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The Sectarian Divide: Ireland After the Accord

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The Sectarian Divide: Ireland After the Accord 36 September 1986 Marxism Today The Sectarian Divide: Ireland After The Accord Paul Bew and Henry Patterson Violence has intensified amongst both Protestants and Catholics since the signing of the Anglo-Irish When the Anglo-Irish Agreement was tive role' in Northern Irish affairs, though Agreement. What are the prospects signed last November it was widely hailed it clearly amounted to less than the joint as a triumph of enlightenment which authority demanded by Dublin's New for the future? offered the hope of peace and reconcilia- Ireland Forum, embracing the main par- tion to the people of Northern Ireland. ties of constitutional nationalism, in May The principal feature of the Agreement 1984. was the establishment of an Anglo-Irish The Hillsborough Agreement then was inter-governmental conference, serviced a highly ambiguous document. While it by a secretariat including Irish officials, spoke of the need for Unionist consent to a based in Maryfield, Co Down. A key United Ireland it provided no explicit phrase in the Agreement states 'deter- means - such as a border poll - of measur- mined efforts shall be made through the ing that consent, and nowhere spoke of conference to resolve any difference'; in Northern Ireland as an integral part of the effect, this means that the Irish govern- UK. The Accord insists that 'there is no ment has been given a 'more than consulta- derogation from the sovereignty of the September 1986 Marxism Today 37 Masked Loyalist: three youths stand triumphantly on the remains of a bumt-out car set alight during the violence that followed the signing of the Accord. sifies. In other words, there is a good case for arguing that what there is in Northern Ireland now is not some temporary 'hump' which has to be got over before improve- ments can take place, but rather manifesta- tions of a process which will continue so long as British policy remains unchanged. The Protestant community The initial reaction of almost the entire Protestant community to the Anglo-Irish Agreement was one of shock and dismay; a fact which was registered in the large Unionist vote in the January elections. In the early part of 1985, the Unionists, both Official Unionist party (OUP) and Demo- cratic Unionist party (DUP), appeared to be running scared. The Protestant political leadership had felt the chill wind of British disapproval and for the first time were Robinson is a tough and shrewd politician who has changed the DUP style somewhat uncertain. They dropped their demand for a scrapping of the Anglo-Irish Agreement and called instead for a 'sus- pension'. If a suspension were to take place, they implicitly promised to negoti- ate seriously with the Social Democratic Labour party (SDLP) on power sharing and devolution. At this point, the British and Irish governments probably overplay- ed their hand; had the Agreement been suspended the Unionist leadership would have been under significant pressure with- in its own community to resolve the crisis and Ulster's apparently exposed position within the Union - by dealing generously with the constitutional leaders of the Catholic nationalist community. The possibility that the Agreement might lead to power sharing- always a long shot - receded and is now off the political British government' But Mary Holland, The Accord has had no impact on the agenda for the foreseeable future. In more an Irish Times journalist, who has excellent Provisional IRA's campaign except recent months, the Unionists have got access to the views of the Irish govern- perhaps to intensify it as the Provisionals used to the shock of living on the 'window ment, insists, not without reason, that it gleefully mobilise to exploit the new ten- ledge' of the Union, as the phrase has it, represents 'a severe erosion' of British sions between Ulster Protestants and the and there now seems to be little pressure sovereignty in Ulster. British government. The fruits of im- on the leadership to reach a deal with the In fact, 10 months later, much less proved security cooperation with Dublin British government or the SDLP. There is optimism surrounds the working of the have so far been trivial. Protestant secta- instead a widespread assumption that a Anglo-Irish Agreement. It has been associ- rian killers, who have been relatively inac- period of protracted political struggle lies ated with a severe and entirely predictable tive in recent years, have returned to their ahead. increase in communal tension; this was grisly business. Significant enforced Much media attention has been paid to expressed at the political level by the sharp population movements are again reported. the emergence of Peter Robinson, the hard drop in support for the non-sectarian Unemployment, which hits the Catholic line Democratic Unionist MP for East Alliance in the province's January mini community hardest, has risen to over 22% Belfast. In particular, Robinson attracted referendum. whilst the closure of local businesses inten- attention during the mass Loyalist strike 38 September 1986 Marxism Today or 'day of action' in March, in which he on the part of the Reverend Ian Paisley. were shocked by the wave of Protestant was well to the fore. The DUP, heavily Paisley, who has aged visibly, has hardly attacks on the Royal Ulster Constabulary influenced by Paisley's small town and seemed to be the apparently awesome force (RUC) in March and have now disavowed rural evangelicals, found it difficult to get a he once was. He was caught off guard by the use of the strike weapon. Their leader, foothold in Protestant working class Bel- the signing of the Agreement and for some Jim Molyneaux, is a relatively quiet, col- fast in the 1970s. Robinson made the key months he appeared to be bemused and ourless politician who nurtures 'integra- breakthrough for them when he won the politically out of sorts. His responses lack- tionist' rather than devolutionist views. East Belfast seat in 1979 and he has ed their usual sureness, notably when it Yet, the Offical Unionists, have been consistently pushed up his vote since then appeared for a brief moment in February significantly influenced by the most sur- - turning East Belfast into a safe seat in a that he had accepted Mrs Thatcher's terms prising and unexpected political develop- way which Gerry Adams has yet to do in for a compromise. The closure of the ment of recent months: the emergence of West Belfast. Northern Irish Assembly in June was a the Campaign for Equal Citizenship led by Grammar school educated, Robinson is particular blow to Paisley's prestige as he, Robert McCartney, a liberal Unionist QC a tough and shrewd politician who has more than anyone, had invested a great with self confessed 'socialist leanings'. changed the DUP style in certain respects. deal in this summarily dismissed elected Essentially, the campaign argues that Though personally highly traditional on forum. The mass nocturnal occupation of the refusal of the main British parties to religious matters, he is, for example, pre- Hillsborough in July has however res- organise in Northern Ireland condemns pared to allow a ratepayer's vote on the tored the DUP's traditional momentum. the province to a politics based on the matter of Sunday opening of an ice skating Robinson was merely building on this by endless repetition of sectarian slogans. It rink in his Castlereagh Bailliwick, some- his participation in the occupation of Clon- seems clear that McCartney's argument thing which the more traditional Pais- tibret, a village two miles inside the Irish has had a major impact on Official Union- leyites - fanatically loyal to the 'Ulster Republic. There is no sign as yet, however, ist opinion - especially on the young Sunday' - would baulk at. Robinson seems that the DUP can challenge the Official Unionists - and the devolutionist lobby in to have good relations with forces such as Unionists' dominance in Protestant politics. that party is now very much on the retreat. Alan Wright's Ulster clubs movement and In Jim Prior's day, the Northern Ireland the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) Official Unionism Office liked to speak of the five realities which are at the sharp end of Unionist The Official Unionists are more respect- which govern Northern Ireland politics. It resistance to the Anglo-Irish deal. To a able, less willing to countenance a massive may just be that we should now add a sixth: degree, Robinson's recent prominence confrontation with the British state. They there will be no settlement based primarily merely reflects a bout of unusual hesitancy on devolution because the Official Union- ists are not interested enough and the the closure of the Democratic Unionists - who would dearly Northern Irish love to have Stormont back - will never Assembly in June offer satisfactory terms to the SDLP. was a particular The Catholic community blow to Paisley's On the Catholic side, political develop- ments have been more predictable. One of prestige the British government's key objectives on signing the Agreement was to reduce Sinn Fein's electoral support, as a prelude to the isolation of the IRA. The results of the January mini referen- dum appeared to suggest that the Agree- ment had done just that. But two May council by-election results in Magherafelt and Fermanagh saw Sinn Fein's vote re- turn to pre-Agreement levels. It is doubt- ful also, that they will suffer as a result of Flying the flag: the day of protest was organised by Unionist leaders determined to break the Anglo-Irish Agreement. September 1986 Marxism Today 41 the increased communal aggravation of the serious political trouble. Fitzgerald's coali- than ever.
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