 1990 workers are industrial council unlikely to secure wage The Public Servants sectors. The only nationally agreements. coordinated strike action increases much above the League, SAMWU, Poiwa, occurred in the paper/wood Wage increases have also inflation rale, as figures to nurses, police and civil sector when PPWAWU been lower since the start of date confirm. The budgci servants across ihc board look on Mondi and Sappi in the year and it is likely that projected a growth rate of have rejected the 10% legal wage strikes involving this trend will continue just 1 % and budgetary increase announced by ihc workers at 15 plants. The given the poor performance measures are an attempt to government. strikes at four Mondi Board of the economy and the 'soften' the impact of the The government has mills and at Richards Bay 1990 budget priorities. down-tum on business. promised in the budget to were settled while strikes at | Finance minister Barcnd du The low growth rate can be investigate the situation of Mondi Waste, Mondi Plessis described the budget expected lo cause increased policemen , nurses and the as ushering in 'nothing less unemployment. According lowest-paid workers and than a new way of life as to the LRS, the economy make differential increases.

WIP 65 * Pog« 39 STRIKES AND DISPUTES Transvaal

Company Union Worictr* Dot* Ever*

ABJReef Rmy aoo 22Q200 A one-day ivi* over reco^rton ended irt the signing of en ap/semer*

ncnromart 290 1203.90- The company locked out t» workforce after at proc«*uro» in • (i^« depute *wf» «h»j»fcKl Workers irebalry demanded 120% s*cw iMnda Mttm4ha>fcdsssl h—1 talihfe twy aSJasafejMasssy dropped to Iffc Managomer* offered 1GV The rrwsmum wage el the company m R&3S AEO 3IMU 5000 2102- Wortor* dO*r,od loot* aod demanded the dtim-**! of i whrl* *or**r (»n accord*rl.rerY CMM] els* he had 070390 a/legooly assaulted a black workar The assault *« the tassst o( many at tie pksrrt. where whrle worker* esegedry openry Identified wltt fie AWB Settemont was reached through a ccmpromise - t>e Imer remained employed and ISe union members (dismissed lor asset* Over tie lest two years) w*r© 'e-w^cjyed Workers wy gwsn warnings tor strsong end pay *ee impended AI>edChem<*Jm S-Curu 70 150390* Wooers .nvo»vtd fcn a toga- *IVJ* sfrik* nor* iorted out Alrode MM Njmsa 213 aim* Workers wont on strike in promt agairist racism wtion management fadod to use fte. disciplinary code after a *hrta worker assaulted BwoM a black worker. Workers were demseed and intoroVled to keep eway from plant gates. After negrjoetions Mod to rseotvo the ^/-a fie matter wee referred to twtodustrei co^tor *naie peat out demanded Ihe the Cape Town refinery be included in central bargaining. Casta CWIU 80 1OO2-O&90 After negotiations a -eoai silks to demand a transport allowance or an adequate redundancy package foeowtng fie relocation of AJrode company prem*ee ended in a compromise between workers and management Consot Plasece CWIU 250 20.02- Worker* stopped work to protest pending retrenchments due to the tele of fie company The sale of fie company subsequenty Ml Qemsston 01 03 90 through but reYenclvnent* wfl assl lata past*. Crane were Potteries CM 13* 01420390 Workers took strike action to demand fiat maftapement pay out 4u* wagee. Wapee ware paid out altar the union Bveatened toga! Meyenon acton. DCT 6000 in fie Uggeat demonstration of teacher strength and unity to date, teachers went out on strfce demanolng an imrrtedlass rseponae Sowtto. AJesendre from the OET to tie aotaatton cnsls and fte daynantfng ol apartheid educatton. Teachers deckled to reman on strike until tie DET addressed their demand* which in the short term rolucM: improved orjnd&c<^ ol more ciaasrooms and teachers to addrest ove^rowding and an and to arbitrary transfers and refreshment witwt prior consultation with teachers. Depaflmentof POM recoo Potwa fejected tie oovemmenia o*Jer of a 10% wage increaee to pobsc servante. In October last year Potwa demanded tw Poet and doutang of t>e minimum wags to R1 100ar^aR4CK)acrciaa^e^>ce^»xreaae. f^twm also demanded racial wage pam>, 1st Tetocommunk etione scrappng of apartheid tn the postal sector and t>e scrappng of poet omos prrvattsaoon. Tn* Post Ct&ce sitooVced M racial panty n solanes and servce cendaons Th* waa announced 0y the Mnisfor of Puttc EnSorprn« in parlemenf on 1 5 February PoT^s ndcatod that strike action e a poaiWy. Gcspee Foundries ' feme 300 iMStt- Workers were dksmrased and scabs employed after an atogal strfce which made demands on working oonossons and healti and Benoni aastty. The company refused to riegoealt turner aM the ur>on intended taking the maner to the loaostrial coufi BUJe Ponds CWIU 240 HAUO- ManagemerM employed sceba artad tntoro^ Workers and managemeoT Wedev*e Wed to reach agnsernent in r^agoealions Ir^nagemerH argued ttel f>e ahrft aystem be nagoOatod fr«t whea workers aoramd to negotiate ahift* in principla bMtdemandedteala**a**j ba aeSflsd frat. fluuraon alaodenvanded ftpbeck-daSr.|ajla* aseaamem 10 1 January. The afrike caused sporadic production ehutdowne dua to conflict between worker* and scab*. Fami and Mon* Ftvttt p» OM&oajo Aetrfcenriaengtotoolemieealofurto rvsmpmPt/k Worker* went on a legal wage strike lo domand an increase ai tie minimum wag* Irom R103 par week to R170 and an across-the - Furman Glow Saccawu •0 1MUU0 board increased FUo intv*settlement worker*wonamramumwag*o*Rl65and*naxree**^ITOacfo** thaboeni A aponteneou* atrike over wage* andod whan a form*] dtapute wee declared and worker* returned to work Johnson CWIU 16-190290 Worker* were locked out after industrial acton was token an eupport or annual wage barganing which had deadlocked. Worker* and Johreon demanded a Rl20«xroaae The etrik* ^aaaettM^ttanrnanagafnanlincraa^o^ Us offer from R31 toR38 A ebik* ovar raarenchment* andad wien it waa agreed tiet Jurfvsr nagpaabona would take peace between Via company and the Ujmu so 29 01 -09 03 90 union on tha issue. R was atao ao/eed rat disrrNaasj* thai had taken place during the athk* would be cHcussed Pokes were Venc*rb|le*rfc cafad ki durtog the ttika foflowing conflict between linkers and wtwie worker* at tie plant. Tha aovsn weak strike at Mondi board mile ended after worker* accaplad tie flnei oWaro* * 16,8% tocraaas* Tre* odor waa the Mondi Board Mills »afnaMlr*c<>mnany"arj^»**»offw Mondi conr^oad fte 6ac*-delk^^ a . i e PPWAWU ISO 1902-90- titrd waste-paper depot in Pretoria, management pre-empted a wage stik e when 32 worker* ware dismissed dunng so*»darty Afoo* and Tufiaa actton w*h workers at MonoVe board mM*. Tha conofUone of memp*oymeni rncludad acceptance of the currerrt wega orier being Part made at weate-pApar depots Mondipty Bokscurg PPWAWU ISO 190290* raagoealion* n tha four-week -oW wage stnke wens tonanuing reasons) Park* Back staff at Sfcukuia went on atnke over wagaa. ^>e ssike ended through negWfona and an increase in tie m>rwm>m wage Board Kruger Park 0646.0&90 waa grenled- A svika protoslng the attitude of a manager to grievance* waa reeofved when workers relumed to work and tie union and tha Ngo Bottlng F«MI •to 14*170290 company agreed on a sat of rtiee to deal w* tie Isaoe Won.m demanded not m»**o*m** dtactp^ftry «t*on afiairet a sypar^tor ^*-oa*MLJ*^d a sorter T>i« demand lad to NCDBokaburg Fawu 500 1602.90- stoppages after when workers were locked out and tntaro^ciad to return to work The parbes could not agree on arbft/eeon and talks were under way between legal rarxeMntairvaax Worker* who want on strike over unequal increment and lack of recognition were distressed and locked out. Forty norkera ware OTK East Rand rami m tt 11.89- aubaeouentfy rainstatod and tie union was negotiating for tha rest A stnke at tie wtWto*-onfy Ovarvaal Reaort ovar the dismissal of two workers ended after negotiator* berwaen management and Orervaal Resort SeCCawU eo 01-03.02% the umon One of the worker* we* reinatatad and tie second oaae waa referred to arUtraiion A soldartty stoppage ^m +»ipw4r*l won\«f* waa ^os^ ^rojgs negoaasona The ^f»m«n! mcro^eo ro-*«rt( -oo p*y aid no WP Johannesburg rashewu 69 09-14.03 90 discipanarv arton to be taken againat those invofvari in the *toooeoe. Oeanara and guard* went on alike in proleet againet ill trealment by tie supervisor and issue* related to working oonolbone The Priteherd Eeslgsle TOWU *3 18-1902 90 management agreed to fvveatigaJa tie grievance* of worker* Guard* and cleaner* went on stoke to demand tie tpeectng up of wage rtegoaebona which were oeasyed due to change* n Prttohard Sandlon TQWU 80 00390 dH^uSa-a#tfltog proceoura* Management agreed to meet wftfi shop atowarda The demand for the dis/nasal of a manager led to a **-** and the voluntary reetgnaDon of tie manager After Die reeignattcn rXrioo Wynberg Zaiewu. TGWU 1 SCO 23.02.90- worker* contnued atnkJng and derrtandad back-pay for the panod on atrika. Managemenl tten dlsmitsad the workforce Soadanty acbon from the Alexandra Ovta Oganiaation waa planned Tha Rand Water Board interd clad worker* to preempt a aftSke over tha demand that worker* ctemawed laat year in a atnka are Rand Water Bond MSHAWU 2000 02O390 nwneteled Ronniee Expreee TGWU 350 2202-02 03.90 Worker* war* on a tef^ wen* atrto demance^ Tha union won a ft32 iF-:'pa»« backdated from 1 January, Ffcne* CWiU MO MJttJQ. Dairy two-hour etoppagae n a legal depute resulted in tie di*m*.*al of the bull of tie workforce after three day* Tha stoppage* took place to damand thai the company pin tha ixaon-kWUafted charncaJ indueVy provident lund. FUo Ullbng Pn*ona Fawu 000 iMftigo A three-day aoike ended alter n wee agreed thai a dtapute on rarancnmant wouki go lo arbtraaon

SAPrMooa'Safvka PopcfU 1303.90- FuN-ame wardo** ai depfctoof Pneon (on etnko ovar condition* of work] m c *u*peoded end *ix probationary warden* (femtiaed. Among the grtovenoe* of tinker* wee fecial btecrtrfanabOn in the Pri*on*' Service and poor condibone euch oa accornmode&on n pnaon oat* Tha proeaat action among prtaon etafl and policemen gened mrjmentum ineprte of tia harah raaponaa and pneon* and peace tteaona ri many iown* ecroae tha county experienced ail-ai protean. Tha Pnaona' Service aetd that errttoyeee had ffte ••i-.-.'* i" ty to ecWrea* grievance* through Ihe proceduree provided lor in the Prtaon • Act SA Stone Cam 5 13.0190- A dtapute ovar Ihe payment of overtime we* referred to the nduetneJ court for final cteterrninaaon.

SappiMfle 3PWAWU )00O* 37.02 90* i Strata action n tha paper, pulp and wood aacter spread and worker* downed tooM *i legal wage atnkea Workera at rvgodwana

Spring*. Port refveod an everage 16% increejee tor et gradoe. Managementa ftnaf offer we* 17,4% wrath would bmg the rrinimum rate 10 R4H72 Bttebati. an hour, H tte Offer » not accepted menegement wrl teaue urUmaajma. At Springe management offered a restructured wage offer NQodManaMi which rarJuoad higher gradea and rabed leaver grade*. Tha offer am rejected, Wo'ktr* war© reetictod from intertp'ng *wih scot* and attempt* el mediation toiled. The atoke in Port Gtobeth wee aalfod.

Seppt NoMoboard PPWAWU i4e 08.03 90- *n attempt to ntordct a wage atrtke uemg the controversial LRA tailed when tie industrial court gave judgement in favour of t>e nkfeDTU* union. The union and r^anaflam*nt fr**+ agreed on wage* but ware ettli negooetiivj ihe beck-daeng of tha increase

nkjmee 3000 014&02.90 Workera downed loot* after a security ••-.;: who eeegedh/ aaaaufted a workart waa ciearad at a da>ca^anary haanng. They Gerrmton returned to work after menegemenl egreed tha caae wovfld go on eppoei Snorodrta Cawu CO 06AMO A one-day ainke ovar racognlOon ended when management agreed to meet ihe union to dexuaa recognitor! Coneavclion FVrY

TPAHFVarwoerd 00 31 MM-02 02.90 AdmeibtraVve. cleaning and kitchen etafl went on etnke to demand the payment of annuat bonuaaa They returned to work after HoaeN aaaurancaa were grven thai their o^manda wouhj be addraaaad. TiBeyMacmi* Numea 200 The threat of diamiaael againat workera who had embarked on a danence campaign against aagregaaon (ad to a aaika in which 200 Wedevate work era were dtomieaed. The matter wee referred lo arbitration. Umbene Neapo^ TGWU 2602.90 Workera ware ailtrdtcled and ralumad to work after a one-day etnke ovar wage*

Xaraaach Mume* 00 » 03.90- Worker* went on a legal wage atoke after mediation fatted Worker* demanded a£i,&% inoraaaa acoaa ?te board Menagemant Jcnanneaburg ottered martt norm** between 13% and 15% Tha r^urrent minimum wage ia •">>•

Cape

I AbaroaraCablaa Numaa 700 15 01-14 02 90 - !".j- AM•.;•_' -ifi*" A^. •'.I :P-J A-^i Tft'^^irT>«fit -r[ir--,T-.i •>. ftftge ofter frcm e 13c'to22c-^craaae o^ t*-* '101^ rPi^s Thta wee PertEK2abath ovar and above tte induaaial counct Incraaaa. Tha increaee wa* becadetad to Jury and workera ateo won improved a^acte union 2planta right* Worker* were locked out durng the urike end aeven worker* were arraated and charged under T>e Cnmnei Ptoceduret Act tor alleged wjlenca and trntrradaaon Workara hald a bnaf atoppaaa aJaw taw, wara aiaanaad fta tof wn« a* akran a —n pay and raaanuhad, ctvt^wm Babcock* Nurnaa t07 2207.90 tockjdad dt»c*rr*natory p*y birwun local «nd toraign labour. Dlacuaaiona w«f^ o\* io laha placa MWW t*> workara and Moaaaf Bay nw«gvn«i Workara hati atocpaga* to damand cantrallaad hM^^fwig wflh t» eorrpw^ groufk

NEMPE Numa* 14-1503.90 Tha worlfoo* Mi rjamfcaad during a tour-day tot* ttoto in Utw)h^* to ««• fiy ^ «nd to ^OI^K« In iw WM. BargHaad Numaa • 13M90 Workara downad tool* afto* rnanagamant rafuaad to nagooata ptoni-tavaf K^UM Workara war* o*rn*noar>g a minimum rate of

Opo Fou-*n** MMM ISO 120,190 RiOanhovr *r>

Mmkaatabon FHWOomonfri *•.< rncntht pwd matamrty feeva a 40 hour -w*ak4 pafrnan^it %taTi_fl and rwognroori c4 tr* KWU The grievance* fthoaptaJa of work*** tefcdad tow waga* - an avaraga monthly of bocwaan R300 and Retx)> no |ob aacunry dua to tamporary atatua and tf* Wura of *Sa a^fcoriaaa to addraaa work* griavanoaa which war* raiaad on pr*vtoua occaaiona Chamaarv* cwiu KO 23.01-O2M90 Aatfta todamand t*a nUnatotomint of trrae oHmiaead conaaguaa and*d whan managamant agraad to rarnatalamant TM period PC of tha atrfca waa ragardad am auepaneion wahout pay and workara returned to *ork. Donfar, Numa* 200 March Workara warn nvorvad ir> a aeika ovar wagaa rragoeeaona to aaOJa fw d**outo hava baan a«t up PC DurfepPVtoPE Numaa 13-150290 Vforkaraatagaa!i»aa»dajyaoraaf^ atoppaga aartacfr tha war*. EHWaltonPE PPWAWU n r«>ramb*r- Vrorhari want tockad out after rtduattol action «aa la* an to damand lha raaaajajaajaaj of worfcara on matomrly toava «rho war* drsmioaed Tha company* o*

Ea*tLondon yaa/t managamant atoaad on agrawng to tha worker* oommlBaa and arguad hr a laiaon oomm«aa Workani imandad to atort nagoDationa on wagaa and eondlaona of work aoorv Fry* Mala*, j rajrna* 37 26.0U0- Tha company rafuaad to nagobato wagaa wflh workara on athka and tha worV^jroa waa dkmrtaad PortEUabati

Ooaa*t>Wbaa4*PE i HAM *X> March Workara wara Inwrvad m m aanaa of gwaahoppaf aaHiai ovar a waga damand Tha company rafuaad to nagoaaia wagaa watt tta union on ISa baaia ttat waga riagoaaoona nxjat ta*a p*aca t^ t>ia inouu^ couhcC McnotBrufry PPWAWU 470 o«oz90- Vfcrkarawantonalagalwagaatnka Mariagamantoflarad 46c mraaaa agaa>tthaur^onaoamar^ tor90c, T>« unton haa SfeOonboach drowadalo«^cVjnw»dttothawag^packagao^ f^tgoaaOona waraconorHang. Sahara at Staaan- Bgn boach wara Interdlctod by rnatnagamant and oroarad to kaap off company pramiaaa.

Mufti MKh Epping MKTH* 114 05.O2J0. Workara wara caamwaad dunng an taagal waga »*r*a In aoorxirt erf a 50% iricraaaa Worker* atopped work tor two dey* in *c4ktenty wan two osmwj worker*. Onee BqgtaMtog nbmea 40 March

A rttrV Mopcwg* ise= hckd to protest compir.> cUcrmnntion In rtn^oa PEPtaangPE htomea 40 March

A alike to demand the rveiataternenl of * ronVer who woe unprocedurelty

Worker* on air*© *i support of wage damanda ware locked out and traardctad to ratum to work or faca dtarniaaai Workara wara ftapooPE r i r a* EAWUSA SCO 25.01 M- demanding a TO rwreaae on ftp Serfse increase > Management ottered 2So and 2Sc on ft* and of tie yoar bonus. A maunder* tandng over the ImpJemenLaion ot *»e wage Incraaaa pneccMaled a alrtke of permanent and casual worker*. The SAStovedoree t TOWU 2ce 05060090 worker* afco demanded a guarantee ot one day* pay tor caaual workara. The atihe ended when workere ware a-rterdicled [ A three-day waga stake waa sorted whan management offered a R1 .CO ecro*t-t*e*to*rd increase M reeponea lo the union'a l

The worklcte was locked out and fired after workara downed took to demand the payment of the hit-attendance bono* lor wort ere WeimOddy Motor Numae m 09.01-U.0290 who paricipetod in the September stayawey Msnegoment informed dremieeed worker* that they mutt aflend dtobplinery rteennga 8ody Engineering it ttey wiah lo be reoatated A proposal by hkjmae tor independent rTvjdteeon wee re)ecled by tne ctunpeny m medeflon could not proceed untf violence again*] nrjn-ettfcer* ended So far 34 workara have b*f\ arretted for alleged violence and intimidation and ratesee d on high bail.

A one-4*y stoppage wee held to demand fee reinstatement of a dismissed worker. Worker* relumed to work when management Ammdale 1 "— 1 March Sactwu 200 agreed to an Inquiry. The rssauctunng oS wwgc grade* was the mafar issue m e tiree-day legal wage stnke. In the »oTflement, wage Increase* were Fa*h»onlax CW1U 120 February given drtforentioJy and rvghor po*d wor*«ra mcervod bugger Increasee* A worker was demiaeed when he wet* found raactnq a Numea pubneaaon during tie lunch hour Numaa doe* not have rscc*o/Y*on OVUaifrebe Hunata 104 0647,03 90 at the c«ant The dismissal lead to a work stoppage end a lock-out After aw day* workere were narietosad. MecHntJon ree^Ftod n a aoCbomant of the nine-woek alnka Workora racarvad increase* of between 66c (managemenTa pre-etnfce Mono* PPWAWU 400 1SA1-15.03.90 offer) and R1« A one-dey atopoege wee held in proieet ag*in*t fw aoapention of a worker accuaad of ateaHng. Workara returned to work when It Mflkfl and Leeter SactMi 250 1203-90 wee agreed an Inquiry would be held. A three weak legat wage atnke ended wahout mator gain* by the ureon. lianagament did not change it* original offer ertf worker* Rapldol Ptoetown CWIU 00 Fetxuary received a 50c Incraaaa ei January and 30c in Ju*/T The Incraaaa brought the current hourty miramum to R3.10

CroKCi Cecette Ma-mr* Nihtmi 600 Fetruery A nim day til in State by admkveaalfve and cleaning eteff wee m** wffh intr«na*a*n<* md authors— mid Q*k*i Polk* to work in rtoapriai f n* hoapitai Workers at the hoapilal wore demanding wage party *rth their coeoague* in St* RapubMc- Doctor* and nm« r»*u*ad aUantsene k> OO-0t*er*le <**i tie pofcce and would not accept **** p*oparod by them or orl lood tr» po-co cooked. Aclwe ™mb*i ot the workers* comminoe «>ru trerttferred to other hopnaai and workers resumed to work with no demands met However in tie wake of terjc^nCUe^tttMlna^ C*m#nt>l* Products Cewu 2(X tcwa>- Management * roajaei to negotiate wago* with the newty otoctod liaison commrtioe tod to a striko after whk h workers were looked out Mdantsane and cterreased Monaoomon* ottered tondrt>onal re errploymerrt which included compulsory overfcnw work and otocepkna/y proce< dure* to bo inflated again*! striker* Worker* said they ware witting to return to work but not to bo reemployed a* new start FoftowVtg the ooup in tie Qekei. tvar* ia uncertainty as to now labour disputes wal be served - whether trade union nghto wfl be granted a* the MMItary Council has prorntoed and what offldeJ ohennela wtt replace the prevtou* discredited ona*.

TtanskH

Wild Coast Seocewu 2000 1O02-5O Workers went on sfnke due to wage and caner grievances*

Bophuthatfiwana

1 1 Jusaco Department 50 13,0390- Clerks, rr*gis**tos. cleaner* m>d prosecutor* a! the Qarankuw* mag>ta-ate* court went on strike in support of Oemends for bettor Goftankuwe pay. The ssikers ignored an ultimatum to retom to work and ware olerraaeed. Unto MmabaVto March Tha university waa dosed after norvecedemk staff went on strike sparked off by 12% ncroates gfven to acaderrac staff Academic staff ex pressed Their support for the strike and two members of Uduse wore detained under the Internet Security Act

Mines

MelCottety 1 NUM A dispute was declared over grievance* retolod to the food system end most workers ware boycotSng food supplied by management witbenk The current card system was refected by workers on the basis thai if workers do not eel then tSeir food subsidy is wHhoVawn. Workers are demanding a coupon system which we) aVow workers to eel at thee own dtecreeon Martovato Gold Hb NUM 400 270280- in defiance cf a court order workers went on strike demanding higher severance pay for retrenched workers. In a meoetone lodgement the ndustnal court ruled that workers be restrained from stnkr>g because the stria could force the closure of the mine. The strike come* after seven rnonthe of negotiator* between tie company and tne union on the retjeoebment packege. r\a>tenburg NUM ioco 06.03JO* Workers downed tocas to demand an end te high Bophulhaevwerw t*^ and 1 Aebnum Mines

SA Coal Estates 1900 12.03.90 Workers who went on a wtdcat strike returned to work after art undertaking from management to rrveabgete their gnevencea. Wither* A three-day stoppage took place when rnanagemenl deducted pay for late arrival at work. The tote arrival of workers was due to a Sfk» Smarter* NUM March ssike by drivers at Lebowa Transport Service* Aher negooabon manaQamant agreed not to deduct pay and worker* ware paid for Petersburg ona of the ssike dap UrwjefWefcom , NUM 14X&90 Workers who staged a sit-in al ftt hostess in protest against re*a