Musica Mizrakhit, and National Culture in Author(s): Motti Regev Source: Popular Music, Vol. 15, No. 3, Middle East Issue (Oct., 1996), pp. 275-284 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/931329 Accessed: 10/05/2010 01:13

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Musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and national culture in Israel'

MOTTI REGEV

It has become an annual ritual on Israeli television that, near Independence Day, several intellectuals are gathered in the studio in order to discuss the question whether there is an authentic Israeli culture and what exactly is its nature. Soon enough, popular music turns up as a major subject. It seems that popular music has become one of the few areas in Israel in which a vivid scene of cultural activity takes place, without public funding, and which plays a role in shaping a sense of identity for various groups. There are roughly two positions in the discussion. One claims that there is no authentic Israeli culture or music. All the music made in Israel is based on and influenced by a variety of musical styles from different sources. The term 'Israeli music' is merely a title for a set of music patterns - Russian inspired songs, Medi- terranean or Arabic flavoured music, Judeo-Sephardic music, pop/rock etc. - the only common denominator for which is the Hebrew lyrics. Opposed to this posi- tion is the argument that there is an authentic Israeli music, which reflects and expresses the originality of Hebrew native culture. Supporters of this position tend to point to musicians and music that embody a successful and unique fusion of all, or part of, the styles mentioned above. This debate demonstrates a phenomenon that is not exclusively Israeli. Sev- eral music cultures coexist in Israel. However, when one views these music cul- tures sociologically, cultural and ideological forces defining a single 'national' cul- ture, and evaluating and ranking these separate music cultures in relation to it, are impossible to ignore. The driving force of this process is, of course, the ideology of nationalism, which considers the population living under the sovereignty of a state as one cultural unit - a nation. When this is not the situation (and usually it is not), various appliances are set in motion by the state or the dominant groups within it to construct such ideology.2 The work of such appliances is aimed at the construction of a wide collective consciousness among citizens of the state, a sense of identity and even common familiarity. They also work to anchor this con- sciousness in a specific set of contents and meanings that exist within forms of cultural activity: literature, poetry, food, dress etc. The point is to engrave these contents in the collective consciousness as unique and exclusive to the national culture, as an expression of its existence. In the field of music, this is expressed in the belief that the nation has, or should have, specific and unique musical languages, and that the relevant appli- ances should foster such languages. Popular music serves in this regard as a tool 275 276 Motti Regev for the demarcation and definition of national entities. Exclusions and condemna- tions are inseparable from this process. Musical styles of minorities might be pushed away from the national consciousness, while others might be stigmatised as being imitations or of foreign extraction. Hence the debates and arguments about the nature of a given national culture and the struggles (of, for example, minorities) to be included within it. The case of music in Israel is slightly different from those in other countries. Israel does not have a long-term native tradition, decidedly associated with the presence of Jews in the country, from which the state can draw its cultural mat- erials. However, since the early days of Zionist settlement, great efforts were invested in creating a typical musical language and in constructing a collective consciousness that experiences this language as an indigenous, Hebrew-native style. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate briefly the power of the national- istic world-view on music-making in Israel as an example of its power almost everywhere. Two major music cultures in Israel - musica mizrakhitand Israeli rock - will be examined to show how the exclusion of the one produces motivation and demands for inclusion in the national culture, while the cosmopolitan nature of the other exposes it to pressures to become 'national'.

Music and national culture in Israel

The music culture which is known as shirei eretz Israel (the songs of the land of Israel) provides a useful starting point. This is a social world of music-making that complies with the conventional parameters of 'folk' music, although not entirely. The major exception is that the and lyricists are known. Otherwise, shirei eretz Israel exist mostly as an oral tradition. Israelis know its main body of songs very well, although they do not necessarily own records of this music. Accordingly, the songs are not associated with specific performances. The songs used to be distributed in small booklets (called shironim), which contained the lyrics and occasionally music transcriptions. Their typical pattern of consumption is in public gatherings where there is no real division of 'performer' and 'audience.' Everybody sings together in a manner known as shira be-zibur. Singing is led by an accordion or a piano, and sometimes accompanied by slides or video. The vast majority of the songs in this music culture have a strong Russian influence because of their composers' origin. Despite this, it is the 'Israeliness' of the music that is the most institutionalised. The songs were created in the format- ive period of Israeli society (approximately 1920-1960), and as an integral part of the characteristic ideological themes of Israeli nationalism. Even in the case of love songs, lyrics valorise and deal adoringly with the scenery of the land, seasons of the year, agricultural life - and political events, mostly wars. In addition, a salient element of shirei eretz Israel is the conscious attempt made by its composers to merge their Russian heritage and formal music education with what they perceived as 'oriental'. This took the form of borrowing rhythms, song extracts or whole melodies, and inserting them into Western musical structures. The background to the lyrical themes and the orientalism of this genre was the ideological interest of immersion in the Middle East, of transformation from immigrant into native, an interest that lies at the heart of Zionism (Seroussi 1991). Although there is no musicological evidence to support it, shirei eretz Israel are experienced by many Israelis as an indigenous, authentic and unique musical Musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and national culture in Israel 277 language. The songs, with the shira be-zibur pattern (and the 'folk dances' that were created for some of the songs) have been institutionalised as the quintessen- tial Israeli national music culture. Additional styles and songs, influenced by sources like the French chanson or American folk, as well as new songs in the traditional style of shirei eretz Israel, brought a growing use of the concept of zemer ivry (Hebrew song). It is used as a heading for every type of music made in Israel, in Hebrew, and which is consid- ered by the dominant media as a contribution or a milestone in the creation of a Hebrew indigenous body of music. Zemer ivry became a collective name, denoting all styles, music cultures and songs that are engraved in the collective con- sciousness as uniquely Israeli, that is, signs of a local, native Hebrew culture.

Musica mizrakhit: from exclusion to inclusion The music culture known in Israel as musica mizrakhit (oriental or cassette music) has existed since the mid-1970s outside of the usual repertory of zemer ivry. The reliance of musicians in this genre on Middle Eastern and Mediterranean sources, the scarcity of original music, the style of singing, and the view that the performers and the audience were typically lower class, all contributed to this exclusion (see Shiloah and Cohen 1983; Cohen and Shiloah 1985; Regev 1986; Halper et al. 1989a). Despite their exclusion from the dominant 'Israeliness', musicians in this culture have enjoyed wide popularity. It has been reflected in the commercial success of leading singers and record companies, and in the emergence of a rela- tively autonomous art world in terms of production, distribution and hierarchy. But apologists for musica mizrakhit kept complaining well into the 1990s about cultural discrimination. They pointed to the scarcity of their music in the play lists of radio and television in Israel (both public until the early 1990s), to the absence of professional critical reviews and the patronising treatment in the press, and generally to the addition of the 'oriental' adjective to the music, which denies its 'Israeliness' as a taken-for-granted matter. They demanded, in other words, total and 'natural' inclusion in the national culture. The point is that the habitus of the musicians of musica mizrakhitleads them to create a type of popular music that contains salient Middle Eastern (Greek, Turkish, Arabic) components. This makes their music 'ethnic' to the dominant patterns of Israeli culture. In addition, it closely resembles the 'other' against which the 'we' in Hebrew culture is defined - Arab culture (Hendelman 1994; Regev 1995). The demand is therefore to 'de-ethnicise' musica mizrakhit,to give it the aura of Hebrew native music without additional national adjectives. The strategy taken by musicians and producers of meaning accordingly takes two paths. Some of the musicians make conscious attempts to incorporate elements of shirei eretz Israel into their music. Others conduct a discursive struggle focused around the argu- ment that because musica mizrakhit is created by native Israelis out of their local experiences and is widely popular, it should be regarded as an indigenous and thoroughly authentic music: an integral part, even a major component, of the zemer ivry. Two examples of the first strategy are Haim Moshe and Ofer Levi. Haim Moshe's career started in the early 1980s. His first major record was Ahavat Hayay (Love of my Life) from 1983. The song with the same name was an original by Sason Zanani and Moshe Ben-Mush, arranged in the prototypical pattern of the 278 Motti Regev

genre: high-pitched electric imitating a bouzouki; a Yemenite rhythm of hand-clapping produced by a drum-machine; an 'Arab Scale' synthesiser;3 and the intensely ornamented voice of Moshe singing in Hebrew. A second hit from that was 'Linda'. It was credited on the sleeve as being 'traditional oriental', and Moshe sang in Arabic. The song was a party hit but was not played on the Hebrew radio stations. During the 1980s, however, Haim Moshe gradually changed his repertoire. He performed songs that were typical shirei eretz Israel in their lyrics, arrangements, general sound texture and emotional atmosphere. Some of these were written especially for him by prominent contemporary authors of the genre, like Naomi Shemer. Towards 1990 Haim Moshe came to be identified with the spirit of shirei eretz Israel, no less than with that of musica mizrakhit. In his career and music, the line between the two is blurred (Halper et al. 1989b). Ofer Levi gained wide popularity among the audience of musica mizrakhit around 1990. This was achieved through a series of records in which he performed Arabic and Turkish songs (mostly arabesk)in their original languages. He success- fully imitated the nasal vocal delivery associated with the classic Arab singers Farid al-Atrash, 'Abdal-Halim and contemporary Turkish singer Ibrahim Tatlises. The songs have hardly been.HIfiz played on the radio and the established music journal- ists treated him as an exotic gimmick. In 1992 Ofer Levi recorded a duet with middle-of-the-road singer Lea Lupatin. The song, 'Ha-Kol Patuakh' (Everything is Open; contained in his Hits album) was written several years ago by Naomi Shemer. With their recording the song became a huge radio hit and gave Ofer Levi the status of 'Israeliness' he did not enjoy earlier. The career and public activity of is one example of the second strategy. Medina is the most prominent author of both words and music in musica mizrakhit, and also a successful singer. In addition, he is the premier ideologist of this music culture. In dozens of interviews during the 1980s, and in a series of organisational and political steps, he has been leading the struggle to remove the 'ethnic' label from musica mizrakhit,and to produce its meaning as a Hebrew Israeli native music. He typically supports his claim for including musica mizrakhitin the body of zemer ivry by referring to the 'oriental' elements in his music as being in direct continuation with the East-West fusion in the classic works of shirei eretz Israel composers (Admon, Nardi, Zeira and others). His combination of public activity and artistic practice that assesses the ideology was highly successful. One of his greatest triumphs was a concert of his songs performed by a selection of musica mizrakhit and other singers, which was organised in 1993 as part of the annual, high-culture oriented Israel Festival in . As an institutional appreciation, it was also a symbolic recognition of the work of Avihu Medina, and of musica mizrakhitin general, as part of the zemer ivry. Another example of the second strategy relates to the way people have con- structed meaning around the figure of Zohar Argov. His death in 1987 ended a seven-year career during which he became the major exponent and symbol of musica mizrakhit. Translations of Greek or French songs, songs from traditional Jewish-Sephardi sources, Moroccan songs as well as original songs by various authors, were arranged for him in the typical pattern of the genre (a 'rock' rhythm section, 'oriental' synthesisers, occasional electric guitar but also bouzouki, - ite dance rhythms and a dramatic 'schlock'-pop sound). Argov performed the songs with great intensity and commitment, stressing pathos and sentimentality. He became the 'king' of musica mizrakhit. But the dominant cultural channels - Musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and national culture in Israel 279 radio, television, press - did not treat him differently. He was not considered a part of legitimate Israeli music. After his death (he committed suicide in jail after being arrested, not for the first time, for drug related offences), a gradual process of recognition started to take place. A play, The King, written by Shmuel Hsfari, was successful among theatre audience and critics alike; a film, Zohar, directed by Eran Riklis, was also produced; and at least two full documentaries were made for television about his life. These media and culture events strengthened the image of Zohar Argov as a tragic hero who authentically expressed, in his songs and in his life, the feelings of a large, culturally discriminated sector of Israeli society. Implicitly, they claimed an honourable place for Zohar Argov in the insti- tutionalised canon of Hebrew authentic culture. And indeed, Argov's name started to appear in critic's polls about important moments in the history of zemer ivry. In a glossy, coffee-table book from 1993, which reviews major records of zemer ivry, musicologist Avi Eilam-Amzaleg explains some elements in the musical greatness of Zohar Argov (Eilam-Amzaleg 1993). In other words, national recognition, reflected in the inclusion in the body of zemer ivry, has been perceived by fans of Zohar Argov as no less important than musical excitement or greatness.

Rock and national culture

If nationalism makes the people of musica mizrakhitwant to be released from their oriental 'ethnicity' into the general field of Israeli music, then the case of rock is essentially the opposite. This is a music culture with a cosmopolitan orientation. But despite the interest of major actors within it to be exceptional and to demon- strate indifference to the national ethos, rock culture in Israel is constantly being incorporated into the nationalistic context in a process of 'Israelisation', or, for that matter, 'ethnicisation' (Regev 1992). Rock culture emerged in Israel around 1970 as a rebellion against shirei eretz Israel. The use of electric instruments and the writing of critical political or personal lyrics were experienced as a revolt against the 'folk' pretensions and ideological commitment of that music culture. The conscious attempt to be influenced by the Beatles or expressed a will to be disconnected from 'Israeliness' and to become part of a music culture perceived as innovative, liberating and interna- tional. This was all the more striking in light of the ultra nationalistic wave of shirei eretz Israel after the 1967 war. Several cultural mechanisms, however, have been working within and around rock culture in Israel to modify its cosmopolitanism and, in effect, to incorporate it into the national culture. The first rock musicians who achieved some significance in Israeli culture were, for the most part, graduates of dominant socialisation tracks that planted in them the habitus of typical-traditional Israel- iness, including the dispositions of shirei eretz Israel. This meant that as social agents, without intending it necessarily, they created music and sonic textures, which included elements of that music culture, as if this music was 'in their blood'. Indeed, their significance was a function of this habitus. More radical rock musi- cians, whose music did not contain elements of shirei eretz Israel, did not gain recognition. Secondly, at a more conscious level, Israeli rock musicians regularly adopt an 'Israeli' musical language precisely because of their commitment to rock. The ideology of authenticity in rock dictates a fusion of typical rock elements with 280 Motti Regev what the musicians perceive as personal, idiosyncratic and local. The result is an 'ethnic' sound that is not necessarily experienced as such in the Israeli context. Thus Israeli rock emerges as a specific, indigenous style. It is in fact an adoption and adaptation of rock elements into the melodic and sonic atmosphere of shirei eretz Israel. Instrumentation, vocal style, contents of lyrics and the use of studio technology are all 'rock'. But the rhythms tend to be relatively slow and the melod- ies pleasant. Ballads prevail more than fast songs and the whole atmosphere is one of . Roughness of sound, distortion, repetitiveness and noise in gen- eral are rare in Israeli rock. Thirdly, the discourse about Israeli rock presents its existence as a national achievement, bringing it thereby into the sphere of zemer ivry. Rock critics, radio music editors and fans foster rock culture with much conviction. They share a strong will to have an up-to-date local rock culture as a sign of being progressive and cosmopolitan. Musicians and groups whose music is interpreted as a success- ful embodiment of the rock aesthetic are consequently hailed as 'important steps' and 'turning points' in Israeli music and culture. In other words, the establishment and institutionalisation of rock culture in Israel generates national pride (at least among rock fans), based on the notion that 'we' also have good . A different type of discourse tends to blame rock musicians and fans with 'imitation' and 'Americanisation'. These accusations result in a defensive discourse from rock critics and musicians similar to the one of musica mizrakhit:Israeli rock, so it is claimed, is created by Israelis from their experiences and with the materials they are exposed to in Israeli social reality. It is therefore no less authentic than any other style of Hebrew music. The defence against accusations of 'Americanis- ation', in other words, is in fact an insistence on being part of the zemer ivry, the accepted repertory of national/native music. Such accusations also enhance the interest of musicians to demonstrate 'Israeliness' by recording rock versions to classic shirei eretz Israel. Fourth, and finally, at an institutional level, blatant co-optation of rock into the zemer ivry is taking place. Rock musicians are invited to participate alongside musicians from other styles in symbolic events on television and elsewhere as a demonstration of the variety within the unity of the nation; rock musicians appear in festivals, like the annual Arad Festival, which are defined as 'celebration of the zemer ivry'; and rock songs, mostly ballads, are appropriated into the repertory of shira be-zibur events. One example of the work of these mechanisms is , a promin- ent figure in the first generation of Israeli rock. Until 1975 Hanoch was known mostly as for and collaborator with . Their record 'Shablool' (1970) is considered a pioneering classic of Israeli rock. In 1975 he started the group Tamouz, which was based on his collaboration with . The name of their only record was Sof Onat Ha-Tapuzim (The Orange Season is Over), as if to signify a break with the fruit that symbolises Israeli agriculture, and therefore the national connection to the land. Upon its release, Hanoch had to defend the rela- tively hard guitar sound of some of the songs, answering questions about 'how is it possible to sing rock in Hebrew'. Six years later, Yoav Kutner, leading Israeli rock critic and radio editor wrote about the record Hatuna Levana (White Wedding) and its dramatic, Springsteen-inspired sound: HatunaLevana defines a new standard for the term 'an Israeli rock album'. It is important to stress that this is an Israeli album. Not an imitation of , but a personal, Musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and national culture in Israel 281

Israeli creation, which fits our culture just like shireieretz Israel. Not only because Shalom mentions Israeli scenery, but because he deals with personal matters. (Kutner1981) And in 1988, critic Hanoch Ron assessed Shalom Hanoch's contribu- tion to Israeli culture in the following terms: Shalom Hanoch was born into a definite Israelistyle, to the wide epic of Russian sentimental song, to the aching minor [scale], to emotional fervour of melody ... But he was the one to dare and do the unbelievable:he disconnected the umbilicalcord of the zemerivry from the minor. An analysis of 22 of his songs demonstrates that they are in major keys, and some are even bitonal. (Ron 1988)

In other words, after the initial wondering about 'rock in Hebrew', Hanoch's place in the national canon is first demanded by the local rock community and then asserted by the larger music establishment. And, in addition, ballads by Shalom Hanoch such as 'Layla' (Night) or 'Agadat Deshe' (Grass Legend; both contained in the collection Lo YakholLishon Akhshav [Can't Sleep Now]) have been added to shira be-ziburrepertory as emblems of traditional Hebrew native spirit. Another example is the career and music of . In an exceptional career (in Israeli terms), Aviv Geffen became a phenomenal success when he was barely twenty. He released three records of original material in 1992, 1993 and 1994. All of them went 'gold', selling over 20,000 copies. In them, and in his concerts and videoclips, he presented a radical verbal and visual statement, at least for Israeli standards. With his hair dyed orange, heavy make-up, extravagant, sexually ambiguous clothing and a tendency to morbid imagery, he sang about betrayal and existential meaninglessness, and strongly criticised Israeli militarism. Together with the dramatic and unusual fan hysteria phenomena around him, he became the focus of public debates in which not only rock critics participated, but other cultural and educational personalities as well. These kinds of interpretation placed Aviv Geffen in a national collective con- text. He was not so much considered idiosyncratic, but rather as reflecting and expressing a certain spirit. The leading questions that arose was therefore 'what is happening to us?' or 'what is happening to our young generation?' In other words, questions reflected a national-family concern about the meanings and con- tents in which young Israelis believe in the early 1990s. One highly salient expression of the public-parental interest in Aviv Geffen was a television report and an interview, which were broadcast in the weekly news magazine of Israeli Television's First Channel on Friday night - a weekly public ritual of actuality to which many Israelis are tuned. Geffen chose to be interviewed on the shore of the Kineret4 at sunrise, stating that this particular view and time of day excite him more than anything else. But the Kineret is a romantic cliche in Israeli culture, connoting romantic love and love of the country in one symbol. Countless songs and poems were written about this lake. Geffen joined, knowingly, a national romantic tradition. Aviv Geffen's songs are mostly ballads, almost perfect candidates for shira be-zibur. His audience usually sings with him when he is on stage. The lyrics, in addition, as much as they are critical, are in a continuous dialogue with national ideological themes. His big 1993 hit, 'Akhshav Meunan' (It's Clouded Now) con- tained the phrase 'we're a fucked up generation' (anachnu dor mezuian). It became a slogan and a point of dispute because it directly continues the popular collective memory about a lineage of cultural 'generations' in Zionist history. 282 Motti Regev

Neither Shalom Hanoch nor Aviv Geffen are completely 'co-opted' into nationalistic ideology. But their music and careers demonstrate the cultural para- dox of rock culture within the national context. It is a contradiction that, in a way, parallels the typical one between rock culture and the music industry (Frith 1981). The rebellion against nationalism contained within rock is controlled by, and even- tually incorporated into, national culture. And just as the ideology of subvers- iveness becomes, in retrospect, a tool for gaining institutional artistic value for rock (Regev 1994), it also serves local rock music to become, eventually, part of the institutional national culture.

Ofra Haza

Finally, I want to present a reading of Ofra Haza's career as a series of steps dictated by the nationalistic nature of the field of popular music in Israel. Ofra Haza's social background - a family of in a relatively poor Tel-Aviv neighbourhood - is typically associated with the audience and musi- cians of musica mizrakhit. Her early records were an attempt to distance herself from that culture's image. Critic Yossi Harsonski reports of her second album, after talking with her, that she wants 'to escape the experience of orientalism (mizrakhiut) and to find herself in "show-business" ' (Maariv, 13 May 1981). Her first three are, accordingly, typical middle-of-the-road products, in that they glance over styles without commitment to any clear image beside that of a pleasant singer. These albums brought her recognition in Israeli radio, television and record market. The peak of this phase was her appearance as the Israeli representative in the 1983 Eurovision song contest, where she came second with 'Hay' (He Lives; contained in the album with the same title). The song deals with the eternal life of Am-Israel (the Jewish people). It is arranged as a 'hora' dance, which is considered by many in Israel to be the quintes- sential Israeli folk-dance. At this point Ofra Haza turned towards 'roots' music. She recorded in 1983, 1985 and 1987 three records that were called Shirei Moledet (Homeland Songs). In them she performed classic shirei eretz Israel. In addition, she recorded Shirei Teiman (Yemenite Songs) in 1985. This was 'a tribute to her parents', as she said in countless interviews, but it was also a response to musica mizrakhit and the 'vulgarisation' of traditional Yemenite music embodied in that culture. This record contained 'authentic' versions of Yemenite songs - that is, without electric instruments and combining traditional instruments. The 'roots' records added to Haza's status as a national entertainer the ideological aspect of fusion between East and West, tradition and modernity, older and younger generations. She joined thereby a tradition of female singers of Yemenite origin (such as and Soshana Damari) that have been fostered by the cultural establishment to the status of national representatives since the 1940s and 1950s. But in this position she was a performer without the aura of artistic creativity, personal statement and contemporary sound that became imperative with the rock aesthetic. The record YamimNishbarim (Breaking Days) from 1986 was exactly that: a 'rock' record. It was full of electronic keyboards, programmed drums and electric . Words and music were written by Ofra Haza herself. Much publicity was given to the fact that the lyrics express unprecedented personal exposure of emo- tions in the work of Haza. Musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and national culture in Israel 283

Ofra Haza's engagement with rock aesthetic led to the production of the singles which brought her international success: 'Galbi' and 'Im Ninalu' (both were tracks from Shirei Teiman). These, and the US-made records that followed, have been marketed and presented as the musical export of Jewish-Israeli 'ethnicity', arranged in a contemporary musical language. Her international success with this message created something of a national pride about the power and quality of the authentic music made in Israel. The symbolic status of Ofra Haza was clearly expressed when she was invited to perform in the ceremony in which the Nobel peace prize was granted to , Yasser Arafat and . This decoding of Ofra Haza's career in 'national' terms does not imply that she calculated her steps. Rather, it serves to demonstrate how the discussion about what is and was is not 'national', defines the repertory of possible steps and direction of such a career.

Conclusion

The point of all this is far from being new or original. 'National' music is basically a constructed phenomenon. The national interest to create specificity or uniqueness leads to various practices, inventions of traditions, appropriations of styles and their articulation into the national context. Popular music has become one of the 'ideoscapes' that characterise current global culture (Appadurai 1990). Processes of hybridisation and creolisation (Hannerz 1992) make the existence of 'pure' authentic, ethnic or national musics culturally impossible (Wallis and Malm 1984; Robinson et al. 1991). But the myth of the cultural unity of nations persists. Ideological mechanisms on the one hand, and the interests of excluded groups on the other hand, work to produce 'national' meanings for musics that are basically hybrids. Verbal interpretations of musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and Ofra Haza's reper- toire in the press, contextualisation of these musics by insertions into playing lists on the radio, performance by musicians from these genres in public events and official ceremonies - all these and other practices work to produce the belief in the 'Israeliness' of these musics. The production of belief works in the case of artistic value, as Bourdieu suggests, as a type of magic or social alchemy (Bourdieu 1980). In Israel, this social alchemy has been highly successful for music as well. After the historical articulation of Russian song into shirei eretz Israel, the 'Israeliness' of musica mizrakhit, Israeli rock and the music of Ofra Haza is believed to be an inherent trait of the music, by Israelis and non-Israelis alike.

Endnotes 1. This article is part of the research project 'Pop- 2. See a recent and useful summary of the issue ular Music and the Construction of Israeli Cul- in Schudson (1994). ture', conducted in collaboration with Edwin 3. See Rasmussen,this issue. Seroussi and supported by The Israel Science 4. The Lake of Galilee. Foundation, founded by the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities.

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Discography

Zohar Argov, GreatestHits, vols 1-3. Reuveni Bros, 1988 Arik Einstein and Shalom Hanoch, Shablool. Phonodor, 1970 Aviv Geffen, Ze Rak Or Ha-Yareakh(It's Only the Moonlight). Hed-Artzi, 1992 'Akhshav Meunan' (It's Clouded Now). Hed-Artzi, 1993 III. Hed-Artzi, 1994 Shalom Hanoch, Hatuna Levana (White Wedding). CBS (NMC), 1981 Lo YakholLishon Akhshav (Can't Sleep Now). NMC, 1992 Ofra Haza, Al Ahavot Shelanu (About our Loves). Phonokol, 1980 Pituim (Temptations). Phonokol 1982 Hay (He Lives). Hed-Artzi, 1983 Shirei Moledet I (Homeland Songs). Hed-Artzi, 1983 Adama (Earth). Hed Artzi, 1985 Shirei Moledet II. Hed Artzi, 1985 Shirei Teiman (Yemenite Songs). Hed-Artzi, 1985 YamimnNishbarim (Breaking Days). Hed Artzi, 1986 Shirei Moledet III. Hed-Artzi, 1987 Ofer Levi, Hakalfan (The Gambler at Cards). Hataklit, 1991 Hits 92. Reuveni Bros., 1992 Haim Moshe, Ahavat Hayay (Love of my Life). Galton, 1983 Od Shana Halfa (Another Year Went By). Reuveni Bros., 1987 Tamouz, Sof Onat Ha-Tapuzim (The Orange Season is Over). CBS (NMC), 1976