Jaures and the Formulation of a Socialist Peasant Policy, 1885–1898
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Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Dictatorship of the Proletariat’
Revolution and the ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’ Vanessa Walilko DePaul University March 2004 V.I. Lenin has been accused of being “power-crazed” and “a fanatic believer in a Communist utopia” (Getzler: 464).1 To others, Lenin is considered to be the “greatest thinker to have been produced by the revolutionary working class movement since Marx” (Lukacs: 10). By still others, he is considered a “cynical authoritarian” or a “revolutionary idealist”2 (Rereading: 19). It has also been proposed that Lenin “had a compulsive need to dominate” and that he “was indeed a revolutionary fanatic” (ibid: xvii). Yet Lenin identified one reason for his writings: to clear up those aspects of Marx’s and Engels’ theories which had been “ignored and distorted3 by the opportunists” (State and Revolution: 384, Rereading: 5).4 Despite the fact that Marx and Lenin agreed on many points regarding revolution and the role the proletariat would play after they had secured power for themselves, many of Lenin’s ideas are at the same time quite distinct from the theories that Marx put down in The Communist Manifesto and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850. This paper will address their similarities and differences in views regarding the necessity of the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Marx understood that the material conditions of life, particularly the political economy determined human consciousness (Theory and Revolution: 34). Marx believed that history was driven by the class struggle.5 This class antagonism eventually evolved into an open fight which “either ended in a large revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes” (Manifesto: 1).6 The revolution,7 therefore, was the catalyst for radical social change. -
Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ». -
Nomination Form
International Memory of the World Register Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei, draft manuscript page, and Das Kapital. Erster Band, Karl Marx’s personal annotated copy (The Netherlands and Germany) 2012-21 1.0 Summary (max 200 words) The Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei (Communist Manifesto, 1848) and Das Kapital. Erster Band (Capital. Volume 1, 1867) are two of the most important publications of the 19th century, hugely influential to the present day. Both were written by Karl Marx, in cooperation with Friedrich Engels. Both were translated in practically every language, and published world-wide. These writings had a tremendous impact on the development of socialist, communist and other revolutionary movements throughout the 19th and 20st century. In recent years, Marx is recognized for his deep insights into the mechanisms of economic crises. The Manifest and the first volume of Das Kapital are textbook examples of the vulnerability of documentary heritage. The original manuscripts for both publications were lost. One remaining page of a draft version of the Manifest and Marx’s personal annotated copy of Das Kapital are the nearest equivalents. Marx’s and Engels’ remaining papers made a difficult and dangerous journey before arriving in safe storage with good conditions for access. They are being studied intensively to the present day in order to discover how these extraordinarily important publications developed, and to establish the exact words behind the many interpretations. 2.0 Nominator 2.1 Name of nominator (person or organization) a) Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis (International Institute of Social History, IISH), Amsterdam b) The German Commission for UNESCO 2.2 Relationship to the nominated documentary heritage a) Custodian of the nominated items b) Initiator of this nomination idea 2.3 Contact person(s) (to provide information on nomination) a) Prof. -
The Origin of Socialist Reformism in France*
CARL LANDAUER THE ORIGIN OF SOCIALIST REFORMISM IN FRANCE* PRELUDE: THE OPPOSITION TO MARX IN THE INTERNATIONAL Although the International Workingmen's Association is often called the Marxian International, it was at no time safely under the control of Karl Marx. The spirit of Marx, however, was the strongest single influence in the organization from its beginning, and from 1868, when the Proudhonians had suffered defeat at the Brussels Congress, to 1872, when Bakunin's opposition proved too strong to be overcome, Marx possessed more power in the organization than anyone else. Yet this power collapsed in 1872: Although formally Marx was the victor at the Hague Congress, actually in the conflict with Bakunin it became evident that Marx's position was disintegrating. What were the reasons? "Marx accused his opponent of the intention to introduce into the Association ideological disorder, the spirit of [political] abstentionism and of federalism, in the Utopian desire to create a communal organi- zation without government. Bakunin, in his turn, criticized Marx for wanting to impose on the International a unified dogma and a party discipline in order to create a regime of authoritarian communism first in the Association and then in the state (dans les gouvernements)."1 Unfortunately for Marx and for the unity of the workers' movement, many members of the International who by no means believed in a "communal organization without a government" and perhaps were not * The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Institute of International Studies at the University of California at Berkeley for financial support in meeting expenses incurred in the collection of material; also to Monsieur Couta- rel, librarian of the Prefecture de police in Paris, for permission to use the files of the Prefecture; and to the staff of the Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis in Amsterdam, especially to Mr T. -
Mao : a Great Leader of the International Proletariat and Of
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Anti-revisionism in Italy Giovanni Scuderi Mao: a great leader of the international proletariat and of oppressed nations and peoples Published: First present 22nd June 1993. This essay was presented to the International Seminar on Mao's Thought that took place in Gelsenkirchen (Germany) on the 6th and 7th November 1993 to celebrate the centenary of Mao's birthday. Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. The internationalist proletarian initiative on the part of the Center for Social Studies, directed by comrade Jose Maria Sison, is very important, providing a platform for representatives of Parties, Organizations and Marxist-Leninist Groups from different countries, on the occasion of the centenary of Mao Zedong's birth. It is a useful and militant way of paying our collective respects to a great leader of the revolution, and at the same time of reflecting on how his universal teachings may be applied to the realities of the respective countries. The exchange of opinions is a Marxist-Leninist approach; it is not simply a question of intellectual or structural information, but of learning from one another, checking the validity of one's own opinions, and correcting them if they turn out to be wrong. -
Gardes Des Sceaux En France, D'hier Et D'aujourd'hui
GARDES DES SCEAUX EN FRANCE D’HIER ET D’AUJOURD’HUI GARDES DESGARDES D’AUJOURD’HUI ET D’HIER EN FRANCE, SCEAUX GARDES DES SCEAUX EN FRANCE D’HIER ET D’AUJOURD’HUI ÉDITO Depuis près de 300 ans, sans interruption, la Chancellerie située place Vendôme, accueille les chanceliers de France, gardes des sceaux et ministres de la justice.Une fonction qui existe, elle, depuis 1545. Située sur l’une des plus prestigieuses places de Paris, la Chancellerie témoigne en ces lieux de la pérennité de l’État. Danton, d’Aguesseau, Cambacérès ... les noms de personnalités illustres résonnent dans l’hôtel de Bourvallais comme pour en scander l’histoire. Tous y ont laissé leur empreinte. Extension, embellissement de l’hôtel d’une part, affirmation de la fonction de ministre de la justice de l’autre, ainsi se sont entremêlés pendant près de trois siècles architecture, art et politique. GARDES DES SCEAUX · ANCIEN RÉGIME FRANÇOIS OLIVIER 28 avril 1545 - 22 mai 1551 Rois de France : François Ier et Henri II © Gallica.bnf.fr/Bibliothèque nationale de France 5 GARDES DES SCEAUX · ANCIEN RÉGIME JEAN DE BERTRAND 22 mai 1551- 10 juillet 1559 Roi de France : Henri II © Château de Versailles, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais/image château de Versailles 6 GARDES DES SCEAUX · ANCIEN RÉGIME FRANÇOIS OLIVIER 10 juillet 1559 - 2 janvier 1560 Roi de France : François II © Gallica.bnf.fr/Bibliothèque nationale de France 7 GARDES DES SCEAUX · ANCIEN RÉGIME JEAN DE MORVILLIER fin avril 1560 - 2 juin 1560 Roi de France : François II © Gallica.bnf.fr/Bibliothèque nationale de France 8 GARDES -
Reviews / Comptes Rendus
Document generated on 09/26/2021 6:16 p.m. Labour/Le Travailleur Reviews / Comptes Rendus Volume 22, 1988 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt22rv01 See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article (1988). Reviews / Comptes Rendus. Labour/Le Travailleur, 22, 273–376. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1988 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ REVŒWS/COMPTES RENDUS R. Cole Harris, ed, Historical Atlas of Canada, vol. 1, From the Beginning to 1800 by AlhnGtter/273 Bill Gillespie,/4 Class Act An Illustrated History of the Labour Movement in Newfoundland and Labrador by WJ.CCherwinski/274 Bryan D. Palmer, Solidarity: The Rise and Fall of an Opposition in British Columbia by Warren Magnusson / 277 Alan Metcalfe, Canada Leams to Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport, 1807-1914 by Geoffrey S. Smith /278 Dianne Newell, Technology on the Frontier: Mining in Old Ontario by Ian Radforth / 280 Briton Cooper Busdi, The War Against the Seals: A History of the North American Seal Fishery by Daniel Vickers/282 Charles M. -
Maurice Barrès and the Fate of Boulangism: the Political Career Of
This dissertation has been 65—3845 microfilmed exactly as received DOTY, Charles Stewart, 1928— MAURICE BARR^S AND THE EATE OF BOULANG- BM: THE POLITICAL CAREER OF MAURICE BARRES (1888-1906). The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1964 History, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan Copyright by Charles Stewart Doty 1965 MAURICE BARRES AND THE FATE OF BOULANGISM: THE POLITICAL CAREER OF MAURICE BARRES (1888-1906) DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Charles Stewart Doty, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1964 Approved by Department of History V ita September 8, 1928 Born - Fredonia, Kansas 1950 ..................... A. B., Washburn Municipal University, Topeka, Kansas 1953-1954 • • • Research Assistant, Department of History, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas 1955 ..................... M.A., University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas 1957-1960 . Graduate Assistant, Department of History, The Ohio S ta te U niv ersity, Columbus, Ohio I960 ...................... Part-time Instructor, Department of History, Denison University, Granville, Ohio 1960-1961 . Part-time Instructor, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1961-1964 . Instructor, Department of History, Kent S ta te U niversity, Kent, Ohio Fields of Study Major Field: History Studies in Modern Europe, 1789-Present, Professors Andreas Dorpalen, Harvey Goldberg, and Lowell Ragatz Studies in Renaissance and Reformation, Professor Harold J. Grimm Studies in United States, 1850-Present, Professors Robert H. Brem- ner, Foster Rhea Dulles, Henry H. Simms, and Francis P. Weisenburger i i table of contents Page INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER I . -
Making Hegel Talk English" — America's First Women Idealists Dorothy G
Montclair State University Montclair State University Digital Commons Department of Religion Faculty Scholarship and Department of Religion Creative Works 12-1997 "Making Hegel Talk English" — America's First Women Idealists Dorothy G. Rogers Montclair State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.montclair.edu/religion-facpubs Part of the Religion Commons MSU Digital Commons Citation Rogers, Dorothy G., ""Making Hegel Talk English" — America's First Women Idealists" (1997). Department of Religion Faculty Scholarship and Creative Works. 5. https://digitalcommons.montclair.edu/religion-facpubs/5 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Religion at Montclair State University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Department of Religion Faculty Scholarship and Creative Works by an authorized administrator of Montclair State University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOSTON UNIVERSITY Dissertation "MAKING HEGEL TALK ENGLISH" — AMERICA'S FIRST WOMEN IDEALISTS by DOROTHY G. ROGERS B.A., Gordon College, 1986 M.T.S., Boston University, 1991 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 1997 © Copyright by Dorothy G. Rogers, 1998 Approved by First Reader: James W. Schmidt, Ph.D. University Professor and Chair, Political Science Department Boston University Second Reader: Hugh W. Baxter, Ph.D. Associate Professor, School of Law Boston University Third Reader: Klaus E. Brinkmann, Ph.D. Professor of Philosophy and Associate Chair, Philosophy Department Boston University Note: Minor editorial changes were made to this document before posting online. Introduction This is the first philosophical examination of the women of the St. -
„Biała” Rosja – Z Wschodniej Polityki Francji (1918‑1921)
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej ■ XLIX (z. 1) Małgorzata Gmurczyk‑Wrońska Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN Polska, bolszewicy i „biała” Rosja – z wschodniej polityki Francji (1918‑1921) Zarys treści: Po I wojnie światowej Polska, dążąc do ukształtowania swoich granic wschodnich, walczyła z Rosją. Francja z uwagi na tradycje sojusznicze z niepokojem obserwowała sytuację w Rosji po 1917 r. Ponieważ Francja była antybolszewicko nastawiona, istniała wprawdzie szansa na wsparcie polskich dążeń na wschodzie, ale cele francuskiej i polskiej polityki zagranicznej zbyt różniły się w sprawach rosyjskich. Francja zwalczała Rosję Sowiecką i wspierała „białych” generałów. U podstaw takiej polityki występowało dążenie do reaktywowania ważnego dla Francji aliansu na wschodzie. Summary: After World War I Poland was fighting against Russia, trying to determine its eastern borders, and France, with growing concern because of its traditional alliances, was observing the situation in Russia after 1917. There was a chance, because of anti-Bolshevik attitude of France, that it would support Polish aspirations in the east, but there were too great differences between Polish and French aims in their Russian affairs. In the following years France was against the Soviet Russia and supported „White” generals. This was driven by France’s attempts to reactivate the most important eastern alliance. Słowa kluczowe: francuska dyplomacja, wschodnia polityka Francji, stosunki polsko-francuskie, Francja-Rosja Sowiecka, Francja – „biała” Rosja”, kordon sanitarny. Keywords: french diplomacy, eastern policy of France, Polish-French relations, France-Soviet Russia, France – „white” Russia, sanitary cordon. Wstęp W czasie konferencji w Spa 10 VII 1920 r. premier Francji Alexandre Millerand powie- dział do premiera Wielkiej Brytanii Davida Lloyda George’a „trzeba zrobić wszystko, aby zachować Polskę”. -
From Flaubert to Sartre1
THE WRITER’S RESPONSIBILITY IN FRANCE From Flaubert to Sartre1 Gisèle Sapiro Centre national de la recherche scientifique As Michel Foucault observed in his famous essay, “Qu’est-ce qu’un auteur?” before discourse was a product, it was an act that could be punished.2 The author’s appropriation of discourse as his personal property is secondary to its ascription to his name through penal responsibility. In France, authorial responsibility was introduced in 1551 through royal legislation directed at controlling the book market. The Chateaubriant edict made it compulsory to print both the author’s and the printer’s names on any publication. The notion of responsibility is thus a fundamental aspect of the emergence of the figure of the modern writer. The state first imposed this conception of respon- sibility in order to control the circulation of discourses. But after writers inter- nalized the notion, they deployed it against the state in their struggle to establish their moral right on their work and to have literary property recog- nized as individual property, a struggle that culminated in 1777 with a royal decree recognizing literary compositions as products of labor from which authors were entitled to derive an income.3 This professional development reinforced the writer’s social prestige and status, in Max Weber’s sense.4 The withdrawal of the state from the control of the book market and the abjuration of censorship entailed the need for new legislation restricting the principle of freedom of speech, which had been proclaimed in Article XI of the 1789 Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du citoyen.